Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Volume 7, Number 34, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 17 February 1876 — Page 4

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WM. C. BALL & (30., Prop'rs, W -R. C. BALI, 6FKNCSR F. BALL.

Office, South Fifth Mrect, npar Main,

Tbe Datly

'.i

I TTK la published ever

Aftemot-'ti. Mtofj-t Bunday, and sold by •,HTF CAI rivrn at SOC per fortnight. By aiaii 90-00 jcr y«nr 8.00 lor fl months 92.V4) for mont Trie WKEKLY GAZKITB 1B tanned every

Tbumla,7, ml contain!' all tlie best matter of tlif sis daily lKine The WEEKLY ^}A7KTTE if.rhf 'rfrire^t rapcr printed In Terro Bwjw.w: !h:-olrt lor: One copy, par your, Months, lit threw 'nih*. AM «.rtn-clt.-tif.-P!'- must bt paid for in iKiVim-e. No papnr dtwntlna'*d anf/t' oil the arrearages are paid, nates* at option oi Mie proprietors. A fnlltire t« nntlfv Mscontlnwinre at th«» end of the yeur will lw considered a new engagement

Addrevs nil let'crs, W'i.C. BA1.L&CO GAZSCTTIC,

Terre Haute, Ind

Toura'lay, February 17, 187C.

DISKAKM WANTH ^ueen Victoria to have tlie title of "Empre of India" added unto her, and made a motion to tliat effect in P.irliment yesterday

TIIR Republicans of Minnesota will meet on the 12th of May in Stale Convention to

appoint

delegates to

th» National Republican Convention at Cincinnati.

TJIK Ohio St te Grange of the patrons of Husbandry is in session at Cleveland Ohio. The order is very large in Ohio having 1,247, subordinate granges with a membership of over 69,000.

GKN. TOM HROWNK will lie the Republican candidate for Congress in the Fifth dNtriet. This is Holtuan's district and was specially irerymanderedafew years ago to beat him. Browne will have his hands full.

IN ths storm of yesterday, in the E ist. the old Elm in Boston Commons was blown down. It was over two litindrel years old, and one of the great sights of the Commons The reports says that a crowd of relic hunters have beseiged the place to Becure pieces of it.

IT lias remained for Storrs, of Babcock's counsel, to perpetrate tbe colossal joke of the season. In stating to the court their reason for taking the President's deposition instead of having him testify orally, he said the exigences of the public service would no admit of Grant's leaving Washington. Since when did the public st-rvice ever keep Ulys ses in Washington?

Axil now the Wicked Mail lias begged Deacon Tennanl's pardon fur having inferentinily called him a liar. It did not mean to hurt his feelinirs. Haying begged forgiveness of everbody (he W. M." is now, as nearly as we can understand, at peace with all mankind. It really never was warlike. It merely wanted to stir up the hoys with a long pole and enjoy the fun without engaging in the scrimmage. Its voice was and is for Peace.

Mns. HUMBOMI, wifs of toe Bucliu man, has been largely instrumental in inc trcerating her husband in an insane asylum on a charge of insanity. She gives lite following very excellent reason for her belief in his insanity, which we can very cordially endorse.

He publishes the most absurd billposters now he bores the men to death in the offices where they print papers I think this is insanity. She might, perh.'ips, have made it. a little stronger by asserting that be writes his communications on both sides of the paper, but, as it stands, it is a very pretty case. He is crazy. Off witli him to a bastile, say we and all of his numerous relations.

Tlie Wrong Mau in the Wrong I'lice In a reccrit issue of the Evansville Courier, the guilt of Gen. James C. Veatch, Collector of Internal Revenue for the first Indiana District, is very forcibly stated. The Courier very clearly shows that he is just as guilty as was Maguire in St. Rouis. This gentleniau, it will be remembered, plead guilty to live counts in the indictment against him. On the conspiracy couu anolle was entered, but he made confession to neglect of duty. He could scarcely have done less. While he was in charge of the collectors office, tinder oath to carefully guard the Governments interests, one of the most gigantic conspiracies, ever known, was formed to defraud the revenues, and during several years, carried ou its uefarious work. Had lie performed his whole duty, or any slight part of it, he must have known of it, and to conceive of him as having grossly neglected his duty is to take the most charitable view of his crimes. If he was not negligent, then he was an active participant in the conspiracy and a parity to a long series of thefts.

Now our Evansville contemporary says, and says truly, thatVeatch'scase in no important particular differs from that of Maguire. It is possible he was not a party to the conspiracy. It i9 possible, though not probable, that he never received any of the money made from the manufacture of crooked whisky. But if he knew nothing of it, then he was crimnally negligent in the pe'form* anca of his duty. He must have been not ouly a very stupid blunderer, but he must have wholly failed to make a single effort to perform his duty, and keep his oath. He is still in charge of tbe office, the duties of which Lie has so signally failed to perform. The knaves who plied tbelr thieving trade under his very nose, are very properly expiating their crimes in the State penetentlary. It is an outrage on justice that he is not with them, and a horrible mockery that he is still continued in a place he has disgraced. We sincerely trust the Courier will continue from day to day to demonstrate the ur.iitne.ss cf this man for the p!nc*e he h-ild?, until the pftrty in po er ix ri-.ninel'ed, by the pr^ure of public opinion, to, at least, remove h»m.

Forbidden Fruit.

It is an instinct deeply imbedded in human nature to hold to a good thing. There are few office holders who can resist the temptation to be re-elected or reappointed. Tbe possession of wealth and honor and the danger of sacrificing all In the shifting quicksands of political life seem to have little power to deter them,

and

the strongest men's vanity, assgdously cultivated by parasites who call themselves friends, oftan induces a mania which is uucontrollable by reason.

The rumor has been current for some time, that.Geu. Grant is anx ious to be elected president for a third term, and that bis anxiety has been gradually dovel"peing into a confidence of uccess. We have been disposed to doubt all these reports. This doubt, however, has not been founded ao much upon Graut's character as a man, as upon the notion that the people's decided conviction upon this point would render tlie realization of any buch hope by him utterly impossible. But several circurnstances have lately served to dispel those doubts, and unle-s the President is guided in the future by more judicious advisors than he seems to ha*e had hitherto, he may soon find himself fairly entered for the race of this centennial year.

Gen. Grant is proverbally a stubborn man. Mrs. Grant lias said so with reference to his social and domestic life, and the rebels found him so in the army, and the politicians have found him so in his appointments. During the last few months lie has been both honestly criticised, and personally abused, and it is his peculiar misfortune, holding to the "personal property" idea of his office, that he is not always ablo to discriminate between these two modes of treatment. Therefore he sometimes says (within himself) to those who have to support him but found him lacking in appreciation of the true character of his functions:

This is my business, and I will show you tiiat I can continue to transact it, as I have done in spite of you." The most startling errors be "has committed, thus become the most [otent incentives for clinging to tlieoffice which, possibly, a few months ago he was prepared to surrender at the end of his present term. It is an ungracious thing to say. but it is a fact, that no President was ever surrounded by a more numerous ring of personal flatterers than Gen. Grant. They staked their fortunes our years ago, upon his continuance in office. It was a life or death struggle with most of them, and they have had more than the time usually allowed to such persons for mining in the rich placers of a national administration. They industriously encourage the President's hopes, and excite his desires for vindication, if not for revenge, against all who, for any reason, or for no reason at all, oppose him. These facts go forwhat they are worth, to justify the opinion that tho President is looking for another re-olection.

Some persons also insist upon re calling the events of 1871 and 1872 so somewhat, similar in their bearing upon the third term question, to those of the present year. Tiie President then was both criticised aud abused

for

someobjectionableacts. He

then unofficially declared that he did not want or expect to he re-elected, as he has lately very equivocally de ciared. But when the time came his personal adherents demanded a renomination to "vindicate" him, and circumstances forced his critics into his support. Doubtless he is now told thot the history of 1872 may be repeated. It is not impossible that he bas also been told there is anew element in politics coming to his support—the democrats of Ihe southern states.

Looking at tbe matter from a party point of view, the first appearance of a third ternproposition seems preposterous. But when cue passes on to review the present condition of party organization aud management, the matter becomes somewhat serious. Without considering further, however, the details of possible combinations to re-elect a President for the third term, we regard any such combination as sure to be futile. A third term for a President of tbe Uuited States is forbidden fruit, and woe to him who tries to pluck it.

"Has This Paid."

Greenback papers are not pleased with Secretary Bristow'a steady steps towards specie payments, and no step backward. The animus cf their opposition is well set forth in the following paragraph taken from a recent issue of the Express of this city. It says: "Under the specie resumption act the bonded debt has been increased fifteen million dollars, nine millions of which were expended in the purchase of silver bullion, and the balance in tbe purchase and re« tirement of greenbacks. Ha9 this paid?"

Its interrogatory ia addressed to whom it may concern, and Is not specially directed to the GAZETTE. However, as our contemporary seems to be seeking for informatioa the GAZETTE will give it an answer and aince its suits our purpose, we will give it in an allegorical^ form.

John Jones was, and is, an indus* trious, well-to-do artisan, fairly prosperous, and of good repute. John is perfectly solvent, but some what involved in debt. He got into that condition during the war.

Johns signature is attatcbed to several notes, on which the old-fellow pays the iuterest with commendable regularity, but never without regis* tering a vow, that if he ever gets out of debt he will never get in again.

At the time he was runningbehind in business and borrowing money, John also found it convenient to run up little bills with bis tailor and grocer, or as the song with "the butcher, the baker, and the candlestick maker." He had no especial difficulty in getting credit with these parties. Qf course they would have preferred cash, not befng lunatics, aud would have made some reduction in tbe price, if he bad paid them in cash. But as we taid, John was a little (stamped, and he asked for credit. It was granted him, for John was known be solvent, aud, better than mere solvency, he was known

Ve nrt honest and bonerable man, who would let a creditor suffer while !.e hod a *s- ti*.

Well, time wore on. He wa sgebting along well enough but lacked ready money. After waiting a reasonable time for John to pay them their bills, bis creditors sent in their accounts. John hadn't the money to pay. He went around to see them anu asked them to wait a lew days They consented, for they were disposed to be obliging, and John was an honest man, besides a Jgood cus» tomer. In a few days John found that the money be expected to have, was not forthcoming and so he sat dowp and thought out loud something after this fashion: "These men sold me these goods I have used, takiug my word for pay. I told them I would pav them and they have ray word. That. I have not the money in hand is my mis fortune, not their fault. I told them I would pay them, and they took my word for it. 'J did i:ot tell them '.f this thing happened or that, that I would pay them, but I said I would pay them and they took my word. They credited me to accommodate me, and not to benefit themselves. As their bills run now, they ieceive no interest, and perhaps they will have to borrow money and pay interest if I do uot pay them.

Whatever that interest amounts to I will naq8 defrauded them of it, beside putting them to I know not what inconvenience by my neglect. Even if I t»ay them interest on their accountsl have no right tocempel them to loan me money, no such bar gain having been entered intoj Fo, to keep my word, I must pay them. If I have not the money if is my place to borrow it, paying interest tor it, no matter how much, and not compel them to borrow. It. will cost me something, of course. But if it dont cost me, it will them, and I tm the person whom, in all fairness it should cost. I will borrow money at the lowest rate I can get it, but horrowitl will, and I will pay up these over due-open accounts, which hear no interest, and I will keep my faith with these people, and show them they were not mistaken when they relied on John jones asan honest. and honorable man, aud held lite word as j:ood as his bond,

John did borrow and pay his debts. Has this paid" John Jones'? to begin with when honor iuvolved in an action "lias this paid?" is an interrogatory which implies ati insult. But it lias ud, John Jones. It always pays* to keen faith. It pays to keep ones word et par. But in the beaten way of dollars and cents.it pays John Jones, Good taitli is creditable. It can be discounted in banks, passes current rethe street, and will get money when tricky opulence goes a begging. It gets money cheapest from the lender, because its return is certain according to the spirit of the contract, and because it scorns evasion, and hidings behind the law. It pays John Jonee because his character as au honest and an bonorabte man has become known, and he has been enabled to fund the who'le volume of his indebtedness at a lower rate of interest than it bore before. He lost, to be sure, or seemed to lHe, by the amount of tho interest lie paid for the money wherewith to pay his tradespeople, instead of foreitig them to carry the loan for him,for nothing. But he more than made up for ,the difference by the lower rate of est he pays on all of hisindebteiUj^is

Besides, it is not certain but tha* had John tricked the creditors,whom be had partially in his power, that those who had him in their power would have foreclosed their mortgages, or refused to loan to him again except at a higher rate, reason ing among themselves that as John had shown a slippery disposition, he would have to pay them something for the risk they run in dealing with a man, who, ouly needed an opportunity to defraud them. Yes, John Jones, it pays to keep faith. May everything pay as well!

Onr Tariff Duties.

A recent article from the New York Bulletin, criticising the imposition of a tariffduty on tea and coffee, bas called forth a letter from David A, Wells. Perhaps, of all our American statesman Mr. Wells has devoted the greatest attention to the subject of national revenues, and what ever he utters upon the question, is sure to be clear and interesting. In the present instance he so admirably shows up the fallacy of the demagogical cry of "a free breakfast table" that we cannot refrain from reproducing his letter entire. This subject of tariff duties, we may remark, has bosen pushed into tho back ground by political questions, but it must, in the near tuture, become the paramount issue before the people. "The whole case," aays Mr. WeJI^. is, as it were, in a nut-shell. We ave got to raise a largo annual revenue from some source. How shall we do it? "Shall we impose the tsxes on the instrumentalities of production—the raw materials of a long series of su«cesslve manufacturing processescausing them to form an element of ooat at every stage, on which prciit and interest are calculated and added, all greatly increasing the burden on the oonsumer, without any corresponding benefit to the National Treasury? or shall we put on the taxes in such a manner as to enhance to the smallest possible extent the cost cf domestic production, reduce to a minimum the cost of collection, and enable tbe American manufacturer to enter tbe foreign market subjected to no other or greater burdens than are sustained by bia foreign competitor? "Or, to bring this question right down to a clear, practical issue: "Shall we tax aniline dyes, which are not (directly) taxed 5n any other, country, and so render it absolutely impossible for the American manufacturer of dyed fabrics to compete with foreigners, Who have the privilege of using aniline dyes which have not been subjected to the enormous tax ot

50

cents per pound, and 35 per cent, ad valoreii? "Shall we tax soda ash—the great agency or tool in the manufacture of soap und glass aud in the processes of dyfriug and bleaching—the one chewi cal product which, according to Liebig, 'may be regarded as the foundation of *11 onr modern improvements in tbe domestic arts.' so as to make it. mere ccstly in tlin United Siaus than in any otber aiujfacturi' tc coni,tr\? •'Sholl

veK

Ux linseed r-ii. of which

the country uses over twelve oii'dioits of pn!lot!^*ann\n»i (mainly for painsiop,) ateuch a r»'te a»

to

of these gallons cost at wholesale (January 1875) 78 cents, currency, in the United States, as compared with 48 cents, gold, in London, thus taxing the American consumers at the rate oi nearly 13,000,000 per annum for the os tensible benefit of putting $20,000 into tbe Treasury (the revenue for 1874,)and rendering it utterly impossible for the nation to export oil cloths and paints as it formerly did? "Shall we tax steel at such a rate that the enhanced cost of American tools and machinery neutralizes in a grent degree all the advantage that accrues for the superior American skill employed in devising, constructing and operating such machinery? "Shall we tax copper in such a way that creat copper-smel'ing establishments at Point Shirley, Boston Harbor at S'.atan Island, New York, and in italtimoro, stand idle and canuot be operated, while American copper sent aeress the Atlantic, and after paying freight is sold to foreign consumers from 3 to 4 cents a pound less than tbe nrice at which the American consumer is permitted to buy the same copper from tbe same mines and the same, producers in his own market? "Shall we tax wool, in facnof the following extract from the report of the American Commissioners to the Paris Exhibition of 1807, superadded to the unrelieved disastrous record of domestic experience since tho enactment of the wool tariff of the same year: 'The iidvantKj:e which the European manufacturer enjoys over the American iu tbe command of an unlimited supply ot every variety of wool, cannot be overestimated. Thf range of fabrication of the Ameiican manufacturer in clothing and combiuK wools is limited to the produce of American flocks, under tho almost prohibitory duty upon their wools. Tbe European can select- Irom th« peculiar products ot evciy climate and soil of the whole world, and hence the capacity of the European manufacturer to relieve himself from home competition by changing at pleasure tlie character of his fabrics, wh'cb the American manufacturer, by reason ot tariff, cannot do?

a multitude of other similar taxes, and collect a corresponding revenue from tea and coffee, which pay specific duties, which cannot be undervalued, which cannot to any extent b:i smug gb-d, which do not come to tho consumer burdened with a large aggregate of taxes other than what are primarily imposed for revenue, which are brought into ouly few ports, and the tixes on which are collected at less expense than any others that can be named out of tbwholeJschedule,and pas.i with the minimum of abatement into tbe Treasury to the benefit of tho Government? Whether tbe taxes on tea and colf«e do or do not fall on tbe consumer, is a question in this connection entirely irrelevant. The Government bas rot to be provided annually with a certain amount of revenue, and tfce only question lor the people is, How shall ttiis reVcuue be raised most equitably, certainly and economically? It any one thiuks it can be done by admitting tea and coff'e free, and taxing wool, linsfeed oil, dyes tuff's, steel, soda ash, hair-pins, wood screws, Bibles and ice, I respectfully beg leave to differ. "One word more. How were thodu ties formerly imposed on tea and coffee removed? As part of the argument on this subject it is important to consider this question. Iu 1872 tho customs revonues were so large ($212,619,000) thf.t a popular demand for a general reduction of rates seemed likely to be imperative. Foreseeing this and beiog desirous of holdingon to every dollar of existing protective and restrictive duties, tho leading protectionists planned to reduce the aggregate revenues to such an extent by removing the dutilca from tea and cuffoe, as would give them aground for claiming that any further reduction would bo most injudicious and dangerous, "lhey accordingly baited their trap with the specious nonsense of a free breakfast table, and a sufficient number of incu, calling themselves free-traders, or

rev-

enuo reformers, walked into it. Tbis, in a few words, comprises the whole story. I am yours, very respectfully,

DAVID A. WKLLS."

Pope Pius and the BouaparUs. Time works queer changes. Dispatches of a recent data briug the information of an honor conferred by Pope Pius IX,upon a member of the house of Bonaparte. Within the memory of old men still living, is knowledge of the first Bonaparte's march through Italy, and his humbling of the pride cf the present Pope's proud predecessor. He never met much opposition from hispn'e-tly opponent, and what little he did encounter, he crushed out with the promptness, and thoroughness characteristic of the man. Indeed, the Pope's feeble efforts to protect himstlf were rather ludicrous than otherwise, especially the occasion when his generals seut an envoy to tell the "terrible Bony" if be advanced any farther they would feel constrained to fire upon him, as if that dreadful announcement would carry terror to alighting genera!,and stop his progress.

But eveu Xapol.on Bonaparte healed the trouble between himself and the Pope, for that dignitary was present at his coronation as Emperor, and lent a helping band io the performance of the ceremony. Since that day, the family have been pretty good Romanists in the main, and for some time past a member of the family bas been a Cardinal, The honor to whicli we referred as having been conferred upon the Bonaparte family, bas reference to this Cardinal. Upon him the Pope has bestowed a distinction, elevating him above his fellows in tbe college of Cardinals. It ia significant at the present time, as showing that the "Prisoner of the Vatican'' casts his fortunes, and that of tbe church party in France with the "Prince Imperial" and is willing to assist him in regaining the throne bis father lost at Sedan.

Pope Pius has made him "Cardinal Camerlengo." In one sense it is an appointment which does not elevate bis rank. Attached to the title, however, is the performance of cer tain sacred and important duties at the deatb of the Pope. It may also be supposed to give the holder of the position the inside track in the race for the successors hi p. Hertofore upon the death of the Pope the Cardinal Camerlengo became virtually king of Rome until a new Pope was elected With Victor Emanuels entrance into Rome he vetoed that part of tlie performance, taking to himself the wh" I-? control cf the ecuiar »&ur.-$ of the city, fjtiil, however, attached to the

Cifi'ice *re

mast e^cb ore

important! preroga-

ivce, and "frcm the raoui "Ut i!:at a Pn je breaths lis Iwi, tbe Cardiri I

CameViengo will still become the first man in the Roman establishment, and when the conclave is assembled wbioh is to elect the new Pope, be will be the direct representative of the Papacy. Tbe ceremonial by which the pardinai Oamerlengo opens his period of authority is a striking part oi the symbolical organization of the Church. Aa soon as the deatb of Pope Pius shall be reported, Cardinal Bonaparte, being tbe Camerlenge, will hasten, at the head of tbe clerical household, to the death-chamber, and strike tbe door with a gilt mallet, calling upon the Pope by name. On receiving no reply, he will enter the chamber, and, going up to the corpse, tap it thrice on tho forehead with another mallet ol silver, and than, falling on bis knees beside tbe motionless body, proclaim in a loud voice tbst the Pope is indeed no more. lie will tnen notify the Senate of Jtome that the Pope has passed awiy. If tho Pope were still Prince of une, the Senate would then cause La Paternia, the old communal bell of Vitorbo, which hangs in tbe Capitol, to be tolled. This part of the ceremony will probably now be omitted. The Maestro di Camera of the dead Pope will next hand to the Cardinal Camerlengo the Pope's riua of the lishorman, used in sealing all Papal briefs, to be broken solemnlj' th« npxt day in tho preseuco oi a first general meeting ol the Sacred College. The Camerlengo will then take possession of tho Vatican, and remain there while an inventory is made of all that it contains—a custom which datea from the old days whvn it was an establiahed practice for the Roman mob always to break in aud rifle tho Papal Palaco after tho demise of a Pope Tho Papal Quardii Nobillo attend tho Cardinal Camerleniio from this time until the election of a new Pope. All edicts in this interval are run in his name, and all coins struck by tho Papal mint bear bis private arms. As soon aa tho Conclave opens, three Cardinals, called Capi d'Ordine, are chosen for a three day* term, to be associated with the Cardinal Catnerlengo as tho supreme executive authority of tho church

Or shall wo do away with tlieso and Tuis brief sketch of tho functions and positions of the Catnerlengo will plainly enough show how great au influence a clever and ambitious personage in that high office can exert and how significant., therefore, it i9 that the representative of tho IJonapartes iu the

Sacred College should have been called to fill it."

Georgia and the Union.

Considerable attention has, of late, been directed to the State of Georgia, It has not been of a com° plimentary sert either. At the first, it was attracted thither by the unfortunate speech of Hill iu Congress, replyiug to Blaine. Some slight apology for Hill's utterances migh't, perhaps, be found in the fact that a most unwarrautable and unnecessary attack had been made upon the South by the Congressman from Maine. But neither that nor anything could tie a full justification of the mean spirited speech of Hill.

Again, within a few weeks, Robert Toombs, of Georgia, delivered a speech before the Legislature, which, for pure villainy, is fortunately without a parallel. It was such a speech, as, that if a majority of the people iu the South held the same sentiments, would abundantly justify the North in |'lacing the whole South under military rule, aud suspending the writ of habeas corpus indefinitely. Immediately after the delivery of Toombs tirade, the GAZETTE took occasion to cbarasterize it as traitorous and wicked, and advised the South if.it hoped ever for a perfect reconciliation with the North, to promptiy repudiate both Mr. Toombs speech-jrerqd Tocmbs himself. P\rtuuateij^bo.tb these things have been done.

Senaior Gordon of Georgia but a few days ago in a speech delivered at Atlauta frankly told bis people that any seeming sympathy with such rebellious sentiments, was not only unbecoming in them as citizens but damaging to them as men. It is especially gratifying to nole that the legislature now iu session at Atlanta has taken upon itself to pass a resolution expressive of its sentimeuts. That resolution sets at rest the suspicious of tbe north and is truly expressive of the proper feel.rg of the south, alike worthy of them and of this centennial year. We give Ihe resolution:

Whereas, It has been charged on the fisor of the United States Senate, and by a portion of the public press of the North, that it was the design of the Legislature of Georgia to abrogate or abridge the privileges or rights now enjoyed equally by all citizans of the State, under the Constitution of the United States, therefore be it

Resolved, That is is the sen?" "f this general assembly, that the equal political rights of citizens, of tbis state, regardless of race or previous condition, are permanently fixed and secured by the constiti^tion of the United States, which is reeottnized by this body as the supreme law of of tho land, and that no abridgement or interference with these rights is proposed, contemplated or desired, in any action of tbis general assembly, or by the people whom we represent, and that any and all legislation in contravention thereof, either by tbe Legislature or by a convention of the people, would be null and void.

Resolved further that tbe political relations of all classes in this State have been harmoniously adjusted upon tbe basis of tbe present provision of the constitution of the United States that peace and good feeling between the races prevails throughout tbe State, and that ft is neither tbe desire nor to the interest of tbe people of tbat State to re-opeu these questions, which have been tbus permanently settled beyond the power of agitation to disturb.

Specie Resumption.

Tbe following is the full text of the bill for specie resumption introduced by Hon. Waailliam R. Morrison ou tbe lO'-b:

Be it enacted, etc., That from the passage of tbis bill the Secretary of the Treasury shall retain in tbe Treasury for the ultimate redemption in coin in par of all United States notes, coin reserve from all resources in excess of tbe requirements of the public debt, until tbe coin so retained shall amount to thirty per cent, of the United States notes outstanding.

Sec. 2. That from the passage of tbis act every national bank shail be required to retain the coin interest payable to such bank on its bonds deposited as security for its circulation

fro

the atmuss of its legil reserve now'require I by liw, an1 such sum MI addition thereto, together wirh such l"g iJ reserves, shall equal thirty per cent, ot its circulation, which amount—thirty.per cent, of its circulation—sbali thereafter be retainoi by every nation­

al bank as security for redemption iu coin of such Circulation. Sec. 3. That all acts and parts of acts making any other l*g«l tender than coin ara hereby repealed, such repeal to tako effect from the day when tbe amount so to be retained in the treasury, and by the National Banks respectively, equal such sum—80 per cent, of tbe outstanding United States and National Bank circulation, and so much of tbe act entitled "An act to provide for the resumption of specie payments," approved Jan 16, 1875, as provides for redemption in coin of United States notes from the 1st day of January, 1879, and all other acts or parts ot acts in conflict herewith are hereby repealed.

I'OMTICAt, (O.lVElVnolltH.

To be Hill From Xow Until JHH. II.

Frcnn tlio Sew Yoilr Hera'd, of Feb. Si. February 22—Indiana Republican State Convention, Indianapolis, to elect delegates to the Republican National Convention.

February 2"-—Democratic National Executive Committee, Washington, to select time and place for holding the Democratic National Convention.

February 22—Wisconsin Republican State Convention, Madison, to nominate State officers and elect delegates to tho Republican National Convention.

February 22-Illinois Republican State Convention, Chicago, to nominate State officers and elect delegates to the Republican National Convention,

February 23—Connecticut. Democratic and Liberal S'ate Convention, New Haven, to nominate Slate ofiiceie aud e'ect delega e- to the Demotcratic National Convention.

February 29—Connecticut Republican State Convention, Hmri'oril, to nominate candidates governor and other State officers and to choose delegates to the Republican National Convention.

March 15—Indiana Democratic State Convention, Indianapolis, to elect delegates to the Democratic National Convention.

March 22—Pennsylvania Democratic State Convention, Lancaster, to elect delegates to the Democratic National Convention,

March 29—Pennsylvania Republican State Convention, Hnrrisburg, to nominate an electoral ticket and elect delegates to tlie Republican National Convention.

March 29-Ohio Republican State Convention, Columbus, to elect delegates to tho Republican National Convention.

April 5—National Convention of colored men, Nashville. April 12— Virginia Republican State Convention, Lynchburg, to elect delegates to the Republican National Convention.

Mav G—National Convention of Prohibitionists to nominate a PresiJ dential ticket. et?, Cleveland.

May 10— Michigan Republican State Convention, Grand Rapids, to nominate State officers and elect delegates to the Republican National Convention.

May 17—National Independent "Greenback" Conveutiou, to nominate a Presidential licket, Indianapolis.

May 18—Kentucky Republican State Convention, Louisville, to elect delegates to the Republican National Convention.

June 14—Republican National Convention, Cincinnati, to nominate candidates for President and Vice President.

STATE ELECTIONS.

February 15—Texas. For Governor and other Staie officer.0. Democratic majority in 1873, 47,631.

March 14—New Hampshire, For Governor and other State officers. Candidate for Governor: Person C. Cheney, of Manchester, Republican Daniel Maicy, of Portsmouth, Democrat. No election of Governor by tbe people in 1875. Cheney elected by the Legislature.

April 3.—Connecticut. Governor and other State officers. Candidates not yet nominated Democratic majority for Gov. in 1875, 9,480.

April 5.—Rhode Island, Gov. aud other State officers. Candidates not yet nominated. No election of Gov. by the popular vote in 1£75. Lippia elected by the Legislature.

TnOBROOHLYN PREACHJEB*.

One-Rpv.Fre«i! Bfll-Wrecks a Woman's Life, ihe Otber— Rev. Adanix-^aTCH a Womau from Drowning.

New York, Feb. 12.—Rev. Fred Bell, the reformed pugilist minister, as he is called, was,-last night, deposed from hi* charge of primitive in the Methodist church, Brooklyn, ou charges somewhat similar to those against Beecher. An affidavit of one of the lady pri isboners, upon which this action was taken was presented as that of tbe dying .woman, she being in the last stages of consumption.

Rev. Father Adams, a Brooklyn clergyman, jumped from a ferry boat into the East river, and was rescued from drowning by a woman, who attempted suicide by leaping from the same boat. Adams was encumbered with his clerical garb and both were nearly drowned when rescued.

FOUMEREI AT SEA.

Xiie Ship W. J. Harlfleld Sinks at Sea Willi Ail on Hoard.

Her Crew to W«ah I'rom Starvation to Help

New York, Feb. 16.—The ship W. J. Hartfield. from Philadelphia for Bremen Haven, was discovered at sea dismasted and water logged, by the bark Flora, which sent off a boat but it could not get alongside. Three men jamped overboard, one was drowned and two were picked np, tbe remainder of tbe crew could make no effort to save themselves, being exhausted for want of inod and water. The Flora hove to from 6 in tbeevening until the following morning but duiing the niaht the vessel went down with all on board

CuHjKiO St use.

For all taeB of

1

Cou^bs,

Cold, Sore

Tbro*t, etc., use Dr. Bulls Cough Syrup.