Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Volume 6, Number 7, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 13 August 1874 — Page 2

YdZCttt.

YR6EST COUNTRY CIRCULATION

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Thursday, August 13,1874.

VOORHEES.

Speech of Hon. D. Whees.

*}'thc

Voor-

His Reply to Morton's "Key Note."

Delivered at Terre Haute, August 7th, 1874.

The distinguished speaker was introduced by Col. It. Hudson, when he proceeded to speak as follows

LADIES AND GENTI.F.MEN:—When I last had the honor to address my neigh

bors

and friends in tliin city it was in response to a call rnade irrespective of party and in company with my esteemed friend and distinguished political opponent, Col. K. W. Thompson. The meeting was an earnest appeal to the congress of the Lnitcd States for financial relief, and it embraced the business and laboring men of every sliadc of political opinion in this community. It was in the earlier days of the financial panic which all lorully hoped would soon pass away leaving to the various branches of business and labor their usual vitality and prosperity. Six months later, however, and we meet to-night with no perceptible improvement. The same scarcity of money for the people, the same paralysis of trade amongst merchants and mechanics, the same difficulty on the part of laborers in obtaining remunerative labor are still painfully apparent on all sides. The only change is, that in view of approaching elections, the questions, so vital to all, are now to be considered and discussed by the two great political organizations. I trust, nevertheless, that they may be considered by us and l»y the people of the whole country only in a friendly and patriotic spirit, with a single aim to confer the greatest good upon the greatest number. DIFFERENCES OF OPINION IN Tin: TWO 1'AITTIES.

In the first paragraph of .Senator Morton's speech of July .'51st, in this city, he arraigned the democratic party for entertaining different views in diflerent states on the finances and other public issues. This seemed to him so grave an oll'ense that he placed it in his opening chapter. In sounding his promised key note he began by tuning on this string.

I have no wish to disguise, if I could, the fact that there are marked dillerences of opinion amongst individual democrats on the financial question. I freely admit that it may take the authority of a national convention to produce the entire harmony that is desirable in our ranks. Hut what shall be said of the unfathomable assurance which was necessary to enable Senator Morton in view of the condition of his own party to make such an accusation against his opponents! Take the six states of New England, and add to them the great states of New York and Pennsylvania, tlnis comprising the controlling forces both in talent and wealth of the entire republican party, and Senator Morton has not frinds enough in them to procure for him an invitation from tlio republican organization of any one of these states to deliver the financial views he did here. j'» speaks for his party in Indian".

b"'

could not speak for "lri^/o.

the states I h»v» ..»»»"'• He is not only opposed

republican organizations

republican press of the entire

jaist, but he is solidly and, 1 had almos said contemptuously, confronted and defeated in his finanual ideas and labors by hiB own republican president. Indeed, the grim reference made by the senator to the president in this connection is one of the amusing curiosities of political literature. lie fairly states the president's position as contained in his incssage at thc opening of the last session of congress then proceeds to show that he labored all winter to cairy out the principles of the executive by legislation, and aftor demonstrating that he was successful in his cll'orls by the passage^ of his favorite bill ho simply says: "This bill was vetoed by thc president."

Simply this and nothing more. Doubtless this is a painful theme to the senator. It recalls to him the vindictive, unjust, and ferocious assaults made upon him during the celebrated debato of last winter by thc leading journals of his own party. Perhaps lie sees again those brutal and infamous caricatures in the Journal of Civilization—the pretensions organ of pious politics, Harper's Weekly newspaper, in which the senator, with his brother senators, Logan, Ferry, and others were held np«to thc gaze and ridicule of the American people as fsot pads, while the president stood manful guard against thc burglaries and robberies on which these senators seemed so determined. I thing 1 may safely submit that it would have been in bettor taste for Senator Morton to have healed his ewn intestine feuds before troubling himself about those of the democratic party, if any there are. SENATOK MOHTON'S PECULIAR ATTITUDE.

In thus speaking of Senator Morton, I do so with great respect for his abilities and without unkindness towards him personally. IIis position at this time with his own party is different from what it has ever been before. lie attempted a revolt at thc last session of congress against the power of the moneyed monopolies which .have governed the republican party from the hour of its hirth, and which control it to-day. He met with partial success and then a final route and overthrow, lhe consolidated capital of the country was too strong for him at Washington and he lost his great opportunity by failing to appeal to the people over the hc:ul ot a subsidized executive. He surrendered, and now finds himself involved in those inconsistencies and contradictions which always assail and embarass a man who attempts to argue a question from a different standpoint than his own convictions. He appears now rather as an apologist for his nttempt to increase the currency, than as thc bold defender of this, the lwt political act of his life. While dwelling on the ponderous conflict which -he waged last winter with the arrogant and dominating eastern division of his party, and with the president who beings to this lucrative division, the Senators breath is bated, and his

tone

subdued .He hurries

rapidly over this field, however, and at once assumes his old mode of warfarethat of assault, in which he is always formidable and often apparently reckless of danger to Jiis own lines of coinmunication or retreat. "WHAT SENATOR MOKTON CONSIDERS A "DOUBLE REPUDIATION."

Under the startling head of "a double repudiation," he attacks the first resolution of the democratic platform of July 15th. It reads as follows: "That we are in favor of the redemption of the five-twenty bonds in greenbacks, according to the law under which they were issued."

This, then, is denounced by Senator Morton as a double repudiation. I presume he means the worst kind of repu diation. If he is right, the democratic party of Indiana should be beaten at the

I IUNM (T»A IIONW

that supports him is not

favor of

honest man

e"Ttltl0'1?

confidence of the people. Nobedy is in measure which

national debt, and

at the same time no tion.

desires fo pay more than we 'j°"

desires

his country in order to impose burdens on the people that do not belong to them no honest man desires to increase the toils of thc laborer in order to bestow a gratuity on the rich. I shall therefore cite the law itself on this subject, for by it we must all be judged the senator on the one hand and the Democratic State Convention, which he assaults, on the other. On the 25th of February, 1862, the first enactment on the subject of legal tender notes, now known as greenbacks, and on the subject of five-twenty bonds, became a law. It will be found on page 315 of the 12th volume of the United

States statutes. The first section of that act provides for the issuance of one hundred and fifty millions of greenbacks, and then proceeds to define the purposes for which they may be lawfully used, in the following plain language: "And such notes herein authorized shall be receivable in payment of all taxes, internal duties, excises, debts, and deinandH of every kind due to the United States, except duties on imports and of all claims and demands against the United States of every kind whatever except for interest upon bonds and notes, which shall be paid in coin and shall also be lawful money and a legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private, within the United States, except duties on imports and interest, as afore said."

It would be an insult to your intelli gence to dwell on the meaning of this clause. He who runs may not only read, but understand what he reads. These legal tender notes were good in payment of everything in the shape of an obligation tu pay, public or private, with the two exceptions of duties on imports and interest upon government bonds and notes where interest was provided for. Such is the first section of the law. The sec ond section of this same law provides for the issuance of five hundred millions of coupon or registered bonds, due in twen ty years, with the privilege to the gov ornment of redeeming them at any time after five years, and bearing six per cent, interest. This was the first installmentof five-twenty bonds, and thus they were created in*the same bill which originated the legal tender notes and declared that with them the principal of these bonds was payable. Afterward, when the public necessities required more greenbacks and more live-twenty bonds, congress simply extended the principles of this first legislation on the subject, and authorized the secretary of the treasury to act accordingly. In the act of congress of July 11th, 18(31, authorizing the next one hundred and fifty millions of greenbacks, lhe following plain and explicit language is again used: "And such notes shall be receivable in payment of all loans made to the United States, and of all taxes, internal duties, excises, debts, and demands of every kind due to the United Stales, except dui.es on imports, and interest, and of all claims and demands against the United

States, except for interest upon bonds, notes, and certificates of debt or deposit." And proceeds further to say that such notes "shall also be lawful money and a legal tender in payment of ajl debts, public and private, within the United States, except duties on imports and interest, as aforesaid."

And again, March Ud, 1863, congress, in authorizing a third

issue

of greenbacks

reiterates the above provisions in regard to their character as legal tenders. Indeed there never was a greenback issued without the powers above enumerated attached to it, and there never was.a fivetwenty bond printed and engraved by the government, which was not convertible at the pleasure of the government, after five years, into greenbacks. If it is in the power of language to make any disputed point clear, thc laws of congress have placed this proposition beyond the possibility ofa doubt. Yet Senator Morton does not hesitate, in the face of these most explicit provisions, to declare the first resolution of the democratic platform, a double repudiation! Is there a man in the hearing of my voice, whether republican or democrat, who agrees with him?

THE GOLD BILL OF MARCH 18, 1809. But Senator Morton falls back on the act of March ISth, 1869, in which, after every one of the five-twenty bonds had been issued and sold subject to the provisions of law just cited, congress declared a new meaning to the contract, and thereby almost doubled the value ol these bonds in the hands of their holders, and correspondingly increased the taxation of the people. With of Grant's administrate"!

t0 ,e

amount of fiftiy" ^"""'red mdhons,which were co»^'Medl7payable in currency by cxi'ting laws, were changed into gold bonds, as far, at least, as such a crime against the people can be successful: thus fraudulently adding to the national debt from su to 40 prr cent, on every dollar we rightfully owe. A greater iniquity than this, has hardly happened in American history. A government that thus plunders its own laboring masses and repudiates its own laws in order to still further gorge the rich needs a change of ofScials at its head to use no harsher expression. Senator Morton in speaking of this wicked piece of legislation says:

it'insiilliuii eayo. "It maybe safe therefore to predict

that the settlement of this question by

thc act of 186!) will not be disturbed and that it will not be in our power to reopen it. If this settlement is right it ought not to be disturbed, but if it is wrong, a robbery, and a felony against the people, then there should be no cessation in the popular warfare against it until it is torn open and scattered to the winds. And I now propose to show that at the time this settlement, as Senator Morton calls it, was made, lie himself denounced it as an attempt to change the meaning of existing laws, and declared and proved conclusively that the favetwenty bonds were payable in greenbacks and finally voted on the ayes and nays against the passage of the act declaring that they should be paid in gold. If I do this may I not reasonably claim that the first resolution of "the Democratic platform in favor of the redemption of the five-twenty bonds in greenbacks, and the second resolution, demanding a repeal of thc act of March 18, 1SG9, are established and justified by the record of the Senator before lie was coerced into his present unpleasant situation? SENATOR MORTON'S VIEWS IN REGARD TO

THE GOLD BILL AT THE TIME OF ITS

PASSAGE.

Under date of March 11th, 1SG9, on pages 53, 54, and 55 of the Congressional (.Jlobe for the first session of the 41st congress will be found the strong and determined utterances of Senator Morton against the passage of the act in question and which he now commends as a settlement. He opposed it squartly on the ground that the five-twenty bonds were payable by the laws.under which thev we're issued in greenbacks and could not"legally be made payable in gold except by a return to specie payment. In the discussion in the senate in speaking of the live-twenty bonds ar.d the legal tender notes he said: "Are these bonds a public debt? Ijndoubtedly they are. Every debt that is owed bv the general government is a public debt and in this third act of congress there is another one still—it is declared that these notes shall be applicable to thc payment of all public debts, except that part of the public debt which consists of interest on notes and bonds."

Again, in speaking of this, and other similar provisions in the various acts upon this subjcct he said: "Broader, more comprehensive and explicit declarations of the law-making power I have never read and when the first one begins with the declaration that these notes shall be lav ful money and a legal tender in payment of all claims and demands against the United States of whatsoever kind, is anything left out there except the exemption which follows in the language of the statute, except interest on notes and bonds? And then this language is repeated three times afterward in different acts of congress, so that although the acts creating these bonds are silent as to how the principal of the bonds shall be paid, yet the acts creating the notes declare that they shall be applicable to the payment of every debt against the United States except the interest on that debt.

This is conclusive that a little more than five years ago Senator Morton supported the first resolution of the Democratic platform which he now denounces

erate

upo

And agaih he said: "Sir, it is understood I believa, that the passage of a bill of this kind would have the effect in Europe, where our financial questions are not well understood, to increase the demand and that will enable the great operators to sell the bonds they have on hand at a profit. It is in the nature of a brokers' operation. It is a "bull" movement, intended to put up the price of bonds for the interest of parties dealing in them. This great interest is thundering at the doors of congress and has been for many months, and by every means attempting to drive us into legislation for the purpose of making money for the great operators. That is what it means and nothing else."

No doubt the Senator was then right and that this measure did opera^p to the swelling of many an already overgrown fortune obtained from the sorrows, miseries, privations, and labors of the American people. So far indeed did Senator Morton carry his views on this subject that Senator Morril, of Vermont, rebuked him in the open senate in the followin language: "I am somewhat surprised at the position of the distinguished Senator from Indiana, for 1 believe he gq^s further than our ancient friend Pendeton on this subject. His amendment goes so far as to pay in paper money debts that were contracted in 1848."

But nothing silenced Senator Morton in his violent opposition to the measure he now so much approves. In another part of this debate he exclaimed: "And now I propound the question. It is either intended by this bill to make a new contract, or it is not. If it is intended to make anew contract I protest against it. We should do foul injustice to the government and the people of the United States after we have sold these bonds on an average for not more tharl sixty cents on the dollar, now te make a new contract for the benefit of the holders propose to

aVlment

lnrv

by law, then it is unnecessary." I shall make but brief comment on this overwhelming record. I have often heretofore had occasion to observe with public »nd private creditors.

unfeigned amazement the rapid and complete transitions which Senator Morton has made on almost every public question from one extreme to its absolute and distinct opposite. He does so too with the air of one who expects the continued allegiance of his followers witkout regard to the contradictions and inconsistencies through which he hurries them from one position to another. Why, he made a canvass of Indiana in 1868 on a platform calling for the redemption of the five twenty bonds in greenbacks, just as we do now. The Republicans of Indiana were all in favor of it then, and are expected to be opposed to it now because Senator Morton has changed. And so now, with his deliberate speeches on record against the gold bill of March 18 1809, and his vote recorded in the negative on its passage on page 70 of the Congressional Globe of the first session of the forty-first congress, he comes before the people unfalteringly, and proclaims himself in its faver as a settlement, and asks his partisans to turn about as he does. TWO REASONS GIVEN BY THE SENATOR

FOR HIS CHANGE.

But Senator Morton gives two reasons for abandoning his own former conclusive reasonings on this subject which call for notice at my hands, however trifling and fallacious they may be. He seems to concede still that the live twenty bonds were payable in legal tender notes," but seeks to escape their actual payment in that way by assuming that they must be paid in the very identical notes in existence when the bonds were issued and in no other like kind. Even if this construction of the law was warranted, there is a clause at the close of the first section of the act of February 25th, 1862, which is broad enought to carry it out. It is there provided that the greenbacks may be re-issued as often as the exigencies of the public may require. By so doing the same object could he accomplished in the redemption of bonds as by the issue of new legal tender nbtes. But no attempt has been made to thus comply with the law in the payment of the national debt, and the reduction of its interest demands. I do not believe, however, that the P°"rf.rs°i

Indeed such a technical fal

lacy would never be embraced by a man of the robust and vigorous intellectuality *f Senator Morton except as the resort of desperation. Every lawyer who has examined the acts of congress on this subject knows that new greenbacks may be issued, or old ones re-issued, and used in payment of the bonds under consideration.

wou'

THE ACT OF JUNE 30TH, 1864. But Senator Morton recited the act of

BONDS ARE PAYABLE IN GREENBACKS. If any further defense of the first and second resolutions of the democratic platform is needed, I will refer my audience to the Congressional Globe, part 5th of the second session of the Fortieth congress, pige 4,17S. There we find Thaddeus Stevens, whe, as chairman of the ways and means committee, had reported all the laws I have cited on this subject, giving his construcjion of their meaning. There can be no higher authority. Speaking of the 5 20 bonds, he says: "'After they fall due they are payable in money, just as the gentleman understands *iHoney,' just as I understand it, just as we all understood it when we passed the law authorizing that loan, just as it was a dozen times explained upon the floor by the chairman of the committee of ways and means when called upon by gentlemen to explain what it meant, and just as the whole house agreed that it meant"

And again the old republican leader exclaimed: "I want to say that if this loan was to be paid according to the intimation of the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Ross if I knew that any party in this country would go for paying iR coin that which

He believed the five-twenty bonds were ,-.v—„ made payable by law in greenbacks, and is payable in money, thus enhancing herce opposed the passage of the act one halfi if 1 knew there was such a

party of Indiana should be beaten at the pp in gold. He went platform and such a determination this polls but if he is wrong, then the pany making them payable^!rgoKt.

on the part of an

which he Vow praises as a set- vote for the other side, Frank Blair and

repudiating any portion of our tlemeri^ all the legisla- on the taxpayers of this country I ub»iu.«Co.

folly in granting them coin payment of interest." Senator Sherman, of Ohio, the chairman of finance in the senate, gave a similar construction to the laws under consideration, and many other leaders and state conventions of the republican party did the same. But enough on this point. How stands now this charge of repudiaation made by Senator Morton against the democracy of Indiana Who are the repudiationists? Those who abide by the law or those who repudiate the law? I brand as the repudiators of the faith of the nation those who have broken and set at naught the laws of their country in order to obtain money unlawfully from the people. This form of repudiation is abroad in the land, and

I know of no other that is. If these resolutions in the democratic platform favor repudiation, then so did Senator Morton himself five years ago so did Thaddeus Stevens, John Sherman, the republican

branch of my subject.

have seen, to be paid in paper shall have

been discharged, and the business inter-

been discharged, and the business in ter-

ests of the laboring masses demand, then

II In to A 6

to man only what it will buy for him When Pisarro conquered Peru he shod his soldiers' horses with gold, and yet in the midst of this seeming abundance, in many instances, man and beast starved to death togethe^ It is the purchasing power of a commodity which gives its value, and this, paper may have, as well as gold. It is the stamp of the govern ment which gives currency to both.

AN INCRASE OF CIRCULATION. The fifth resolution of the democratic platform declares that: "We are favor of such legislation from time to time as will adjust the volume of the currency to the com mercial and industrial wants of the coun try."

This is a most important proposition It is an assertion of the power and duty of congress to increase the amount of currency in circulation whenever the business of the country demands it.

There is scarcely a division of senti ment at this time amongst the people of the west and south on this point. There are but few public creditors in these sec tions to be benefitted by contraction, but on the contrary millions of debtors, public and private, to be ruined by it. Senator Morton

labors

c°n"

gross are so limited nnrf /eeble that, after it has declared by law favor of paying a iniblio debt in a certain way, it has no power to provide the means to fulfill its own enactments. I am sure that if the required legislation was in the interest of the moneyed classes it would not be long delayed, and the arguments in its favor would Hood the land. It is enough however on this point that the supreme court of the United States lia« decided that congress has xlie constitutional powfir to issue paper currency and make it a legal tender. The power of congress being conceded its exercise should follow in the fulfillment of its promises to pay in that kind of money. The idea that the government may have the constitutional power to make a contract in behalf of the people with public creditors, and yet be destitude of the constitutional power to carry out the terms of the contract thus made, seems too absurd for

iKii oenaior iiui iuii clilcu mc tivt ui ucuj"* congress of June 30th, 1864, as a pledge sions might be enumerated without a 4 *. .-.'I! a? an Mi Wllflt diiluc1 "... dingle denial of such demands. What circumstances, have the people, therefore, of any party or organization to hope for from the party now in power? It belongs to the bond-holding, manufacturing, railroad ing, and banking monopolies it has always implicitly done their bidding, nunurea millions oi iegai leiiuer uuies^ iun»ro 07 This pledge according to the senator, ex- and is doing so now, and will continue to 4 xmi /Vi nil iI *ri a iirirl no Ti ho hrntron /I r\ cn ill fViO

that the American government will never, under any without any limitation as to time, though wars may assail us, and our nectssities be ever so urgent, issue or suffer to be issued more than foi^ hundred millions of legal tender note

tends through all time and can be broken in no contingency. The history of the world is full of such foolish finalities. One generation, thinking itself wise enough for all time to come, has often attempted to bind all the generations that were to come after it. Such presumptuous efforts, however, have alwavs been spurned whenever they stood in the way of the public wants and of human progress. So they will be in*this instance. If the people determine that the greenback circulation ought to be increased for the best interests of the country beyond four hundred millions by the gradual payment of the fivetwenty bonds, or by the substitution of greenbacks for national banking currency, this pretended pledge will no more bind them than the obsolete blue laws of Connecticut now bind the enlightened descendants of their ignorant and nar-row-minded fathers. Let us, however, obey the law, and fulfill thc law, and allow the consequences to follow in their natural order. It needs no gift\of prophecy to foretell that they will be favorable to the laboring masses of the country, and indeed to every legitimate business interest. THE PROOF SUMMED UP THAT THE 5.20

state platforms of Ohio and Indiana in anu urui*.. mauuuu .nntotl(i a«T

to show that a trifling

amount of expansion has taken place. If so, its presence has not been perceived in the Mississippi Valley. In truth, whatever Senator Morton may say here in Indiana, the national attitude of the republican party on the financial question is that of contraction, consequent low prices to the farmer and mechanic, with no diminution of their tax rates, hard times to the poor, and all who are in debt, with vast hoarded wealth in the hands of the favorites of class legislation. No candid and intelligent person will deny that this is the position of the administration jiow in power. American history shows no orner administration so subservient to the power of money as the present. I speak not now of its low uses in bribery and corruption, but of that power which aggregated capital has always sought to exercise in its own favor. What single demand of the capitalist has this administration denied? Not one. The demand was made, as I have shown,.to forge a new meaning on the face of the contract creating our public debt, and itwasgranted before the present administration was a month old, thereby adding unlawfully more than five hundred millions of dollars to our lawful debt. In the midst of unparalleled financial distress last winter, the capital and monopolies of the country demanded the veto of a bill in which it was claimed there were some elements of popular relief, and the head of the republican organization, the republican president, promptly acceded to the demand. A hundred similar conces-

til rfi. If the RGOple eXpeCt

do so in the future. If the people expect to break their oppressions, they must look elsewhere for help. In contrast with the principles of the party in power, I place the principles of the democratic party on all the financial, industrial, and commercial questions of the day. We challenge the popular favor because we are on the side of the well known wants and necessities of the people. Senator Morton claims that the republican party is progressive. On the contrary, its only inspiration on the subject of the finances, is the timid, cowardly conservatism which always emanates from hoarded, and usuriously invested capital. I once heard a senator remark that nothing was more cowardly than one million of dollars, except two millions. When the chief pursuit of a party becomes the affectionate guardianship of the coffers of gold which it has assisted its favorites

party I would

n. I would vote for no such swindle

pcrflu0us except would vote for no such speculation in increase, the agricultural sections would

the'present favor of the large bondholders, the millionaires, who ,00k o, our

fo pay more than we iono ^kindles favor of the.large bondholders, themil- be revived as the parched fieldsare by

pottd. On the other hand the democratic

the future, as it wa3 once in the past, the

1868, and the entiie republican press of with impatience in all ages to such re- cootendag^nstthis

been a react

jon

mos

g0 the

wor

nn(d

nas inese requeaues anu mere tan uc u-» man iruui iuc ucsuuiuuu object in a return to specie payment This characteristic pervades the entire now, except to still further oppress those policy of the Republican party, and is who are in debt, and still further enrich

cure and retain a sufficient amount of

claimed to give confidence. If the confi dence should arise from any other source the same end would be accomplised. Gold has no more intrinsic value than any other kind of matter. It is worth

THE TEHFEKAXCE ISSUE. races by the enactment of the Civil Senator Morton was pleased to refer Rights BilL in very disparaging terns to the posi- I will not pause to Picture to you on of at pa on he he on of is if it perance question. It is always unfortu- comes a law, in the hotels, the theaters, nate for the cause of temperance when ™lrwi CMS, the stage coaches, and it is thrust by its ill-advised friends in- the steamboats. Yoar own minds wi to a political contest History abnnd- readily conjure up the scenes that mil antly shows that it was never advanced take place- But

the west at that time. Add to this ar- straints on inherent rights. It is for this ment, and he affirms that we ™h ne ray of proof the further fact that Jay reason that whenever the zealots and gro children to grow up in igno Cooke, then the fiscal agent of the gov- crusaders on this subject have pressed and vice. In this he is widely misernment to sell its bonds, advertised the keii demands too far there has always taken, and with the sixth resolution ten-forty bonds, as the only ones, whose

principal, as well as interest, was payable The practice of temperance is he was not warranted in making such in coin, and I am content to leave this

A RETIJBN TO SPECIE PAYMENT. lectual culture than by cumbrous, ill From what I have already said my digested laws of more than doubtful views in regard to a return to specie pay- constitutionality. This I believe to be ment may be easily anticipated. When the gentiment of the Democratic party the debts which were contracted, as we

Indiana. Jefferson said many years

id was governed too much

ir»n nf nrin^inal

no con

public »nd private creditors. There is perance question. The Democratic much talk in regard to a system of ex-

ports and imports by which we may pro- 5ivi^ually

tippd

thfi

Rft

one of the principal vices ot tne iie-

blican party is it3 restless

will be the proper time for specie pay- £oyern everybody in all concerns, both ments, and not before. Money is simply 8

and

a means of trade amongst individuals and nations, and" that kind of money tore relating to every phase of human which inspires and retains confidence, existence, assuming a paternal policy as

•the benefit of and is cheaply put in circulation, and if the people were children, calculating If it does not easilv handled is the best for the people- nothing from that sense of individual remake anew contract, but At this time our government currency sponsibility which can alone rescue a 1 A 1. nnH tliaOA f»«n no

.u „p„ contract but At tnis urae our government uuiicni,/ ejjuuaiuiubv 7 simply to enforce that which now exists has these requesites and there can be no man from the destruction of evil habits fL ohipct in a return to specie payment This characteristic nervades the entin

desire to

peat, to dictate on all mat

«n TV. fvAm fhn

Hrtcfrtinflrtn

rtt

OV1 I

tlflHI

fincd to its course on the tem-

hag mor(J faith in the pe0

and

pie, in

collectively, and hence

im to trust them with

ert'cs-

and a snare, and misleads the people scope of legislation to regulate the sale with words without meaning. There of spirituous liquors but not to prohibit never was, and never will be, a circula- it. The Constitution of Indiana proting medium in a commercial and agri- vides that all laws shall be uniform in cultural nation based on a sufficiency of their operations throughout the State, gold and silver to redeem more than one

dollar of it in threee. The actual re- cannot fail to bo so. demption of a paper currency in the hc Kepublican State platform de precious metals Hever did and never will iarcs "jn favor of such legislation as take place. It is a theory in finance pro

larger lib-

Wo hold it witliin theproper

a license system, which we propose

will give to a majority of the people thc right to determine for themselves in their respective towns, townships, or wards, whether the sale of intoxicating liquors for use as a beverage shall be permitted therein." Literally construed, this is a declaration in favor of the power of absolute prohibition by the "iocal option" of towns, townships and wards. This is in direct violation of the decision of our Supreme Court in the Beebe case, as well as thc provision of our Constitution above cited. It goes farther, too, than even the Baxter bill but supposing it was the intention of the fratners of that resolution to express only their approval of the local option feature of that bill, yet experience has shown it to be a failure in its operations. Under the operations of that law any quantity of intoxicating liquor, from the smallest to the- greatest, may be sold or given away without any permit at all, if the party receiving it shall only retire from the premises before he consumes it. I have seen this done with impunity under the

THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL.

In the course of his speech Senator Morton made an elaborate and bitter assault on the Sixth and Seventh resolutions of the Democratic platform which relate to the Civil Eights bill, and the votes of the two Senators from Indiana in its favor. On the 17th of June the Republican State Convention met at Indianapolis, and with these votes fresh in every mind, endorsed Senators Morton and Pratt with "hearty approbation" for "the fidelity and ability with which they represented the sentiments of the people of the State.'' On the 15th of July the Democratic State Convention arraigned them for misrepresenting the people on this subject. Thus the issue is formed in Indiana between the two political parties. Let us examine what that issue involves. By the first section of the civil rights bill, as it passed the Senate and is now pending for the action of the House next winter, the four millions and upwards of negroes in the United States are suddenly and imperatively, by the force oflaw, thrust into an absolute equality with the white race "in the full and equal enjoyment of thc accommodations, advantages, facilities and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theaters, or other places of public amusement, and also of common schools and public institutions of learning or benevolence supported in whole or in part by general taxation, and of cemeteries so supported, and also institutions known as agricultural colleges endowed by the United

States This is the most extensive and re markable social revolution ever attempted by legislation in the history of tho world. It overthrows in a moment the habits and usages of more than two hundred years in this country and es-

01 goia wmcn nas u»Mm .ttVU1,lco tablishes a radical change in the dailv

to amass, then its days of progress, cour-

age, and usefulness are numbered. That

CUB

toms of forty millions of people. I

know

of no parallel to it in the history

s, ^rrL,hon,r?-p5»nSci

which oppLS

succeed to the control of the government, long and settled habits, or of the acThere are fifteen years in which to cepted traditions of the past In any convert an interest-bearing bonded debt view of the subject the legislative of twelve hundred millions into a non- power of a government is never warranted in violently and suddenly assaulting such convictions and denouncing the severe penalties of high crimes against 4hose who do not surrender them. In fact what is often denominated prejudice as often proves to be the highest instinct of wisdom. There is no doubt that it is so in regard to the different races of mankind. Wherever this instinct of wisdom, which Senator

interest bearing circulating medium. This can be done at such- intervals and under such circumstances as not tq derange or unsettk the legitimate currents of trade a TO commerce and when the time comes for a return to specie payment, it will require no wiser statesmanship to provide for the redemption of a circulating currency in coin, than for the payment of the same amonnt of bonds in the same way. The difference would be that the government would redeem its outstanding obligations from the whole people, and pay them the gold instead of paying it to the bondholders, in violation of "the law of the contract. And all this can be accomplished witheut increasing our paper circulation beyond the demands of every true and legitimate business interest of the country and in snch increase, the agricultural sections would be revived as the parched fieldsare by the welcome rains.

thiS vast measure rast

in its scope, and in its results if it ever

universally recognized party of progress, Even if .. reform and development. Let it con- was no higher argument agai vince the people that its organization is wise statesmanship always respects the placed squarely with the pepular sym- honest prejudices of the people and pathiesand wishes, in favor of economy, calls in the aid of time, and the educatretrenchment and purity, and in favor of ing influences of experience rather than a general relief against the present mo- penal statutes, ruinous fines, and prison nopolies and oppressions, and, though in- houses to remove them. Cicero, Burke,

true^n^tbere

Jefferson and "Webster could speak with toleration of the prejudices of

dividual members of the democratic party may in some instances mistake or fall short of their duty, though I have nVankiiid, for 'after all what "is a prejudoubtless done so myselt, vet the people nothing more than a thought with unerring instincts will rally to our given flag and sustain us. It must not be sup- an operation of the mind on a gmn posed that the democratic party will do subject, an idea, an opinion, sometimes anything r*sh on the subject of the well founded and sometimes not, ther finances or any othexubject, if it should suddenly conceived, or the

Morton calls a prejudice, has been broken down, the most lamentable and degrading consequences have followed. The pages of hi3tory are open to all, and the candid student who will read them, free from the influence of those political leaders who not only go down in the dirt on their knees, but on their very faces, for the control of the negro vote, will there behold foreshadowed

by political discussion or partisan legis- tion of education all the States we lation. Intemperance has in all ages of cannot be too deeply concerned yi view the world been recognized as an evil of of this revolution^ measure. Does giant proportions, but the innumerable any philosophic and fair minded perattempts which have been made by son beheve it a safe and judicious step, coercive and prohibitory laws to govern tending to the future elevation aiid the various appetites of mankind have welfare olft!he c°untrj^ to coerce tobeen in every instance conspicuous fail- gether all the children black and white ures. There is something repulsive to mto the same schools and colleges the natural and commendable spirit of everywhere throughout the United personal independence in the idea of de- States? That is the quesfaon to be an terminingby law how a man shall exer- swered in this canvass Senator Mor rise that primary right of nature, to eat, ton says it is hatred of the negro in ad and drink. Mankind has submitted dition to prejudice which leads us to

t^e

damaging to the of the Democratic platform before him

individual responsibility, and can far a statement In it we say:

I I "Wo ill

better be promoted by moral and intel

great ques-

n.t

thjo

OT„M n„

„nact

s^e®P'n&.

f*.vnr

nf a Ii

"We are in favor of a liberal system of education for the benefit of the negro as well as the white children of Indiana, but are opposed to the mixture of the black and white races ^in our schools or other educational mstitu lions."

The Senator contends that a system of separate schools, as here advocated by lhe Democratic party, for the liberal education of both races, will not reach every isolated negro family in the United States. Perhaps not, nor is every white family supplied with the advantages of schools. All that can be expected is that the great bulk of our population black and white shall be aforded such advantages. A separate school school system for each race will accomplish this, for the great mass of negro population is consolidated in the South, and there is hardly a school dis trict in that entire section in which negro school could not be supported. And in the North thc negroes have generally gathered together in settlements, so that their separate scBbols could be maintained by the liberal assistance which may be extended to them. It thus appears that the negro race is perhaps as well located to receive the benefit of separate schools as the white race so widely scattered over the States and territories, and beyond the mountains and rivers of the far West. They are in a situation therefore to be educated as a race in their own schools, and then to send forth teachers to.enlighten their remote and scattered people as the white race does.

This course can be pursued with blessings to all and injury to none, while the adoption of the civil rights bill will break down the common schools of most of the Southern States, drive the white children from them in others, and work the same results in many parts of the North. The rich man can and will send his children to private schools or hire teachers at home, while the poor must educate their children at the public schools with the blacks or not at all. Senator Morton indulged jp the following sneer: "The old bug-bear of social equality which has so- often dono

ded to

very

affright

eyes of the

well-meaning but misguided ladies who took the whole subject in hand a few months ago. No law can bo worss than this for thc temperance people, as well as for those who keep respectable houses for the sale of liquor but a judicious and well regulated license law, which shall protect society and derive a large income for the school fund, will be a vast improvement for both. We are willing to go before the people on the issue thus made up, and abide the result. And if in this connection Senator Morton and his followers, in whom the old leaven of IvnowNothingism yet remains, shall open a warfare on that portion of American citizens who have sought our shores from foreign countries, bringing with them their harmless and inoffensive habits and innocent recreations, the ronvom tic._narty willJ?.oand glorious record in behalf of equal and exact justice to all, come from whatever land they may.

But Senator Morton finds it quite natural for the Democratic party to be opposed to the civil rights bill because we were opposed to the bestowal of negro suffrage. He says that the opponents of this bill "resisted the civil rights of the negro at every step and declared that to confer upon him the right of suffrage would be the dishonor and destruction of the Republic." In uttprintr this gpntpnf-p SUajJiior-MnEtnp ov. idently hopes tne people have forgotten that after the close of the war he sounded the key note of .opposition to negro suffrage in Indiana as he has since done in its favor. He opposed it both on constitutional grounds and on the general grounds of public policy. In November 1865 he thus forcibly stated the constitutional objection in his message to the Indiana Legislature:

him. It seems therefore that there arc natural rights ftir the negro, but not for some other kinds of people. Even Newton Booth, the accomplished Governor of California, cannot discover the natural right of a Chinaman to become a citizen of the^ United States. The Chinaman is as much superior to the negro as the American is to the Cninaman. Is it prejudice or what that causes the Republican party to shut the door in his face while preaching loudly about the natural rights of the African?

But Senator Morton grows indignant over the assertion in the Democratic platform that the civil rights bill is an attempt on the part of the Federal Government to take control of the schools and other institutions therein named. He says: "The bill does not attempt to take control of all the schools, churches hotels, railroads, steamboats, theaters and graveyards on the part of the government of the United States, but leaves that control precisely where it is now." He arraigns the Democratic Convention for gross ignorance in asserting the contrary. A little further examination of this bill however will determine the disputed point. The second section provides that any person violating any of the provisions of the first section, or who may incite others to violate it shali "forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars to the person aggrieved thereby, to be recovered in an action on the case with full costs." But it does not stop at this. It is further provided by this section that any person, whether landlord^ conductor of a railroad, captain of a steamboat, stage driver, or schoolmaster, who shall discriminrte in the slightest degree between a negro and a white man or woman, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof shall be fined not more than ono thousand dollars, or shall be imprisoned not more than one year." If the declaration by law that the institutions enumerated in this bill shall bo conducted in a certain way under the enormous penalties of civil damages, penal lines and long imprisonments be not the assertion of a "control" over them, it is more than useless to predicate an argument on the universally accepted force of logic and the meaning of words. The remaining sections of this most odious bill are engaged in fixing the jurisdiction for the trial of offenders growing out of a violation of it in the United States courts,

ing and requiring the District attorneys,

marshals and deputy marshals, a.nd

tho America people, may be safely left

for their decision. They will

eminent has the

determine

admitted

service

cause of the Democracy is

in the

aSam

para

the souls of those who

do feel entirely confident of their social position." I do not mean to bo disrespectful to the Senator when I say that those who are opposed to the civil rights bill are quite as secure in their social relations as he can possibly be in his, and that thousards of humble laborers are as scrupulous in regard to the social and educational associations of their children as they would be if they occupied the high station he docs. And I believe this is as true of the voters of his party as it is of mine.

On the

...

subject of negro suffrage. I only quote him against himself to show how unreliable has been his leadership to men of principle. We appeal to the deplorable condition of the South for the justification of our position on the suffrage question. Bankrupt states, beggared communities, wasted provinces, plundered cities, and deserted fields are our witnesses. The Senator says, in his speech here a week ago that "Democracy in the south means a conflict of races." Even if this were true, which it is not, who would be to blame for it so much as the Senator himself? In his speech at Richmond, Indiana, he proclaimed that the establishment of negro suffrage and negro State governments in the South -'would result in a war of races," and as soon as convenient afterwards proceeded to assist in doing that very thing. If the war of raees is there it is his own handiwork.

appeal

ate of the United States in which Mr. Summer who was always consistent, labored to have our naturalization laws so amended as td include the thrifty and intelligent emigrants from China.

which it can bo secured. Whenever

shall

port duties the problem, now so troub-

Lome, will be more than half solv

ed. But while the manufacturers of iron and steel are protected in chargin nearly two prices for what they sell

have

rultUTYS

zia CTTi-taiiiljr

"Tho snbject of suffrage is-by the than in the expensive transportation of ,T.

mfn

National Constitution, expressly refer red to the determination of the several States, and it cannot be taken from them without a violation of the letter and spirit of that instrument."

No proposition was ever more cor rect than this, and yet it^vas not long desirable, whenever it can until the Senator was engaged in vio-

1 1 1 1

By what right a man with such a record as this denounces othors for entertaining the same views I must leave te political casuists more skillful than myself. The only thing of which I think Senator Morton can justly com-

~7hTs connection, is "the fact that

Democrat

part

l, its

has a tendency to

convictions and cannot

the products of ^our farms. Another means of cheapening transportation, now much discussed, is the construction of water lines of communication from the Mississippi Valley to the Atlantic seaboard. This is most

lating, according to his own doctrine, the letter and spirit of the Constitution tion. The canal and the river are the by taking away from the several States cheap thoroughfares for produce. The the right to determine the subject of outlay is not great in thc construction suffrage in their midst. On the grounds of thc ono or the improvement of the

of public policy he stated his objections other, to negro suffrage in the following forcible manner: "It is a fact so manifest that it should not be called in question by any that a people just emerging from the barbarism of slavery are not qualified to become a part of our political system, and take part not only in the government of themselves and neighbors, but of the whole United States. So far from believing that negro suffrage is a remedy for all our national ills, I doubt whether it is a remedy for any, and rather believe that its enforcement by Congress would be more likely to subject the negroes to a merciless persecution than to confer upon him any substantial benefit."

/tnnftl

TIONS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

The exposures of corruption in the Republican party have been so exten

sive and startling in the last two years

that the only apology its leaders now

make is that they themselves have de-

tected their own swindlers. This is

been outraged by dishonest Republican

ton virtually admits, and the history of the

'""m] is now made bv the Sena- abundantly proves that the Adminis-

A iwuvwwv /\l 4ha (.ATttfAr 1C

-11 Vhntti Kohnlri fnrpsdiiulftwpd the Pacific coast and by a sufficient a claim. When the impartial history of seen. Mrs. J. called the name of her

t'hc incIStihle cmsciueMes t^ both1 number from other States h. defeat these .toe, .hall be written, the credit of husband several times no response,

arresting the public attention to the gigantic frauds of the Credit Mobilier Company will be awarded to Horace Greeley, who in his speech at Indianapolis, while a candidate for the Presidency, made the first exposure of its stupendous schemes. This led to agitation, and the subsequent investigations, not in accordance with the wishes of Republican officials, but against them. Public opinion once having seized the facts given by Mr. Greeley, forced every step of the subsequent proceedings. No credit whatever is due on this subject to the Republican organization or its great leaders. They simply quailed before the storm and traveled with the wind because they could not do otherwise.

The investigation and discovery of the fraudulent character of the Sanborn contracts for the collection of the United States revenues, was more doe to the courage and industry of James B. Beck, the able and valuable Democratic member of Congress from the Ashland District of Kentucky, than to any other one mar.. If my memory is correct, he first called the attention of the House and country to the subject, and took a leading position on it until Secretary Richardson was driven from the Treasuty by the disclosures that followed. Every effort was made at the start, by the Republican leaders of the House and elsewhere, to prevent investigation and afterwards to shield their friends in office.

The origin of the investigations which

gtock

by a landlord the manner

which passengers on steamboats, or

schools, and the right of admissions to j(ja

shall bo buried when they die. Ihey

will rather conclude that such an usurp-

ation of power has not been before at-

tempted siaco tho foundation of the

Government, and that it makes ropecta-

ble the worst forms of federalism.

-n

commissioners of thc United States to j11jirniansi,ips

institute proceedings against every per-

son who shall violate tho provisions ol /M.:_ this act, and cause him to be arrested and imprisoned, or bailed, as the case may be, for trial before such court of the United States, or territorial court, as by law has cognizance of thc offense.

tne oiiense."

from

e3ia

not

easilv persuaded that the l'ecleral Gov- ,— —c.,...,..* „,„a nnmr.il eminent has the

constitutional

power

constitutional

ponui

mc uujjm ui nn. iuiv™s..uv,... acaaiy reputes in mo overuanj resulted in the overthrow of the government

ofdie District or Columbia, is notonously

different from the Senator's statement. The property-holders of that District, a large majority of whom are Democrats, besieged Congress to order an official inquiry into the charges of jnal-administra-tion and corruption with which the press was already teeming. When a respectable party of your neighbors comes to your door and alleges that there is reason to believe stolen goods are hidden in your house and that they desire a search made, a refusal on your part would be worse than a discovery after search, for then you could at least deny you knew they were there. So with the Republican majority in Congress. It dared not deny an investigation. It simply chose the lesser of two evils to its reputation. I am not now affirming or denying the charges against the 9fficials of the District of Columbia. I am slow to make charges of dishonesty, and ucJt swift to believe them when made by others. But

Senator Morton, in order to gain credit for his party, asserts the guilt of these officials and claims the honor of their ex osure and punishments

Having shown, however, that the Senator's claim of discovery is totally unfounded, how shall wo gravely consider his pretensions that the Republican party has punished those whom it has exposed! Punished!

luiiuu ui iii" i.K- )ia3 |jeen punished? Were all exclusively and in especially authonz-

tboge moin

bcrs

Congress who held

th() Credit

YCiiitr

Mobilier punished

reappointed by tho Speaker, to

comniittco9 0

all the leading

the House? Was John

A. Bingham. of Ohio, punished for his shares of this stock by being appointed Minister to Japan? Did tho llepublian Senate punish him bv its

,pointment?

Here this issue, most momentous ished when ho was taken in his disgrace and far reaching in its consequences to

^c Treasury and appointed to an

lted, judicial life oflice and was Sen-

ator

Norton inflicting punishment on

him when his conlirinatiDn was carried

tlir0ll

„i1 i1G

tho character of guests to be jnten(j

whcn upon th0 ci030 0f

stagecoaches shall be seated and ac- immediately appointed him to ancommodated the regulation of public

other-j

colleges, and in what grave yards people jailinerit in some State's prison

thHdnd_ The

ludcd to

fof

them

subject of cheap transporta- changed according to thc political party /0

tion, Senator Morton overlooks the to which a man belongs. Tho Rcpub- **HXnd

principal and most obvious means by ijcan administration of tho government J'th

the chief articles which enter into the iong contiuuanco in power, and by the

fl»Ain th A

The projected canal from tho

mouth of the Kanawha to the James rjver is justly attracting great attention. Dy it the waters of the Ohio, and consequently the Mississippi and all its vast tributaries, will be connected with ocean navigation at Norfolk, Virginia, by a far shorter line than any that now exists. Competent engineers have pronounced the work practicable, and at no distant day it will bo completed, if the great interests of agriculture are properly considered. Another work of similar character is under contemplation through Georgia to th# sea board. It has every argument in its support that should insure success. An extensive improvement of the mouth of the Mississippi, that greatest of all water lines of transportation, has also been elaborately discussed. All these questions should be thoroughly considered, and intelligently understood by the laboring masses. In them, and like enterprises, the most vital interests of the producers are involved. And in the course of time they will settle the farmers' issue of cheap transportation much more safely, and fairly and more in accordance with natural laws than any action of Congress that will ever be obtained. THE "SELF EXAMINATIONS" AND CORRUP

construction and equipment of railroads innumerable temptations, and opportu- intimated that

be cheapened by a low rate of im- mtics by which its officials are sur-

history 0

as ono day

follows

another that the builders will get their money back in turn from their customers, tho people. Tho first step therefore towards cheap transportation is to break down the huge and oppressive monopoly of tho present tariff, and place it on a basis of revenue, and on the side of the people. As it stands now it enriches the few and impoverishes the many, and in no way more effectively

tained in power. lhe Kopubhcan

party is perhaps more corrupt at this

nearly two prices lor what tncy sen, time than any other party of modern

tho farmers may be sure that it finally times, in this or other countries, by A consultation. Wife No. 1 falls on them in thc shape of heavy reason of tho patronage and specula-, rates for transpottation. If railroads tions of thc war, and its subsequent i"'0

to be expensively built on account policy by which the entire south was of an exhorbitant protective tariff, it turned over to official plunderers and

r_11

highwaymen. A change is imperative

ly demanded by every public interest Senator Morton pleads for a new grant of power to his party. What does it bring you to win your support? Discord in its own councils over the lead ing national issues, a Congress framing asysteni of finance and the President vctoeing it financial depression and discouragement everywhere a crash like a thunderbolt six months ago and its effects still remaining, tho southern states in ruins and rendered unable to contribute to the general prosperity of the country, tho civil service of the country debauched, thc revenues farmed out to knaves for collection, monopolies of all kinds fostered until the whole people are in open revolt against them these are some of the fruits which the policy of tho party in power now exhibits for the approval of the American people. I believe that the day of a great change is drawing near, and if the Democratic party will sincerely and faithfully adhere to the cause of tho people, despite thc assaults of open foes or pretended friends, and consecrate itself to thc great work that is befoie it tho responsibilities of tho government will once more be placed in its hands, ^f it falters now, however, as to whether it will march under the banner of monopoly or the banner of thc people, its opportunity is lost, and lost forever. Let us therefore deeply imbue our minds with thc principles of a pure and true Democracy and enter the contest with strong hearts in favor of restoring tho government to its original purposes a government of the people, administered by thc people, and for tho benefit of tho people.

IIOMURLE FATE.

An Illicit Distiller Killed by BattlcsnukcM. From the Athens (Tcnn.) Post.

A distiiler named Jones, who lived with his family near tho lower bench of the Big Smoky Mountain, had been annoyed a good deal by the revenue rangers last fall, and determined to change his location and business to a more secluded spot.

buildinK Ag 800

was over and the

the 8t

an( ot

wor(J move(

an(jJones

win|^nnfo?raJ^d

Pwhile

tion," in which it had made the most hisavocation in peace. ghastly and horrible discoveries of its own

ith

is now maae Dy tne oenar tration of the Government mall its branches .. ,, tor to the general principles of hu- by the Republican party has become so cor- became alarmed, and thouDht that he way again. manitv and natural right in behalf of rupt that every examination, whether self had been captured revenue jayhis course on the civil rights bill. This made or not, reveals immense official dis- hawks and earned to Knoxville or some coming from the leader of a party honesties, and tllat it takes the time of one- other place, where violators of the law which has openly refused to permit the half its leaders to investigate the other half, are occasionally convicted and punishChinaman to even naturalize in this then indeed has the time come for the peo- ed. The alarm was given through countrv sounds hdllow and insinccre. pie to rise, irrespective of party, and sweep the sparsely-settled neighborhood. A I once witnessed a debate in the Sen- the Augean stables. But poor as the plea

sma

ol the Senator is on this point, he is not accompanied by Mrs. tfones and her even entitled to its benefit, for it is not sus-

KM6 ennmerates the

Credit Mobilier, Sanborn, and District of ^cti0/0f the still-house.

BU Columbia frauds as discoveries made by ,, and intelligent emigrants from China, the Republican party, and for which pun- On reaching the building they found He was resisted by every Republican ishments were meted out to the guilty, t^e chsed and fastened, and no cenator and member in Congress from Nothing could be more spurious than such ^S11 Jones or any one else could be

however, came back to relieve her anxiety. But upon attempting to force an entrance they were greeted with those peculiar notes of warning which the ear of the East Tennessee mountaineer never fails to recognize. The door was at once broken down and a sight met them that caused all to start with fright and horror.

The form of the distiller lay upon the floor, with eyes starting from their sockets, the features horribly distorted, and body swollen to twico its usual proportions, while the whole interior of the building was alive with rattlesnakes, some in coil and ready for battle, but the larger proportion stupid and inert as though they had been imbibing liberally of the illicit fruit of thc still. The mother and son fled horror-stricken from the place. A consultation was had, and as it was impossible to rescue the body of poor Jones without incurring fearful risk, it was^determined to reclose the entrance and other apertures, and fire the building, which was done. The party stayed until the house was entirely consumed and nothing remained but tho useless still and the calcined bones of tho miserable distiller.

It is supposed that Jones had built his manufactory close upon a den of tho deadly reptiles in tho overhanging cliff,

nnd thftt attractedby

Junction

confirmation

of Ins

Was Richardson pun-

Senate? Did tho President

pun Governor Shepherd

the investiga-

whi(jh (lcprivcd him of ono

office,

jjftS Sanborn been prosecuted

ft'cnses? is he undergoing pun-

h}g cr

jmcs

Nothing of

political malefactors al- °™!S°

hJ favor with thoir ty and near]y

the heat, or possi-

Wy the fumcs of the whis

kyi they found

their way into the building in largo numbers after he had closed the door and lay down to sleep.

Eii or It Arden Outdone— A Deserted Wife—The lUttfrnuiiimUy of an Injured Woman.

The Courier made mention thc other day of a muchly married man overtaken in his sin at the Junction Hotel, and confronted by his deserted wife in thc presence of wifo No. 2 and several children, all lathed and plastered. Tho "nest-hiding"' bigamist was a party by thc nmno of Smith, lie was conncctod with tho Junction Hotel, and has resided in Lafayette for two or three years, llo has conducted himself in an exemplary manner, and a few months after his arrival hero won the hand of a worthy young lady in marriage. They lived happily and liavo ono or two children. Everything was lovoly and not a potato bug in all the half aero of their domestic joy when wifo No. 1, accompanied by a handsome youth of fifteen, (her eldest son) dropped in. quito unexpectedly for tea. ller husband had left home in Ohio two years ago to find a locution where tho family might grow up with tho country, but somehow forgot to write, and the deserted wifo had well nigh despaired of ever seeing hiin again, when his whereabouts wa3 revealed to her in tlio remarkable coincidence of a dream. Sho saw in a vision a building so liko tho

Hotel that, although she had

seen tho house but once it was vividly recalled to mind. In ono of the windows of this hotel, as shown in tho dream, sat tho long lost husband with an infant babe in liis arms. She was so impressed that sho started the next week for Lafayette, and, strange to say, immediately upon leaving thc train on tho afternoon of her arrival sho saw her husband and tho babe in precisely tho same attitude as revealed to her in tho dream. There was a scene. Tho first impulse of tho too-much married runaway was to deny his identity, but the absurdity of tho proceeding was so manifest that ho ciunc out liko a little man andacknowl-

edged

tho corn.

lie

by Senator Morton are all in wife No. 1, and, finally, acknow led ed

jn office.' Let mo be un-

(lerstood 011

CHEAP TRANSPORTATION. I do not believe that human nature is

mado some poor

inP^ttt'(?"

?,fv,UiIcSwled-'cd

his eiTOr beso.ight the org

ncss

b®th-

this question of corruption. I^ saul he I

., .,M

rnt

hit was ft

becomo very corrupt because of its £cincd a little doubtful about

unded. Such is more or less thc rather insisted

parties when too long re- alTn

To carry out this purpose he selected the head of a deep gorge some four miles distant, walled in in with cliffs, where during the winter, assisted by —~r~~ ~J ,.„r,i^of some of his friends, he erected a log gas which escapes hero is the rankest

began to congratulate him-

beyond the nrying eyes of the govern-

ghastly and horrible discoveries of its own -«-ne suu-uuusu speciaxora increases impurity. The people are not so much from where his family lived, Jones

concerned as to how frauds are discovered rarely visited them more than once in a the populace, and our venerable friend as they are in regard to the fact that they fortnight. Everything went on well t-i__ -r^-n i—:i„—in enough until about four weeks ago,

exist. The fact that a man has a fatsd enough until about four weeks ago, new ideas from tho transatlantic young disease preying on him, is more important when he failed to appear at the accus- fellows. to him than the name of the physician who tomed time. discovers it. If it be true, as Senator Mor- Nothing was thought of this for a day THE Salem Free Press, which was ton virtually admits, and the history of the

as the cold weather kind of carbonic acid, hence its sure

spring fairly opened, destruction of life also quenching ot

her things necessary flame instantaneously.

to the place, and the work

the plea made here by Senator Morton, of violating the revenue laws was re- AMERICAN SPORTS IN EHGLAKD.—The and for which he claimed great merit. sumed. Several "runs" were made, American base ball men and cricketers S He did not deny that the people had

are

jf hat he had at last found a refuge games in England. The Red Stockings

auuiuuu weather remains fine and the crowd of The still-house being some distance spectators increases daily. The play lita fnmiltf livnn .TrtnAO it. A rt /MAAiltr

illc.

for an

hour Ho

t]iC

had and

partnership 'affair!

Qf him Qut of

ho nccd not

/ou^le

im8clf to

retire,

Ttt

So ho

awaited their de-

wiyca withdrow to

cornor 0f th0

room and held a

./as rather stern at first and talked about tho law and its penalties. Sho softened after awhile. Then they both took a good cry, and wifo No. 2 said to wifo No. 1, "1 suppose you liavo the first claim, anyway. Take hiin, and let mo go back to my mother's." Then sho sobbed violently. Wifo No. 1 walked to tho window, looked out for a moment in meditation, and returning, took the young wife by tho hand and said, "No, I will not tako him from you. I had become quite accustomed to* his absence, and now that I know and the world knows that his leaving was for no fault of mine, I will go back as I came. You aro young. You have a young babe. I am older and have a son well nigh ablo to support me, and I Will not interfere. "Good bye, to both of you," and saying this much, only this and nothing more, she left the room. Sho remained in Lafayette for two days as though hesitating in her magnanimous resolve, but finally took the cars for her home near Cincinnati. She refused any further interviews, and when asked if sho would not write a line on her arrival home. "No," said she, "I don't want to hear of you again, and I shall change my residence this fall. I am very unhappy about tlys business, I did not deserve this at his hand, bull wish you well so don't bother me any more.'' Thu8 in the magnanimity of an injured and deserted wife, is the romance of Enoch Arden outdone. Truth, verily, is stranger than fliction.—Lufayetle Courier.

A Fatal Spring*

|Krom thc Colusa (Cal.) Independent.] About one half a mile over a mountain from Bartlett Springs there is what is called tho Gas spring. This is probably the greatest curiosity of the mountains. The water is ice-cold, but bubbling and foaming as if boiled, and thc greatest wonder is the inevitable destruction of life produced by inhaling the gas. No live thing is to be found within a circuit of one hundred yards near the spring. The birds, if they happen to fly over it, drop dead. We experimented with a lizard on its destructive properties, by holding it a few feet above the water it stretched dead in two minutes. It will kill a human being in twenty minutes. We stood over it about five ainutes, when a dull, heavy, aching sensation crept over us, and our eyes began to swim. The

enjoying fine sport at their field

the game of base ball yesterday.

., joining WilS lUUUJJlll ui IVI xnr. wicrn .tw

the return of Jones, the family cured new material and is under head-

number of men gathered, and

a outh of ten or twelve year8 of

started up the gor

of.

The Nervous System

festations, take

ge in the

The

the Americans is greatly admired by

John Bhll is busily engaged in catching

tWo, but when another week elapsed recently destroyed by a mob, has pro-

is the most in-

teresting and Important part or the living body. All the vital operations by which we are nourished and sustained, all moral and mwital

paoi-

place

through the

agency of this part of the human organization "Lane's Cordial" purifies the blood, which is the source of nourishment to the nerves, thereby toning the whole nervous system, thus it has been found the

ef*

fectual cure for nervous debility, nain in the bacfe and loins, Joss

memory, loss of power and general prostration.