Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Volume 8, Number 25, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 11 January 1877 — Page 4

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TJkf OAILTli A2JWTE is pu- is bed every afternoon e^ceept Sunday,an sold by the earricrs at 30 per fortnifci By'mall. 00per year *4,00 for months, $2.00 forS months. ....

The W*KKtY QktvrTK isstlefl every Thursday. and contains »U the best matter of the'six lally Issues. The WKWCIT GACKTTR IS the largest paper printed in Terrc Hante. and Is soM for One copy per rear, fi,

six months,

$1.

CARPET bag rule in Louisiana is drawing rapidly to an end. It is reasonable to expect thai before the end of the week nobody wilt dispute the rule Governor N'icholls.

IF his ipightiiiess the subline porte, and his highnets the Gear of Russia will excuse us, we should like to make a formal request of them to start their inferOa' pow-wowing and go to fighting. It looks now as if one was afraid and the other "sjasn't." Besides the reports of their negotiations at unpronounceable places are^njonmitigatet^njisance.

A CORRESPONDENT of the St. L^uis Times writing from Washington, several davs ago, made the prediction that both Conkling and Blaine would oppose the programme of Morton and Chandler to inaugur-.te Haves by force and witheu regard to the law. Senator Conkling hs already spoken and foreshadowed his policy. It remains to be seen what Blaine will do. It would, at tne least, be singular of these two sworn personal enemies shoulcHvorl^ojgsther^^

IN the counting of the electoral vote, the Senate must not arrogate to itself powe^s-^dt conferred upon it by the people. IT's by no means the most important branch of the National legislature. This point is well put by the St. Louis Times in the following editorial paragraph: "It must.be remembered that the senate not a poplar body. It is neither elected bv nof represents the people. It represents th- states as political corporations.

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rtOc All subscriptions most he paid for in advance. No paper discontinued tin til all the arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the proprietor a failure to notify a liseontinuance at the end of the year will be considered a new en fakement. "u "saruBAM.«»..

GAZETTE.

Terra Haute, Ind.

Thursday, January 11,1877.

THK news from Louisiana is excit» •ng-

SOMEBODY has said that the Republican platform is made of returning boards, and it might have been added that a •teeter" is a maivel of stability compared with (iuchajfetfonn^^^^

JUST at present the dispatches arc woefully contradictory on the point, as to whether Bennett shot May, or May shot Bennett, or both or neither were shot. This is a time when a fair count i8 needed.

THE managing editor of the New York Herald has casblegraphed to the wilds of Africa, ordering Stanley home. He ta to command aa expedition sent out after the missing proprietor of the Herald.

THE GAZETTE flatters itseJf that it showed considerable enterprise in its convention news published in yesterdays issue. Its report of the proceedings of the conversion was more full and complete than that published in the Indianapolis New*, and the GAZETTE is pub liched seventy-three miles from the scene of action.

IT it a significant fact that while not a single Democrat believes that Hayes was elected, the Republicans who assert that Tilden was elected and should be inaugurated, are at plenty as black-ber-ries in a bounteous season. And the best p«rt of it is that the Republicans who hold to that faith are among the most distinguished in that party

ALL talk «8a new election, is under existing circumisUuicc* and for the present at least, the veriest moon-shine. Tilden and Hendricks were fairly elected and they should be inaugurated. If however there should be a new election, we very seriously question if Hayes would carry even a tingle New England State.

FROM the description given by a Washington Jenkins of the New Years reception at the White House and of the ^elegant dresses and diamonds worn by the Grant family and the wives of the

Cabinet officers, we safer that CongresM ought to set detectives on the track of the whole pack. It was that way that Belknap fell. Our stioddv political society at Washington wit! bear watching.

York, wilh only two sena

tors, has a greater,population than Arkansas, West Virginia, Minnesota, Kansas, Vermont, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Florida, Delaware, Nebraska Oregon, Nevada and Colorado, having twenty-six senators. The last attempt to put down the house of commons cost Charles I. his head. What would the government of England be if the Queen and the hous»e of lords should combine for the overthrow of the house of com mows? It is" revolution for the president ar.d the senate to use or threaten force against the house under any circumstances or attempt to exclude it from its con fitilutional powers."

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THE INDEPENDENTS.

copy below, an editorial article

from the Indianapolis Evening News,-on the purchase^by the Dctnocribf of a man named Majors, who was one of the so called Independent-Greenbackers, during the last campaign, and was elected to the state Senate. It eo happened that Majors held the balance of power in that body. At once both parties, to gain con trol, began bargaining for his vote. Majors was for sale. The ^le ef his vote, furnishes a definition for the doubledealing name, "Independent Greenbacker." It is about as independent a way of making greanbacks, as printing them,and in Major's case, much more profitable to himself personally.

It seems that the Democrats at the the vendue bid highest, and Majors knocked himself off to them after calling out "going, going," until he was gone.

Some people affect surprise at this. We feel none. Our understanding of that organiza'.ion, at the first, was that it was intended to accomplish just this thing. Many 6old out early. Some held themselves high. Majors is the last to sell. Whether he got any ready cash, or not, we do not know. He did get a share of the patronage and he divided around, among his co-patriots of the Greenbacks-at-anv-price faith, some dirty offices. A brother of Jeems Buchanan, otherwise "The Plan," came in for hi» slice of the Majors Greenbackcake.

The Majors sale raises an interesting qnestion in finances, which we respect fullv suggest should be discussed by the Ceoper lyceum, our only debating society devoted to the settlement of great financial questions. The question might read: "Resolved, that it is more profitable and thereiore better for an I-G to sell after than before an election." This brings up the doctrine of probabilities, for an I-G., who sells before an election secures a certainty, while if he holds out until after the election, he may be defeated and his commodity be mere moonshine. But this is debating the question and we only intended to mention it for the benefit of the members of the lyceum.

Of course this subject can not be debated at once, for as we understand, at the next meeting the highly interesting and practical question of the abolishment of all laws for the collection of debt is to j,e settled.

But we have been keeping the news waiting too long. Its article is as fol-( lows: "The bargain and sale by which the Democrats secured the organization of the senate is not turprising nor particu larly disgusting when viewed in the light ot ordinary politics. The Journal's virtuous howling* will not awaken any deep condemnation, for they savor too much of "sour grapes." The stern and purittanical chastity of the republican caucus, ^hiih, with a great spasm of of integrity refused to be ravished and vowed that it would have no such dealings, is also neutralized by the knowledge that the bargain had been made before the resolution was adopted. A display of principle was easy then and correspondent^ cheap. Of a piece was the "scoring" Lieut.-Gover-nor Sexton is said to have given Senator Majors, which made that "recreant" look ashamed and "sneak away" and exhibit all the other symptoms of abasement an convicted dishonesty. Most people have the opinion that the republicans would have been just as ready to bargain with Majors as the Democrats were, if they had had the opportunity, and that their present virtue as no deeper than the fox's indifference.

Disgusting as this bargain may appear from a strictly ethical point of view, it is perfectly legitimate from a political one, and is just as honorable as many acts committed by either party during a canvass, which no one thinks of condemning. Politics has become a game, the stakes* of which are the offices. The independents exist only because of this. Almost every greenbacker, whether prominent or not, is "on the make they got up the party for their own profit and most of the finandally-ftiddled individuals they induced to join with them soon caught the fever. The organisation was largely made up of bankrupt or impoverished men, who looked to government to set them on their feet again in some way or other. They have no compunction* then about getting all they can. ahd without particular reference to the means. They regard the fact that one of their number holds the balance of favoi, as a providential interposition to save the party from oblivion, and they regard* the bargain as not only legitimate, but particulary shrewd. If they could have got more they would have taken it, and it made no difference which party they helped provided the price was the most that could be had You might as well advise a snake not to bite, as to preach to these sort of people that such a bargaiu is infamous and disgraceful. They would like to make' one every day in the year. The party, as we said, was gotten up to benefit its members. They have been ready to sell on every occasion, and they always will be as long as they have anything to sell. The hate and fierceness with which they devoured

Wolcott last tall and accused him of being nought, showed that they under stood each other thoroughly. Why ft I

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their dickering should excite dernow, is more than ws can It was perfectly natural and to be pectedj

IF any to-day wants a full and thorough understanding of the Louisana question he can not afford to miss reading the masterly argument of George W. Julian, delivered before the Democratic convention, yesterday. Mr. Jnlian was one of the committee of distinguished gentlemen invited by the Democratic National Committee to visit Lou isiana and watch the proceedings of the Returning Board. He was there duing the whole canvass of the votes and attended every session of the Board which that body permitted him to witne«s. He is therefore perfectly familiar with the action of the board.

More than this he devohimself to the study of the law of Louisi ana, under which the Board was organized, and by which it operates. The lives and characters of the members of the Board, he also familiarized himself with, and he tells what he knows of them in his speech.

Taken for all in all, this speech is the greatest argument made on the question of Louisiana, and the election in that unfortunate commonwealth. It cannot be answered, for it is unanswerable. We predict for it a wider publicity than even the messages of the President, which he is at pains to send over the country by the Associated Pr«ss. This is true, notwithstanding the fact that the Associated Press in pursuit of its bitter partisanship, almost entirely ignored the convention of yesterday, and did not send even the merest outline of this able address Nevertheless, and in spite of this attempt to smother the proceedings, we undertake to say that Mr. Julian's speech will be more widely read than any document issued from any quarter during the past three months. In the first place Mr. Julian has a national reputation a a man' of transcendent ability and great purity of purpose. Perhaps no man today has a better reputation than Mr. Julian, as a fearless champion of his honest convictions. His speech really settles this Presidential contest. It fhows beyond all shadow of doubt that the vote of Louisiana was cast fer Tilden and Hendricks, that the action of the Returning Board was not only in violation of all laws of decency and fairness but contrary to the law which created it and therefore illegal and void. If John Sherman and Oliver P. Morton cannot answer this stern argument, and if they cannot, they had better hang a mill stone about their necks and sink themselves to the uttermost depths of the sea, rather than attempt to inaugurate Hayes. The resolutions adopted by the convention did not say it, but the address of Mr. Julian did substantially, and the sentiment of the people was fully in accord with the idea tha there must be a fair count or there will be a free fight. If these frauds in Louisiana are fribmitted to the Republic of our fathers is kt an end, and it only becomes a question of whether the people have the nerve or the desire to fight to restore what the founders of the country established,

WHO IS TO COUNT THE ELEC TORAL VOTE? 1 here is no doubt that the country stands upon the verge of a very serious conflict. It may be, and certainly everybody hopes it will be averted. WhetJjer or not there will be difficulty depends upon the action of a very few men at Washington. The question out of which this threatered difficulty will come, it it does come, relates to the manner in which the electoral vote shall be counted. To us the question seems plain and easy of solution. We have alraady published a very large mas?6f matter relating to this subject. We present in this place a review of the question prepared by and published in the New York Herald of recent date. The merit of the article consists in Its array of pertinent precedents. It reads:

The two committees up "n the qnestion of counting the: electornl vote will no doubt look at all pi" the precedents These are scattered throng!- many volumes of annals, debates, &c. We have looked through most of these documents, «ind present below a few facts bearing upon the question, which seem to show that the two Houses have never fcurreudeied their right to "examine" the electoral vote, and that the President of the Senate has never exercised or claimed ihe the power to determine the validity of a State's vote. We may. add that in no case has the vote of a State been counted where either House objected.

I. In 1789 the senate had rid* Hjjfula president, and choe a president pro tem., "for the sole purpose of opening the certificates and counting the votes. Washington was known to have been chosen unanimously, and the count was a mere formality. In i?93 when Washington was again unanimously chosen, the house ordered a committee to join a similur one from the senate, "to ascertain and report a method of examining the vote# for president and vice-president thus plainly asserting the right of the two houses to "examine" the electoral vote and precisely this same phraseology was use 4 at every quadrennial period there— atter, up to and including the year 1S65, when a joint committee, also charged to "ascertain and report a method of examining the votes for president and vice

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ATTTE WEEKLY GAZETTE

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second joint rule, which was adopted in both houses without objection or debate II. In 1793, the record states that the Vice-President "opened, read and delivered to the tellers appointed for the purpose the certificates of the electors," and the tellers, "having examined and ascertained the votes presented a list of them to the Vice-President, which list he read to the two Houses," so that the icePresident did not assume to declare or determine the vote himself.

III. In 1797, the report says, "the certificates wert by the Vice-President opened and delivered to the tellers appointed for the purpose, who having examined and ascertained the number of votes, pre sen ted a list thereof to the Vice-Presi dent, which was read," &c. Again no evidence that the Vice-President thought he had any duty to perform except to open the certificates sftii hand them to the tellers to "examine" on the part of the two Househ.

IV. In 1801 the joint committee "to

report a method of examining the votes," Sic., failed to agree, and thereu}Kn it might have been supposed tha'. the Senate would order the Vice-President to open, determine and declare the vote: but it did nothing of the kind. It resolved that it would ask the presence the House at a day and hour would ask 't to appoint tellers to act with a Senate teller, and so on, and the journal reads: •'The two Houses of Congress accordingly assembled in the Senate chamber, and the certificates were by the VicePresident opened and delivered to the tellers, who, having examined and ascertained the number of votes, presented a list thereof to the Vice-President, which was read," &c.

V. In 1805, on the assmbling of the two Houses, the Vice-President, according to the language of the journal, stated "That, pursuant to law, there had been transmitted to him seveial packets, which from the indorsements upon them, appeared to be the votes of the electors of a Pretident and Vice-President that the returns forwarded by the mail, as well as the duplicates sent bv special messengers, had been received bv him in due lime. 'You will now proceed gentlemensaid he 'to count the votes as the Constitution and laws direct-' The Vice President then proceeded to break ihe seals of the respective returns, handing each return and its accompanying duplicate, as the seals of each were broken, to the tellers, through the Secretary, Mr. S. Smith reading aloud the returns and the attestations of the appointment tif the electors,and M. J. Chy and Mr. R. Griswold comparing thetn with the duplicate return lynig before them." The journal then proceeds —"After the re turns had been all examined, without any objection having been made to receiving any ^f the votes, r. S. Smith, on be' half of the tellers, communicated to the Vice-President the foregoing result which was read from the chair."

VI. Before this, in, January, 1800 Mr. Ross, in the Senate moved that a committee be appointed to consider whether any, and what, provisions ought to be made by law for deciding disputed elections of President and Vice-President of the United States, and for determining the legality orillegality of the votes given for those officers in the different States. The resolution of Mr.Ross was sent to a committee, which reported a bill which was debated at great length during the session in both Houses, variously amend cd, and finally failed because the House, would not agree to some of the Senate amendments. But iu all the debates'so far as they have been preserved, no one except Mr. Pmckney and one or two others expressed a doubt that Congress under the Constitution, had full contro1 over the-matter, to legislate as it migh choose. «rIL In 1809, in (foe., House, on the question vhether the President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House should preside in joint convention, Mr. Randolph urged that the Vice President must preside, "because it had been the custom, and al because, by the consli tution, the Vice-President is to open the votes." No one objected to these views, and the journal reports that on February 1 o, the two Houses being in joint meeting, "the President of the Senate then proceeded to open and hand to the tellers the sealed returns from each State, which were severally read aloud by one of the tellers, and noted down and announced bv the Secretaries of each House."

VIII. In i8i7 Ihe vote of Indiana was objected to. The two Houses sepa rated, and there was considerable discussion but no one" except }/tr. Randolph so far as we have been able to discover, pretended that the Houses had not con stitutional po-7er to examine the vote and ta exclude any State for cause, or that the Vice-President had sny power ex cept to "open" the packages.

IX. In 1821 the case of Missouri arose, and in the Senate, Mr. King, of New York, wished to provide beforehand for any question which ipight arise in joint meeting. Several gentlemen agreed with him others holding that the question could only be decided after the votes from Missouri were legally known 10 the joint meeting, ilut no Senator objected on the ground that the Houses had no power to exclude or to "examine" the vote, or that the Vice-president had thi3 power. In the House, the same question cafe up, and Mr. Randolph, as on asserted

a prev ons occasion, that Congress had #•.— .issvJsiL...

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State. Mr. Clay said the Constitution required of the two Houses to assembly and perform the highest duty that, could dgyolveoa a public body—to ascertain who had been elected by the people to administer theirnational concerns. In a case of votes coming forward which could not be counted the Constitution was silent but, fortunately, the end in that case carried with it the means. The two Houses were called on to enumerate the votes for President and Vice-Presi-dent. Of course they were called on to decide what are votes. Mr. Clay said, the committee being morally certain that th question would arise on the votes, in joint meeling thought it best, "to give it the go by in this way. Suppose resolution not adopted, the President of the Senate will proceed to open and count the votes and would the House allow '.hat officer singly and alone tbus virtually to decide the question of the legality of the votes? II not, how then were Ihey to proceed? Was it to be settled by the decision of the two Houses conjointly, or of the two Houses seperately? One House would say the votes ought to be counted, the other that they ought not, and then the votes would be lost altogether." The resolution was adopted.

Here we must res' for to-day, but we shall pursue the subject further on another occasion. We do not doubt that Senator Morton has all these authorities by heart, and that upon these and others like them he founded his bill of the last session.

WHAT IS LIFE?

A littl* crib beside 'he bed, A little face above the spread, -A litr.lefrock. tehfnd i.hndoor, little shoe upon the floor.

A little lad of dark brown hair, A litt hlne eved (aee and air, A little lame tkat leads to school, A little psncil, slate and rule.

A lit'te blithsome. wimomo naiJ, A little band within hsr's laid, A little cottage, acres four. A little oldume household store.

A littl* family gartered round, A little turf-heaped, tear-dewed A little added to the sail, A little rest from hardest toil.

He looked up with a wicked twinkle in his eyes, and added: "In a horn! I rose in my stirrups and struck at him with force enough to cut clean down to the saddle, but he parried the blow, leaned over, I saw a flash, and the next thing I knew I had been in the hospital for two weei.6, and the surgeons were trying to look into my boots through this sabre cut acros* my face. I was a whole year getting over it, and I looked so handsome that I was turned over to the home guards for the rest of the war. Sometimes I feel like suicide, and agin I don't care. I didn't bear no grudge agin Custer for the slash, but he might just as well have put his cheese-knife through me as to have given me this 'X, his mark' to lug around. And this's what ails this oldreb, and.glut's,how I feel." 'K

«COUIK» JUUANr

[Continued 'r fifth page]

tered as the supreme law, and that whoever may defy it by overt acts shall* receive the same treatment wrnoh the nation awarded to the men who appealed from the ballot to the bayonet in 1861. Let them be warned in season by ev«fy lover of regulated liberty that millions of men will be found ready to offer their lives as hostages to the sacredness ot the ballot, as the palladium of our liberty. "Whosoever hath the gift of tongues^et him use it. whosoever can wield the pen of the ready writer, let him dip it in the ink-horn whosoever hath a sword, let him gird it on, for the crisis demands our highest exertions, physical and moral."

INDIGNANT POLLY W06.

•V MAROAXCT XYTINGF.

Atree-t«ad, dresse 1 In spple-gresa, Sat on a mossy log lii'Kiiie pond, and friir-il'vsaup, •Come forth, my Polly Wsg,— My l'ol—IUT IJV—my Wog, My )wtty I'oliv Wng: I've so*, thing'verv swei»l lo say, Mj slender Polly \Vog!

"The air is moist—the moon i» hid Behind heavy top, Nostar* sreeittto wink an4 blink At ymi. my Polly Vfoir.My'i'ol—my Ly—my Wng, M'v graceful Polly WOJJ: Oh tarrv not, my belove I one! My precious Poily \Vog!"J

south,

A little silver in his hair, A little »V»o and e*xy chair, A little night of earth-ht gloom, A little cortege to the tomb.

CUSTER'S MARK.

A LITTLE STOXY THAT THE MAN WITH THE SCAR TOLD AFTER H* HAD PASSED THE HAT.

'XewYork 8nn.|

It was a horrible scar, Commencing at the roots of the hair just over the left temple, it ran down across the face to the right-hand' cprner of the mouth. The flesh had closed together in a great ridge, arid the nose seemed -to have been shortened half an inch by'the process of heal ing. The man with the scar sang two or three songs, and then passed his cap around for pennies. "Did a blow of an Injun's tomahawk do that," he repeated. No, sir I got that cut down in Old Virginia during the war, "bout the time it looked as if Jeff Davis was the biggest patriot in the country." "You were in the cavalry?" '-You bet I was! I smashed up so many horses that was owing the Confederate Government $400,000 when it collapsed If she hadn't collapsed I'd been forced into bankruptcy."

He chuckled, and raised his hat so as to reveal the scar in all its hideousness, and continued. "I don't believe a tomahawk could leave a scar like this. It takes a good sharp sabre to spoil a man's free so that he daren't look in the glass or have his photograph taken, A Yank slashed me, of course, but who do you suppose it was? You couldn't puess to save your neck, and so I'll tell—it was Custer, that longhaired, dare devil Yankee General, who used to ride around with blood in his eyes, and an extra sabre in his teeth. He thought he'd done for me when he gave me this lick, but he didn't know our familv." "•'[tiwasdown at .Trevilljan Station. H* was riding around with a lot of iivalry, and our folks got him in a box Somehow we got around him on all sides, and we had cavalry, infantry and artill ry. We were two to one, had him fairly coopered, and by all decent rules ot warfare he ought to have hung out the white flag, handed over his sabre, and politely said: 'Boys,you've got the grapevine twist on me and I cave.' We expectedit but, blast him! he didn't do any such thing. No, sir. He massed his troopers, gave 'em to understand that it was "hell or home,' and the whole caboodle of 'em came for us on the gallop, bands playing, flags flying, and trooper* jelling like wid Injuns. Our batteries playea on 'em from a dozen hills our infantry fusilladed 'em ()0ed and strong, and our troopers got the word to charge. '-Durn my buttons, but wasn't it a hoi fight We were all mixed up, bullet* flying, sabres harking, men yelling, horses neighing, everybody shouting, and it was a devil's dance all around. I heard a Yank shouting orders, as if he was some big gun or other, and I wotked up to him through the smoke. It was Custer. I had seen him before, and I knew what a fighter he was. I pushed right up to hjn, gave my old sabre a twist and a cut, and off went his head

.lust then awar went clouds, and titers A-sitting on the log— The other snd, I mean—the moon Showed angry Polly Wug.

Iter small eyes flashed -she swelled sntO She looked almost a fog "How dare yon .-all me, sir," she asked, "Voiir precious Pelly MTog?"'

"Why one would think your life was spent In some ldw muddy bog: I'd have von know, to strsnge y.nng toad# My name's Miss Mary Wog."

One wild, wild lanirh that tree-laid gatt Aadtustbledoffthe log. And en the groun I he kicked sn 1 screams^* •'Oh. Mary, ^nry WM! Oh, Malob. Uy!oh, Woof! Oh, proud Miss Mary Wog! Oti, goodness graoiousJ—what a joke: Hurrah for Polly Wog!" «?crlbners for January (Brle-a-Brae).

HARD TIMES AND THE THEATRES. The "show" busipess all over the country is in a most deplorable state at present. The very best entertainments "on the road" are plavlng to bad houses—in many cases being obliged to draw on their reserves, when they have those con-' venient resorts to fall back upon, while others are constantly "going broke" in various localities, and pawning overcoats and other personal effects in order to get back home. What is said of the "road" is also true of New York. The Dramatic News says, no house paid expenses, and the average receipts at one of the very best did not run over $300. Some went down to less than (sj! One manager lost $2,300, another $1,580, and a third,' $1,200. The manager of the Grand Opera House was not to 1* found on salary day. What few combinations are left on the road aiemany of them disbanding and get' ting home as best they can. The Dramatic News says the Evangeline Troupe did not pay salaries in Rochester. A troupe in Bridgeport, at the matinee on Christmas, attracted $1.50 into the treasury. The San Faanri»co' minstrels in New York had $15 in the house, and dismissed the audience.

A SOUTH CAROLINA NEGR0 JUSTICE. Near Chester, some time am», a color» ed justice sent a colored man To jail upon a charge of stealing cotton. The case was brought before Judge Mackey, who,. upon investigation, found that the negro had simply taken his own cotton, and was, of course, wrongfully in jail. The Judge was angry. "What did you put that man in jail for?" he thundered at the trembling justice. "For stealin' cotton, sah." "Did you have any proof that he was guilty?" '•No, sah it was one of these hero cases that don't have much proof."

-Then

how could you find the man

guilty?'' '•Wal, sah, he looked guilty, and I found him guilty."—[Redneld's Correspondence.

FALLING SICKNESS

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have these Powders aad aa early trial, aa« be rouvineel of their curative powers. Price, for large box, |3,M or 4 fia,oesent by a to an pa to he it States er Canada oa receipt ot price, er o7 express COD. Address,

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AX sufferers from this disease that are.anxious to be cured should try Dr. Klssners '-t eelebratid consumptive powtieru loeee t*owdt rs are the only preparation kuotn that will cure oinsumi* ion aad all diseases ef Throat and Lungs—iadeet, so o- roug is our #*$•* iaitb in them,audalso teconvnce you tfaev •*. •ire 110 humoug, we forw^d toe very suiferer, by mail, post paid, a free trial box.

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