Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 30 August 1877 — Page 2

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THURSDAY. AU6UST 23,1877.

PENDLETON.

He Opens the Ohio Democratic Campaign.

Hi* Speech at Columbus Last Night.

He Reviews the Record the Republican Party.

of

The Silver Question Elaborately Discussed in all its Details,

Columbus, August 23—Mr. .Pendleton and Gen. Ewing opened the Democratic state canvas here to-night. The speech of Mr. Pendleton was as follows:

Fellow-Cit'tens:—I speak to you to night because our country suffers because honest, industrious men seek employment in vain, and their families want food. Harpers' Weekly says: "it is computed that there are three millions of people in the country idle who would gladly work. Those who three or four years ago received two and three dollars a day now eagerly accept fifty cents. All labor has been forced to submit to reduced wasres."

We ought, in a candid spirit, to search the cause. If government, either in its legislation or administration, is at fault, we ought to apply the remedy. This work concerns us all equally. Therefore I speah to you Republicans and Demo crats alike. If I do not convince your judgment, I will not wound your just susceptibilities. I criticise policies and motives.

Ohio is a fortunate state. Its soil is fertile, its climate is healthful, its mines are rich, its population is hardy, enter prising, intelligent. The lake, the river the Marietta, the Baltimore & Ohio, the Pittsburg & Fort Wayne, the Pittsburg & St. Louis, the Atlantic & Great Western, the Lake Shore railroads, the intersecting canals and railroads from north to south bring all its parts into easy cominunica tion. Nature, always bountiful, has given it an exceptionally abundant harvest. Neither plague nor pestilence has visited it. And yet the highways and byways are filled with tramps the cities and villages are filled with deeds of violence against person and property the station houses and work houses are tilled with the poor and hungry and miserable, as well aB with criminals labor is discontented, and the discontent utters ominous threats, and occasionally tempted to wicked deeds. In a word, men are idle, women are suffering, children are hungry, all are uDbappy our industries are all deranged, business is stagnant, enterprise and energy sit with folded hands, and all men look with anxiety for that which shall come to pass. I speak of affairs in Ohio because I know them. I apeak what you know. I testify that which you have seen.

Now, why is this? There must be a cause. What is it? One fact confronts us in this inquiry. The laws of taxation, the laws of the tariff, the commercial sys tem, the financial systen—these touch the very life and being of the whole social and industrial fabric. The Republican party has established and administered these laws and these system?. It has had power for half a generation. Even since the war it has had absolute sway for twelve years. Once only in all that time has there been an adverse house of representatives. It hasused this power without stint. The internal revenue system, even what is left of it, bears almost entirely and very heavily upon western industries and the product of western land.

The tariff is an ill-adjusted tax. It produces little revenue is extremely onerous on those who import and pay duties extorts large subsidies for private interests from those who do not, and saps the prosperity of every industry, even those it affects to protect. Scarcely a ship navigates the ocean under the flag of the United States, and the few which do are built on th« Clyde, and belong to foreign owners.

The financial system may be briefly stated. An immense public indebtedness, payable in paper, has, by the effect of two laws, been made payable in gold only, and thereby been increased 30 per cent. Silver has been demonetized, and gold the only legal tender for the bonds, has been enhanced accordingly.

Resumption of tpecie payments has been ordained for January, 1879, and within eighteen months they have no plan, except the illegal contraction of greenbacks or the impossible hoarding of gold.

The first measure largely increased the indebtedness. The second diminished the currency in which that indebtedness can be paid. The third effectually and necessarily destroys the industries and energies by which the means of pay can be earned. The Egyptian policy of requiring bricks, and not furnishing straw, was mercy in comparison.

I state facts only. I pess for the pres ent a closer examination of the eflect of these various laws. An Ohio audience understands them well. The great campaign of 1875 was fought on these laws. Their effect was foreseen, examined, predicted with unerring accuracy. The resumption act was analyzed and its furthest consequences were pointed out. The demonetization of silver was not then appreciated it has only increased the momentum of the general movement

Prophecy has become accomplished in history, and, this night, the ten thousand failures of the last twelve months, the weary footsteps of the innumerable multitude seeking work, the strikes of unpaid laborers, the bloody and disgraceful riots in our cities, the roads filled with tramps, and Btation houses filled with homeless paupers, indict the Republican policy as the cause of this condition of affairs.

On the 1st of August it chose to answer to the indictment. Fresh from the achievements of last spring fresh from the rape of the presidency crowned with the laurel befitting a party which had juet counted in ana inaugurated a president who had received a minority of the popular and electoral vote, the Republican party called upon its most trusted counselors and advocates to plead to this indictment. The meeting was worthy the occasion. It was a representative Re-

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mDlican convention. A leading member declared that it was historic in the eminence of

its

respectability. Another

declared that it uttered the best thoughts of

the

Republican intellect and a third averted it was worthy of the instant on which hung the best hopes of a Christian civilization.

This convention plead to the charges, and its plea was in confession and avoidance. It dare not say "not guilty it could not say "guilty." It did say, in many phases and crooked words, we contest the charge, and will tell you how it all happened." Read the declaration. You will find no condemnation of the resumption policy, no demand for the remonetization of tbe silver dollar, nothing in approval of the president's adoption of the Democratic plan for the pacification of the states, nothing in approval of his measures of civil service reform. Read the declaration: "The Republicans of Ohio congratulate the people that their management of loeal^sffairs has been true to the moral and industrial interests of the people, and that in national affairs they have exhibited the same fideiity to right principles and practices."

Congratulate you, my fellow citizens felicitate you rejoice with you, and ask you to rejoiee with-them at this wonderful achievement of Republican policy

,true

to the moral and industrial interests Do you not feel that your moral nature has been elevated and your pockets filled to plethora by this fidelity? And this boast—no, this taunt—in Ohio, at the very moment when troop3 were needed to move the accumulated trains, and the workmen in the mines of the Hocking and Mahoning, and in the workshops of your city were demanding more wages, "that they might* have more bread!! "We reaffirm the national platform of of 18761"

Indeed 1 Not a Republican of you here to-night, not ten men in that convention could tell what that platform contained.

We have confidence in Rutherford B. Hayes as a statesman, patriot and Republican."

Not a word in favor of his administration, of his specific acts, of his withdrawal of troops from the state houses of South Carolina and Louisiana, of his declaration that officeholders should not "run the machine" of partisan organization. On the contrary, the nominee for governor, in accepting before the convention the result of the ballot, "damned it with faint praise" by saving ha would give "our present administration a fair trial and a thorough test." "We reaffirm our unalterable purpose to maintain and enforce the amendments to the federal constitution."

Good! The Democratic convention, a week before, had affirmed the same unalterable purpose. On this point we may have peace, provided they can persuade Packard and Chamberlain and Blaine and Beatty. "We are in favor of both silver and gold as money that both shall be a legal tender in the payment of all debts, except as otherwise provided by law, with coining

valuation so regulated that our

people shall not be put at disadvantage in our trade with foreign nations, and that both metals shall be kept in circu lation as the money of the nation, as con templated by the constitution and we therefore demand the remonetization of silver."

Wonderful! No restoration of the silver dollar! No unlimited legal tenders! No righting the wrong of 1873. Anew coinage! a new valuation! and even that remonetization only on conditions which cannot be determined in advance. "Legal tender except where otherwise provided by law." Silver is legal tender now except as otherwise provided by law! and this declaration through all its jugglery of words demands nothing: else. "For ways that are dark and tricks that are vain" even the heathen Chinee would be put to the blush. "We view with alarm the present disturbed condition of the country." "Disturbed condition!" Disturbed by what? Their policy, they say, "has alwavs been true to the industrial interests of tbe people." "Disturbed condition!" The country has been rent by discord the railroads have been prevented running the mines and shop? have been closed three millions of men are out ot employment life and property have been destroyed, and this declaration delicately speaks of a "disturbed condition" and hints that it excites alarm. "We earnestly sympathize with the honest and industrious laborers who are willing to work, and remain unemployed." Sympathize with them! Why not relieve them? Why depress all industries? Why persist in this resumption policy, which has, in fact, as was foreseen and predicted, destroyed all bnsiness and deprived labor of all employment. Their policy has increased all public as well as private indebtedness it has reduced the currency it threatens to reduce it still more it has made all the future uncertain it proclaims as its avowed purpose that all debts now incurred shall, within eighteen months, be increased five per cent., and, if they persist in hoarding gold, perhaps fifty per cent. that all the circulating money shall be increased in value in the same proportion that all the products of labor shall be depreciated to the same extent and in the face of the inevitable paralysis of enterprise and the idleness of laborers, they refuse to change this policy, and yet express sympathy for the unemployed workmen!

And as an earnest of this sympathy as a remedy for these evils as a preventive of all strikes and a cure for the causes which produce them, the Republican convention demands a "bureau of industry" -congressional intervention to secure fair returns on capital, fair wage* to laborers, to prevent mismanagement, wrong .discriminations, and dishonesty in officials, and to establish statutory arbitration between employers and employesA "national bureau of industry," to be of the least use, must be much better man. ^d than any bureau we have ever had. have had a bureau of agriculture, and the chief good it has done has been to distribute dried seeds, sometimes weavil wheat,and to publish a report, which at. tentive members of congress m*y send as compliment to susceptible constituents.

It is in the power of congress to effect all this relief to labor, but not according to this Republican plan. I will point out the Democratic plan hereafter. Congressional intervention to secure "fair returns on capita], fair wages to laborers.good management of railroads!" Whence does congress derive this power Where is the grant in "the constitution It is nowhere to be found this action is utterbeyond the scope of the powers or the functions of the federal government. "All powers not granted are reserved." No man can point out this grant. If congress may interfere to this extent in the

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case of a railroad, it may intervene also in the case of every machine

The courts are open "to adjust controversies, reconcile interests and establish justice and equity between employers and employes." If their process is slow, it should be made speedy if their machinery is cumbrous, it should be made simple. What other tribunals are needed? What other functions could be performed unless, indeed, it be intended to deprive both employer and employe of all free agency, and to require them to submit in all things—the giving employment, the rendering service, the rate of wages, the quantum of labor—to the ar bitrary dictation of this "statutory arbitration." This declaration either means nothing or it means greatly too much It ia either a cunningly devised phrase, meaning nothing and intended to deceive the workingmen, or it is a revolution in our government fraught with the wors evils to the workingmen themselves. Capital and labor! the fair and honest adjustment of prQfits between them! This has been the problem of the ages—it will bs the problem until men shall become perfect, or government shall be able to make them do the deeds meet for perfection. Good government may secure their exemption from the legal control of each other—may cnforco their contracts—but it cannot say to capital, You shall employ so many men and shall pay them these wages -or to laborers', you shall work for this employer, and shall work for these wages. "Shall I not do what I will with mine own?"—and the labor of the one is as much his own as the money of the other—and must not be interfered with more lightly. It is more bis own, tor it is his sweat, his blood, his life. Men may work or not, as they please. Capitalist may employ them or not, as they please. Tbe wages which shall be given and received area matter of contract on which both shall agree, and the government has done all that it benificially can, when it secures to all respectively this freedom, and when it fairly and fully and speedily enforces this contract.

The Republican candidate for govern or has made his own commentary on the platform. He would provide by law that railroad companies should pay a fixed rate of wages to the employes, a fixed rate of dividend to the capital, and should divide the residue of the profits between the stockholders and the laborers. What rate of wages? What rate of dividend? Who shall decide? By what rule shall it be ascertained? But suppose the railroad is unfortunate, and there are no profits shall the wages then be reduced below the rate in order to make a dividend? Capital being investeft*in an unprofitable 01 unfortunate road, can not be taken out it must remain. Labor, having no such tie, may turn elsewhere. Shall it be forced to remain? Shall it be com

Jfelled

to work at the diminished wages? not, what possibility is there for a fair return for the capital invested? What would the "statutory arbitration" do in such case? If the scheme is so beneficent, why confine it to railroads? Why not apply it to manufactories, to husbandry, to the household? Nay, why not to the law office of the candidate himself, and make semi-annually a division of the surplus profits with the woman who sweeps it ana the boy who carries his books to the court house?

No, gentlemen, thess are all devices to the detriment of labor. Government may establish police regulations and sanitary regulations it may provide for safety in the construction of factories and mines it may regulate the employment of children of tender years, or persons of fetble and unsound mind it may appoint inspectors and other officers to secure these endr it may, perhaps, exercise still other power.-*, in the case of common carriers, and of railroads, which extend from one end of the continent to the other, in which it is part owner, by subscription or donation but when it goes further and assumes to take laborers under its especial and parental care, to make them the wards of the nation, it belittles and injures them.

Labor should be free, untrammeled, left to itself. Its contracts should be speedily enforced. Its injuries Bhould be speedily redressed. The burdens imposed upon it should be made as light as jossible. The advantaigeB of education 'urnished by the state should be made easy to all its children. An enlightened public opinion should award honor to its highest self-respect and honorable selfassertion. Under these conditions it can best fight the haid battle of life and most successfully overcome the disadvantages of tbe daily struggle for the daily bread. If government shall undertake its special care and management, its fostering and protection, securing to it fair wages and to capital fair returns, it must also impose duties and obligations, and exact their performance. If government shall undertake to establish a partnership between capital and labor, and to distribute the profits according to law, or to establish special boards 01 arbitration to which labor must submit its demands for the future, as well as it6 complaints for the past, it requires no prophet to foresee that labor will be enveloped in meshes through which capital will easily escape. Capital will control the government capital will make the laws capital will interpret them capital will select the arbitrators capital will enforce their award.

If any interest should dread a parental government if any interest should dread "entangling alliances" and demand a fair field it is labor. And I say this with an anxiety greater than I care to express tonight, that labor should be relieved of its oare and suffering with a heart touched to the quick by the misery and wretchedness, the weary life, the breaking human hearts, which I see around me, and the heroic fortitude with which men and women and children encounter them. If these weary ones—some struggling for bread alone, some straining every aching nerve for a higher moral and mental life—could be lifted up, and every obstacle to their progress could be removed if every human being could be elevated and made to take his proper station aa man, above forms, above property, above capital, I would welcome the means what­

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THE TERRE TTATTTE WEEKLY GAZETTE

shop,

and

foundry, and manufasturing establishment in the land. If it may secure fair wages to laborers—that is more wages than employers are willing to give—so it may secure, nay, must secure fair service to the employers that ip, more service, or longer service, or different service, than workmen are willing to render. Is it part of the duty of any governmentis it within the limited and delegated powers of our government—to secure "fair returns for capital invested And if it were within tbe legal powers, how shall it be accomplished By what process can governments decide what private speculations 6hall be made, and provide that all speculations which are legal shall be profitable?

ever they might be revolution in government, revolution in society, ihe subversion of every cherished theory, the abasement of everj cherished idol—and thank God that I had lived to see them successfully employed.

This question has been brought into special prominence jast now by the strikes and subsequent riots. No man approves, every right thinking man condemns and deprecates lawless violence toward person or property, and believes it should b« restrained and punished by the strong arm of the law. Few believe that stiikes accomplish any immediate good. They agree with the platform of the Workircmen'a party adopted at Cincinnati, that they are the fruitless efforts of workingmen to secure their economical emancipation by guerilla warfare against individual employers. Yet, let us not deceive ourselves or do wrong to others. Strikes are the loud muttering?, the open acis which sufferings produce. Strikes are the protest which scant food and scant clothing, and poor homes, make against greater reduction. Strikes are t,he voice of discontent, and discontent, restless as it is, for along time, aye so long as possible, bears "the ills we have." Happy men do not strike. Prosperous men do not strike. The smiling faces of well fed wife and children do not permit men to btrike.

There were bad men and wicked men, and ill-advised men, who wilfully did wrong and committed crime, but at the bottom of this great upheaval there was a cause, and that cause was the inability of willing, honest, industrious men to obtain work and earn wages for wife and children. Wages were low, men were working on short time, wages were long unpaid, families were buying on credit from retail shops. Wages were to be reduced still lower, and no prospect of prompter payment. You might as well try to check the thunder in the sky, as to suppress the wail of human anguish extorted by these conditions. Until the cause shall be removed, strikes will be made and violence and crimes will ensue.

We have heard much in thistonnection, and at this time of the conflict of labor and capital. Undoubtedly this was ta most unnatural conflict between t)« meu who work and the capital which was seeking to give them employment. The railroads and their employes should be allies and friends. Without labor the capital invested is wholly unproductive. Without human labor employed directly on them, the rails and engine* and cars are wholly useless, and daily depreciating. This capital and this labor sup plement each other. They should always co-operate. They should never antagonize. There has been gross mismanagement of railroads. Rates have been cut, ruinous competition has been carried on, compacts have been made with insincerity,to be brokan'with dishonor. But business has been stagnated, the bulk carried has fallen off enormously and been subdivided. Receipts have been correspondingly diminished, dividends have been passed, and expenses necessarily must be reduced and so the conflict came between the labor and the capital, which were closely interdepend ent.

But down at the bottom, underlying this conflict, which is but an incident ant symptom, there is a graver conflict and a mightier struggle, arraying greater forces, and stimulating more gigantic effort. It is the conflict between that capital that employs no human labor, which never pauses by night or by day, in win-ter-snows, or summer-heat, or autumnrains, which never wearies, never rests, never loses, but ever gathers in its increase and its interest, and that capital which employs labor feeds, enterprise, stimulates industry and brings into activity and co-operation the hand, the head, tbe busy brain, the cunning inge nuity, the productive energies of all the forces of accumulated wealth and human vigor. It is the conflict between that power that seizes the production of others and that power which itself produces. It is the conflict between the money power and the industries of the country.

By the money power I mean those whose aim, and object, and purpose in life is not by energy, and enterprise, and industry, and the co-operation of capital and labor to add to the aggregate wealth of the world, but by legislation, interpretation and combination to add to the value of accumulated money. Everv man snows this can be done only by decreasing the value of every product of labor and skill, destroying or making doubtful the profits of all enterprise, discouraging all busire?s. In this struggle the money power has been successful. Energy, enterprise, industry, business, lie prostrate before it. The great crime of the_ Re publican policy is that its whole history mark* one long, prolonged, painful sacrifice of the interests of every industry in the land to the greed of this relentless money power. Need I repeat the proof to you?

The law Authorizing the issue of greenbacks provided that whenever they were presented by any individual in sums of fifty dollars, they might be converted into fitfe-twenty bonds. Two years afterward this provision was repealed. Greenbacks depreciated immensely in the hands of the people, and the sale of bonds was monopolized by the capitalists.

The five-twenty bonds were by law of their issue payable in greenbacks. There can be no question of that fact. Thaddeus Stevens asserted it when the law passed. The Republican conventions of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa and Michigan declared it. Senator Morton approved it. Sectetary Sherman, in his place in the senate, six years after the passage of the law, asserted it. The Cincinnati Gazette within two months has admitted that it never doubted that interpretation of the law. Yet a Republican congress

Seclared

assed the law of 1869, whereby it was they should be paid in coin. This single act added eight hundred mijlions of dollars to the value of the bonds in the hands of the bondholders, and added that mnch to the burdens already imposed upon labor.

The currency has been steadily and mercilessly contracted. In this policy there has been neither deviation nor cessation. Tnis confessedly adds value to money, and subtracts value from every thing else.

Silver has been demonetized for the express purpose of contracting the currency and increasing the value of gold. Millions were deducted from the coin currency, and bonds were increased largely in value.

The threat of resumption in 1879 hangs like a pall over the country, and shrouds every industry in mourning. The banks are contracting their issues, the treasury contracting the greenbacks, the secretary is hoarding gold. Every Republican paper in Ohio, the chamber of com merce of every city in Ohio, every enterprise dependent on labor and capital com­

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bined, its all the land, declare that resumption can not be effected in 1879 without utter luin and yet, the money power mercilessly, brutally, even in these •'days of anguish," demands contraction and resumption.

The law of 1870 declares that the bonds authorized by it shall be paid in coin of the standard ualue of July 14, 1870. Coin gold and silver coin And yet the secretary of the treasury has within sixty days written a letter to the syndicate, saying they would be paid in gold. The law is its own interpreter. It prescribes the obligation of the government. The secretary can not add to that obligation. The law says the bonds shall be paid in silver and gold. The secretary says they shall be paid in gold only. I know that he uses language guardedly, but his letter is so understood. I think it wasintended to be so understood. If the people do not signally rebuke him, and repudiate this effort, it will be claimed that the faith of the government has been pledged by him, and the money power will achieve another victory over labor.

Do not be deceived, my fellow-citi-zens. Chase permitted Jay Gould to publish that the five-twenties were payable in coin, and thereupon it was claimed that the public faith was pledged, and the law of 1869 was passed.

I have read with care the speech of Secretary Sherman, at Mansfield. I appeal to it for proof of every statement I have made. There i9 not one word in it in favor of tbe remonetization of silver according to the weak and watery plan of the Republican convention.

Mr. Sherman says 22,500,000 of grsen backs have been withdrawn and $29,000, 000 of bank currency have been issued.

I said they were increasing the inter-est-bearing debt. Mr. Sherman says that since May he has bought $20,000,000 gold with bonds.

I said they were contracting greenbacks and compelling banks to retire their circulation. Mr. Sherman cays the banks have retired «36,62J,0C0 The banks have deposited in the treasury to cover outstanding circulation 44,450,000 The banks have been driven by the threat of resumption to retain bayond reserves required by law.. 42,500,000

Showing an actual contraction within less than three years of 9123,574,000 I said they were hoarding gold. Mr. Sherman says that in the five months of Hayes'administration they have accumulated in the treasury $44,340,000 in coin and greenbacks. I said the money power demanded and would coerce from the Republicans contraction and resumption. Mr. Sherman says the retirement of the United States notes should depend entirely on the amount necessary to be withdrawn to advance, within a limited time, the residue to par in coin. I said the money power demanded the sacrifice of every interest. Mr. Sherman says if he is left undisturbed, with or without change in the law, he will, before the time fixed for resumpton, either by contraction or boarding, advance every dollar to its par in gold. "The power can be, ought to be, and will be executed, unless repealed." Thus has the Republican party given the victory to the money power. \V

And that victory has resulted thus, to use the striking language of another: "There is no mill, or shop, or store, or mine, or farm, or home in tbe land un« touched by

thiB

dread calamity which

men call hard times. Hundreds of millions of almost omnipotent dollars are forced to pause in their tracks till the rage of a single class of laborers is exhausted. Sovereign states are frightened into an appeal to the federal government to take care of tbem. Executive and cabinet and governors of great commonwealths tremble with a common alarm. Commerce is mute and moveless.

And in the presence of this great calamity will the Republicans abandon and reverse this policy? Not at all. They affirm their adherence to it. Sherman and Hayes require that they shall enforce it, and they call for an army to prevent and punish strikes and coerce laborers, and on congress to adjust "fair wages," secure good dividends and apportion property.

Ihe Democratic party proposes the exact opposite of this. Tracing the pan* perism and discontent of the people, and the prostration of all prosperity, to the vicious policy which I have described, it demands the repeal of the resumption act, the restoration of the old silver dollar, the retention of greenbacks the cessation of their contraction, and finally, the issuing of all circulating medium by the government, making it all a legal tender, and the paper and the coin interconvertible at par. This will give us a stable currency a sound currency, and a safe currency. This will start the wheels of industry, give sails to our commerce, and labor to our artisans. This will lift from our enterprise and energy the weight which has long oppressed them. This will revive hope, renew confidence, and, by removing tbe uncertainty as to the future, stimulate the activities so long dormant. It will act just contrariwise to the Republican policy. All business will instantly feel its influence, and within a year after its adoption it will rebuild the places which have been made waste for ten years.

I commend it to your thoughtfhl consideration. I commend it to you, laborers, whose brave hearts have asked nothing more for your independence than as much work as your strong and willing arms can do.

I commend it to you of the Workingmen's party, the foundation of whose theory is that no capital should be idle, but that it should all combine with labor. I commend it to all good citizens, whose highest aim is their country's welfare.

THE WHITE INVESTIGATION To the Editor of the Evening GAZETTE. The "Washington dispatches" and the editorial in this mornings "Express," in regard to Collector White, indicate that Gen. Hunter, who has fairley earned the title of "Whitewasher," is now in Washington for the third time since Congress adjourned to administer a third coat of whitewash on Collector White's character and make him appear respectable We have resisted thus fas every effort of editors and reporters to obtain from us, the charges—or evidence—against Collector White, not wishing to be the first to bring the matter before the public.

But since they have rushed mto print before the evidence is half in acd by ways that are dark and mysterious have undertaken to secure his acquittaf by a sharp trick, we shall at an early day giye the public the true charges and the evidence which is overwhelming.

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ELECTRICITY

v*

tjhj.. .1$

COLLINS' VOLTAIC PLASTER

9

of the two great medical agents, viz: Electricity and Medical Gums and Esceases, fully justifies the claim, and entitles this remedy to rank foremost among all curative compounds for all external aches and pains

Price 26 cents. Sold by all druggists. Mailed on receipt of price, 25 cents for one, 11.25 for six, or $2.25 for twelve, carefully warrauted,by WEEKS A POTTER, Proprietors, Boston, MasB.

W E A N N A i.-, *i

FAIR!

OF THE

•ri

Vigo Agricultural Society! September II, 12,1,3 14,15, 1877.

The Exhibition in all its departments will be the largest and best ever given by the society. The list of premiums are the largest i: and most liberal.

WILL fBE PAIil FOR SPEE0.

$1000

A near half mile track just completed and the best in the State.

1

Grand Balloon Ascension 1

-BY-

MRS. LIGHT,

of PARIS, ILLS., on

FRIDAY, Sept. 14th.

All railroads will carrv passengers and articleslfor exlibltion at half rates. All are invited and the arrangements are completed for the accommodation oi axi.

U. R.JEFFERS,Gen.Supt. V. G. DICKHOUT, Asst. Supt. H. C. ROBIN sow. Prest JOSEPH GILBERT, Sec.

lis not easily earned in these times, b^t it can be made in three months by any one of .ithersex. in any part of the country who is willing to work steadily at the emgloyment that tx/t

ner

week in your own town,

vl nmf not be away from home over night. YoucanViveyourwaole time to the work, or ©ST your spare momenta. We have aeent he are making over «2o per day. enrage at once can make money fnit At

the

present time money cannot be

^de easilv and rapidly at any other bus inwl It co«ts nothing to try the business.

Portland, Maine.