Terre Haute Weekly Gazette, Volume 6, Number 6, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 6 August 1874 — Page 2

V'"*

1^

Thursday, July 80,1874.

SPEECH OF

SENATOR 0. P. MORTON,

DELIVERED AT

Tene Haute, Friday, July 31, 1874 Last night the Opera House was filled with a select audience. The stage was handsomely decorated, and the Olee Clnb headed by Prof. Paige, with Prof. Kilbourne at the organ. The speaker was introduced by Col. R. W. Thompson, who said:

Fellow Citizens—It is in every sense appropriate that a political canvass in this part of the state should be commenced by a speech from Governor Morton. His long experience in public affairs, his intimate knowledge of public questions, and his acknowledged post3 tkAlAoflSnff momhorflnf tm

tion as one of the leading members of the senate of the United States, will enable him to speak instructively to us all. I therefore take great pleasure in introducing him to this audience.

The senator, sitting in his chair, spoke as follows: If I had consulted my own personal comfort, or the interest of my health/I should not be here to-night. Public speaking is not such a novelty to me, as I make it desirable especially at this time, in the present condition of my health. But I am here in obedience to an invitation of friends whose requests I hardly feel at liberty to refuse, and without further preliminaries, I shall come at once to the topic that I propose to discuss to-night. [Applause.]

SPIRIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.

The Democratic party ia out of povvur, and is struggling to retain it. It is the Opposition and attempts to seize upon every popular discontent, and to avail itself of every local passion to sejure the Republican party. It prcofnts no policy for the administration te the government, and makes no atatmpt to preserve consistency. It feels at liberty to profess in one locality what it denies in another, and take any position in one Stale to strike the Republican party a blow, without regard to „the ground which it occupies upon ho same question in other States. It does not hesitate to use any weapon of assault, knowing that there is little responsibility attached to those who are truggling to gain power as compared with those who are in possession of it and who aro responsible for its cxerciso

As an illustration of this 1 may refer to the fact that in the State of Maine the Democratic party has just declared for absolute free trade and for raising the revenue by direct taxation. In Pennsylvania it declares in favor of a protective tarifl, while in Indiana^ it aflirins its belief in a revenue tarill', to be so adjusted and framed with such nice discrimination as to aflonl

110

protection

to American industry. On the temperance question the Democratic position is as varied as the circumstances surrounding it in the different SUvtes and Territories with this qualification, however, that there is a general leaning to the side of intemperance. It may be said, generally, to go as far in favor of the unrestrained traffic in intoxicating liquors as it can, not to wholly forfeit the respect and friendship of those who arc inclined to the side of temperance. If the temperance men are for prohibition, the Democracy aro for a license law, always striking lower and making a bid for the support of those who trailic in intoxicating liquors. If tlio temperance men asked only for a license law, there the Democracy would put the license very low, or have no license at all, still offering inducements for the support of that class of men. Whatever measures may bo proposed in any State or lorritory whereby to diminish the evils of intemperance, for some reason it is sure to come short of receiving Democratic support and they never fail to find some excuse for opposing it, although they may deal in glittering generalities in favor of temperance and reform. It is to the general tendency and proclivity of the Democratic party against tho temperance reform to which I call attention.

Sl'IIllT OF THE KHI'UBLICAN PARTY.

Resolutions against corruption tho cheap clap-trap of mrtios. parties profess to

bo opposed to

Thero are good and bad men in all parties and in all human organizations and the bad men will ultimately corrupt and take possession ot all organizations unless they are repressed, exposed and brought to punishment. The detection and exposure of the Credit Mobilier, Sanborn, and District of Columbia transactions were the voluntary and earnest work of the Republican parly and while if may show here and there a diseased member, yet it clearly reveals tho healthy tone, vigor and condition of the mass. The principles and constitution of the Republican party put it naturally upon the side of temperance as against intemperance, of freedom as against slavery, of the people as-against monopoly, of labor, free schools, intellectual and moral progress. It is a progressive party, and whenever it ceases to be so and becomes conservative, then you may begin to talk about its mission being performed. It is qualified to grapple with every new issue that is presented, has its face to the future, and holds that the work of reform is its normal and necessary condition.

For years to come the contest will be between the Republican and Democratic parties, and between them there is no room for a third party, and everyone that is organized will be feeble and ephemeral. These parties represent different ideas, tendencies and modes of thought which are in irrepressible conflict.

THE PANIC.

Last fall there came upon the coun: try a panic, which suddenly prostraed business and produced disastrous consequences. It was not caused by any defect in the currency or in our financial system, or by maladministration. A panic in finance is like a panic in the army, and is ginerally caused by some sudden and unexpected event that confuses the minds of men and destroys confidence. Panics occur quite as frequently where the currency is gold and silver as where it is paper convertible into coin or inconvertible paper. During this panic the people had unbounded confidence in the currency and hoarded it as they had gold and silver upon former occasions, and government securities were the only ones upon which everybody relied. The panic came upon us in a period of unequaled prosperity, and was as little expected as the shock of an earthquake. It was produced By the failure of a great bank- pres

ing house, having extensive connection?, which had rashly undertaken to build a railroad across the continent. The question immediately arose how the panic should be treated—what poliey should be adopted to mitigate its consequences and bring about a speedy restoration of confidence, business and prosperity.

CURRENCY.

The financial question was first presented to Congress at the lastsession by the President in his December message. In that message he asserted that the currency of the country, based, as it was, on the credit of the country, was the best that has ever been devised that the volume of currency was not more than sufficient for the dullest season of the year that since 1870 there had been an actual contraction to the amount of sixty-three millions, and that there had been a much larger comparative contraction by the growth of population, trade and commerce, the developement of our territories and the organization of free labor in the South.

He argued the necessity of returning to specie payments, but declared that it was impossible until our exports, exclusive of gold, paid for our imports interest abroad, and other specie obligations. As a measure of expansion and relief he recommended that the Secretary of the Treasury should be authorized to increase the issue of the existing national banks forty per cent, upon their filing additional bonds to that amount upon which new currency should be issued dollar for dollar.

the whole additional

corrup­

tion and nro ruuctv enough to expose Tiecuto it in other parties. I he ""o test of an honest party is in its self-examination, and tho exposure and punishment of corruption in its own ranks, in its continued vigilance for self-puritication in doctrine and practice. Tried by this test the Republican

party

is distinguished above every

other in tho history of this country. Nearly all that is known of corruption in the Republican party has been shown by its own diligent self-examination and the prompt cxposuro of every official delinquent who has been discovered. Nobody believes that tho Democratic party is particularly sensitive about corruption. In fact, when it was in power it was noted for the industry and skill with which it covered up tho peculations of its own members. Committees to investigate the official conduct of its own members were so rarely appointed bv Democratic majorities in Congress as not to bo remembered. The Democratic and Republican parties seem to have proceeded upon ditfercnt principles for self-dotcnso and preservation. flic Democratic party sought to protect itself against public opinion by concealing the delinquencies of its members while the Republican party has proceeded upon tho principle that self-examination and the exposure and punishment of its uelinquont members was tho best guarantee for its continuance in power.

rl

^v*r6,+^#igqmi9^wrf*tQ5v*

his

would have authorized an expansion of $145,500,000. Soon after the delivery of this message the Committee on finance in the Senate reported a resolution of which the following is a part: That it is the duty of Congress during its present session to adopt definite measures to redeem the pledge made in the act approved March 1H, 1809, entitled 'an act to strengthen the public credit," as follows: "And the United States also solemnly pledges its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period for the redemption of the United States notes in coin."

THE VETOED HILL.

Upon this resolution the discussions began, and it was strongly argued that there should be an immediate return to specic payments, which it was admitted by most of the advocates, could be accomplished only by largely contracting the volume of currency. Without going into a history of the discussions, which lasted throughout the Winter months, it is sufficient to say that in April a currency bill passed both Houses, containing but two sections. The first declared that the maximum amount of legal tender notes should be $400,000,(XX), just what had been claimed by Secretaries McCullough, Boutwell and Richardson, and by the President himself, but which had been disputed vehemently in Congress and out of it. It simply declared the law to be what the President and Secretary had assumed it to be. The word "maximum" means the greatest. It did not mean the precise amount, but simply the amount beyond which the issue could not go and did not make it obligatory upon the Secretary to issue another United States note, and left his discretionary power just what he had claimed it to be.

The second section provided for the issue of $46,000,000 of additional national bank notes to be apportioned to the States of the West and South, hav ing loss than their proportion of national bank currency, to be issued un der the same conditions, limitations and security as those already provided by law. As the law then stood tho issue of this amount of national bank currency would have required legal tender reserves to the amount of not less than ten millions, which would have been withdrawn from circulation so that

if

forty-six

had been taken up and

millions

issued,

not

the actu­

al expansion of currency in circulation would

have exceeded six millions.

A large portion of this forty-six lions would have been //portioncd to Southern States that would have taken it up very so that any danger to ),nvo resulted from a sudden expansion of the currency was of the most visionary character. The bill was vetoed by the President.

THE BILL THAT BECAME A LAW.

Just before the close of the session a bill was passed by a vote of more than two-thirds of each House and signed by tho President, fixing the amount of legal tender notes at 382,000,000 for permanent circulation, and taking from the Secretary of the Treasury the power to retire the twenty-six millions of such notes, which had been issued after the commencement of the panic, as a part of the legal tender reserve, and which it was asserted by the Secretary he had the power to retire and should do so, out of the first surplus revenues. It provided for taking fifty-five millions of national bank currency from the Eastern States having an excess over the jy-oportion they were entitled to under the law, to be distributed to tho States of the West and South that had less than their proportion. It further provided for abolishing tho legal tender reserves which the banks were required by law to keep on account of their circulation. Their bills were amply secured by the deposit of bonds and from the first the reserve on circulation had been regarded as absurd and unnecessary. This would set free and throw into circulation not less than forty millions of legal tender notes which before were required by law to be locked up in tho vaults of the banks, and is an expansion the circulation to that amount. Under the vetoed bill the expansion depended upon the establishment of new banks which would have been a slow process, especially in some of the Southern States, but under the present bill it is immediate, or so soon as the demands of business require tho use of more money.

It is not expansion by creating now currency, but by putting into circulation some forty millions of existing currency which has been locked up in the vaults of the banks. The effect of this bill in expanding the volume of currency in circulation was distinctly recognize.I by all who voted for it, and those who voted against it, did so for. that express reason. The bill extinquished the threat of contraction which hung over the business of the country like a suspended sword, and is an explicit declaration against that policy.

EFFECT OF THE DERATE.

From the da^ of the introduction of the resolution by the Finance Committee, in. December, until the final action upon the last bill, which is now the law. the vote in tho Senate in favor of free banking and such expansion of the currency as was necessary to the restoration of confidence and business, was constantly increasing, notwithstanding the bitter assaults made by a portion of the press upon members of Congress who advocated these views.

The specie payment furor that started out with a demand for immediate contraction and resumption has dwindled down into a harmless jinglo of phrases about "resumption to be effected without contraction,'- and "after the effects of the panic have passed away," and "when it can bo accomplished without injury to the business of the country," or "as soon as wise statesmanship can safely reach that result."

In the first debate on the subject in the Senate this winter, I defined my position on this question as follows: "The question first presented, is whether it is the duty of Congress at this session to take definite measures for the redemption of United States notes in coin? for that is the pledge given in the act of 1869. I agree that the faith of the government is pledgqd to redeem what are called greenbacks in coin. I agree to that as fully and as strongly as anybody and I further agree that we are to keep steadily in view a return to specie payments but the question is whether it is our duty at

this

session of Congress, at this time, in the condition of the country, to look

"f ?v-, -,

to and adopt such measures and at this point I differ with the committee." "Ther^is a wrong time to do a right thing and intay opinion this is not the time in which we should adopt definite measures to redeem these notes in coin unless the time be put pff so far that it will not increase the present embarrassment or intensify the effects of the panic upon the country."

This position I maintained throughout, and I believe it was the one substantially occupied by those in the Senate with whom I acted, and to which nearly all others have practically arrived.

NATIONAL BANKS.

The third section of the platform, adopted at the Democratic State Convention, is in these words: "We are in favor of the repeal of the National Banking law, and the substitution of greenbacks for the national bank currency."

While this section does not declare in favor of the restoration of the old State Bank system, we know very well that it would result in that The people will have some system of banking, and when the national banks are broken down State banks will spring up and take their places, and we shall agathi have upon us all the evils of a local, unsecured unreliable currency, which does not circulate beyond the limits of the State in which it is created, which frdb year to year perishes in the hands of the people, and under which the States of tae West and the South paid constant tribute to the Eastern States in the form of exchange. To the other members of my audience I need address no arguments upon the evils and disasters which attended the State bank system. Their recollections upon this subject are but too vivid.

The national banks afford a currency that is perfectly secured, in which everybody has entire confidence, that is of uniform value in every part of the United States, that is not easily counterfeited, and is unquestionably the safest and most satisfactory bank currency this country has ever had. The position to destroy this banking system involves a radical change in the finances and buisiness of the country, the collection and withdrawal of more than $900,000,000 of loans which these banks have made to the people, the vast derangement, contract on and distress of the country, and years of doubt and experiment before another system can be established in its place.

THE PENDLETON THEORY.

But in 18G7 Mr. Pendleton a distinguished Democratic leader, advanced the proposition that years a'ter the bonds had been sold, Congress had the right to make a further issue of greenbacks beyond the four hundred millions authorized by the original acts, and to make them a legal tender in payment of those pre-existing bonds, and that these new greenbacks, should be issued in such quantities as to enable the government to pay off the bonds at a rapid rate, and stop the interest. To me this proposition seemed to involve bad faith and repudiation, to require the holders of the five-twen-ty bonds to accept in their payment the original greenbacks with which the bonds had been brought from the government, expressly made a legal tender in payment of all public debts, except interest and duties, was equitable, and a measure of which they had due notice but to require them to accept in payment a further issue c€ greenbacks made long after they had purchased their bonds would hi not only in violation of the pledge given in the act of 18G4, but unsupported by the reasons, necessities and equities of the original transaction and inconsistent with national faith. This proposition of Mr. Pendleton had the support of many distingui^ed leaders of the Democratic party in tho Western States and resulted in a very general and violent discussion ol thesomewhat question.

Soon after the inauguration ot Lreu. Grant in March, 18G9, Congress passed an act declaratory of the law, intended to settle the whole question in which it was provided that the five-twenty bonds were payable only in coin, principal and interest. This act was intended to be a settlement of the controversy as to the mode of paying those bonds, and was generally received as such. I aoooptrrl it n.9 ft final Settlement of the question, and believed it must now be so received. Since that time these bonds have been bought and sold upon the express declaration of the government that they should be paid in coin, and the government is estopped from now asserting the right to pay them in any other way. Whatever may have been its right to pay them with the original greenbacks that was expressly waived by this act, and the whole world was invited to deal in them upon the pledge that they should be paid in coin. The Democratic platform therefore involves a double repudiation first, by a proposition to make a new issue of greenbacks with which to pay the fivetwenty bonds and secondly, by proposing to repeal the pledge given in the act of I8G9, upon the faith of which those bonds have been bought and sold for more than five years.

FINANCIAL CONDITION AND PROSPECT. It may be safe therefore, to predict that the settlement of this question by the act of 1869 will not be disturbed that it will not be in the power of the Democratic party of Indiana, to reopen the question, and that the national bank system will not be abolished. It may also be assumed that the pledge contained in the act of 1864, that the whole amount cf greenbacks should never exceed $400,000,000, will be accepted as valid and continuing, fttul that the policy of making an issue of greenbacks beyond the $400,000,000, either as a substitute for national bank notes or for any other cause, has been abandoned, and in fact that the volume of greenbacks will never exceed $382,000,000, the amount now in circulation. And the greenback problem which remains to be solved, is the redemption of these notes in coin at the earliest practicable period, as promised by the act of 1869. That this period is not tho present, seems to be conceded by nearly all, and that it will not arrive until after the effects of the panic have passed away, good times have been restored, and the balance of trade has ceased to run so strongly against us. While the fifty-five millions of national bank currency which the law provides, may be taken from States in the East and given to those in the West and South having less than their proportion or than what they need, may not be taken up very rapidly and in fact, cannot be until there shall have been a revival of business and prosperity, yet it will be taken at no distant period, and the demand will be renewed and finally granted for the establishment of what is called free banking and the removal of the monopoly feature of the national banking system, which his ever been its blemish, and has largely contributed to whatever of unpopularity the system may have.

Notwithstanding all that has been said against our currency as being depreciated and fiunctuating rag money, everybody knows that it is a good cur rency under which the country has prospered'as it .never did before, and that its further improvement will be natural, steady and healthy. And with these considerations I am content to await the further development of the future on the financial question.

The principal reason which has teen given for this proposed char.ge is that the government is paying interest to these banks upon their bonds, which it is alleged is an increased burden and expenditure. Thisargumeni ought not to deceive any intelligent person. The bonds which the banks deposit with the government as a security for the redemption and payment of their notes

ence before the banks purchased them and whether the interest is paid to the banks or private parties, as the holders of these bonds, can make no difference to the government The banks are required to purchase these bonds and deposit them with the government as security for their notes, thus making their notes safe beyond all question, so that neither the people nor the government can lose anything by them. The government furnishes the currency to the banks after the deposit of bonds, the banks having to pay the expense of the paper and printing, as a limitation and check upon the issues of the banks, so that it shall not be in their power to put into circulation more currency than they have secured by bonds on deposit That the banks must obtain their notes through the government is simply a measure of safety for the people by preventing over-issues.

CONTRADICTORY RESOLUTIONS. But, according to this resolution, the government should issue $354,000,000 of additional greenbacks for circulation instead of the bank notes. These additional greenbacks will be a public debt to that amount, though not drawing interest, and the very next resolution declares that the government shall return to specie payments as soon as the business interests of the country will permit It requires little reflec tion to see that these two resolutions are exactly contradictory, and that the first puts it out of the power of the government to comply with the second. If the government cannot procure the gold wherewith to redeem $382,000,000 of greenbacks, the present amount in circulation, how will it be able to redeem the greenbacks when the volume shall have beeu increased by adding $354,000,000 more in place of the national bank currency, making $736,000,000 of greenbacks? The difficulty of returning to specie payments will be increased nearly 100 per cent., and, according to the generally received theories, this will largely add to the depreciatiotf of the greenbacks.

THE PLEDOE OF 1864.

In the act of 1864 a distinct pledge was given to the creditors of the government that the whole volume of greenbacks should never exceed $400,000,000—the amounts authorized by the acts of 1862 and 1863. The recent bill which passed Congress and was vetoed by tho President, assumed this pledge to be binding, and fixed the maximum amount of greenbacks at $400,000,000.

The proposition now made by the Democracy to increase the issue of greenbacks $354,000,000, is beset with difficulties and contradictions on every hand. When the greenback act was passed in 1862 and 1863, they were denounced by the leaders of the Democratic party, embracing the oldest and most dintinguished members of this convention, as unconstitutional upon the ground that Congress had no power to make anything but gold and silver a legal tender in payment of debts. When the Chief Justice Chase delivered the opinion of the majority of the Supreme Court to the effect that these acts were unconstitutional, he was sustained by the leaders of the Democratic party throughout the United States and when afterwards President Grant had appointed two more judges upon that bench and this decision was reversed and the constitutionality of those acts affirmed, he was charged bythe politicians and press of the Democratic party everywhere with having packed the Supreme Court for the purposdtof obtaining a decision in gross violation of the Constitution of the United States. Now, in a time of peace, long after the war is over, we find a portion of the same politicians urging that the number of greenbacks should be

doubled

greenbacks

and that these new

should be used in payment

of the five-twenty bonds issued and sold by the government years before The position of these Democratic leaders is subject to this criticism—that during the rebellion when the issue of greenbacks was a necessity to the prosecution of tho war, they denied the power and now in time of peace, to gain apolitical advantage, they assert the power, though it would involve a broken pledge, and is stripped of all plea of necessity.

A DOUBLE REPUDIATION.

And this brings me to the consaiera tion of the first resolution of the plat form. "That we are in favor of the redemption of the five-twenty bonds according to the law under which they were is sued."

The existing greenbacks were authorized and issued before the sale by the government of the five-twenty bonds. The law creating them declares, and on the back of every note is printed, "This note is legal tender at its face val ue for all debts, public and private, except duties on imports and interest on the public debt." It was with these notes that the-five-twenty bonds were purchased at par from the government by the people, and it was contended with great force that the government, by the express terms of the law, had a a right to use these notes in the payment of those bonds. In fact, it was difficult to see how, upon principles of equity and the reading of the law, this conclusion could be avoided. Nevertheless, it was strenuously argued that there wai an understanding outside of the law, and a manifest public policy which required those bonds to be paid in coin.

CIVIL RIGHTS.

In the seventh resolution the Democratic convention went upon its knees to the prej udice against color and the hatred of negroes. The bill which passed the Senate making equal rights for the negroes in public schools, supported by general taxation, colleges, hotels, churches, railroads, steamboats, theaters and graveyards supported at public expense, was made the occasion for a special attack upon Senator Pratt and myself. It will be remembered that the same men who passed this resolution were the npologists of slavery, and to the very last did everything in its defense exccpt to fight. They were opposed to its abolition, resisted the civil rights of the negro at every step and declared that to confer upon him the right of suffrage would be the dishonor and destruction of the Republic. Beaten at every point, they would still exclude from him the blessings of education, the equal privileges of travel or a place of refreshment and rest while on his journey, or of honorable burial when dead, They would even exclude him from the privilege of worshiping God in company with white people and this, too, by white men, some of whom seldom enter the doors of a church.

UNREASONABLENESS OF PREJUDICE. There is something very remarkable in the operation of this prejudice against color. Persons who in their infancy were nursed by negro women, in their cildhood slept and played with negro children, in youth and manhood were the daily companions of ne. groes in the workshop, upon the farm,in the carriage and upon the journey, who employ negroes as body servants, and in that way were almost continually in their society, dressed by them, shavtd by them, nursed by them in sickness, and in various ways inhaling their breath a hundred times a day, and having with them that physical intimacy and contact that does not exist between equals in society yet when the same negro, as a freeman, presumes to stop at the same hotel, or ride in the same car with them, or to send his children to the same school with theirs, or to kneel in the same church,they are inexpressibly shocked, and declare that social equality will be degraded and destroy society. They think to make a few votes by appealing to the prejudices and fears of-the white people about mixed schools. In towns and communities where the children of each color are numerous, enough to be formed into separate schools, there will be no trouble on the subject, and there has not been. But in districts sparsely populated, or neighborhoods in which there are few colored children, and where their proportion of the school fmnd would be wholly insufficient to maintain separate schools, and their parents are not able to maintain private schools for them, if they are not admitted into the public schools, they must grow up in ignorance and without education. And what harm would these children do in the public school? They would in-

theyr have to buy in the market, just terrupt nobody, though in many places they like anybody else, paying the same would be the victims of insult and opprespricos. If these bonds were not held sion. The man who would say that under by the banks they would be held by such circumstances these colored children others, for they were already in exist- must grow up

without

edtfeahon, to be poor,

ignorant, helpless and perhaps vicious throughout their lives, amply because it Wuld be offensive to have them go in the same school house with white children, himself needs education in the principles of our common humanity.

EVEN-HANDED JUSTICE.

But the punishment and suffering will not fall upon the negro children only the community which inflicts the wrong will ultimately have to pay for it in some way. Such are the mysterious rulings of providence. Even now the people of the South are complaining bitterly of the ignorance of the colored voters by whom they are surrounded, and by whom, in some of the States and many of the districts, they are outnumbered. The poisoned chalice is commended to their own lips. Only a few years ago the people of South Carolina, Louisiana, and, in fact, every southern State, made the education of negroes felony. For teaching them to read and write their teachers were fined imprisoned, cast from society and often put to death so that the negroes grew up in mass ia the densest ignorance,* for it was thought that they would make them the most subservient slaves. And mean white men now hate to see the negro educated for fear that he will become their in tellectual superior.

But there came a grand revolution. The masters had embarked in a wicked rebellion in which they were defeated. The slaves were made free and clothed wiUi equat civil and practical rights with their late masters. In some of the districts, and in two or three States, they were numeri cally in the majority, and took the reins of government naturally into their own hands. They were not as amass very qualified to govern, and the moral as well as the intellectual education of many of them was sadly defective, for slavery is a very bad instructor in morals, teaching honesty neither by precept nor example. When the white

people come to us with loud complaints of misgovernment by the negroes in South Carolina and other Southern States, I answer them that the negroes are just what they made. Their former masters must take the bitter with the sweet. It is impossible that the brutal slavery of two hundred years should not be followed by some consequences which are disagreeable to their fdrmer masters. And what are all the sufferings and the evils resulting from misgovernment by the negroes in all the Southern States combined compared with the intolerable sufferings and hardships resulting from the institution of slavery, for even one short month! But the negro of the South is improving rapidly, and is everywhere distinguished for his desire to get an education.

Even the old are learning to read and write, and all are anxious for the education of their children. In the State of South Carolina, in which the negro population is so largely in the ascendant, and over which there is so much Democratic groaning, they have to-day abetter system or schools than in most Southern States.

A PERSONAL ARRAIGNMENT. The resolution in the Democratic plat, form which I am considering says: "We view with aborrence this attempt on the part of the Federal Government to take control of all the schools, colleges, churches, hotels, railroads, steamboats, theaters and graveyards, for the purpose of establishing negro equality and enforcing it under enormous penalties of fines, damages and imprisonment. We arraign Senators Morton and Pratt before the people of Indiana for their votes in favor of this atrocious measure, and we shall ask for judgment against them at the hands of their constituents whom they have misrepresented."

I arraign the authors of this resolution for gross ignorance of the provisions of the Civil Rights Bill which passed the Senate, and of the Constitution of the State of Indiana. The bill does not "attempt to take control of all the schools, colleges, churches, hotels, railroads, steamboats, theaters and graveyards" on the part of the government of the United States, but leaves that con­

trol

precisely where it is now. It simply makes it a penal offense to deprive the negro of his equal enjoyment of those institutions because of his race and color. The provision of the civil rights bill in regard to schools is in these words: "That all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities and privileges of common schools and public institutions of learning or benevolence supported in whole or in part by general taxation."

It will be perceived that if colered children receive the full and equal enjoyment of the common school system, it is a compliance with this act, and that the act goes no farther than to secure to colored children the equal benefit of the schools and the control of these schools is left to the local authorities but where they are deprived of these equal benefits, punishing by approprints vfllcujtn pcnoiwtjy whom they are so deprived.

CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE CONSTITUTION OF INDIANA. The first section of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution cl the United States, is in these words: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United Stales and of the State wherein they reside."

This provision places the children of colored persons born in the United States expressly within the operation of the first section of the Eighth Article of the Constitution of Indiana which is in these words: "Knowledge and learning generally diffused throughout the community being essential to the preservation of free government, it shall be the duty of the General Assembly to encourage by all suitable means, moral, intellectual, scientific and agric tural improvement, and to provide by la for a general and uniform system of common schools wherein tuition shall be without charge and equally open to all."

It will be seen that this provision of the Constitution of Indiana is even more explicit than the Civil Rights Bill, and declares in terms not to be misunderstood that the General Assembly shall provide by law for a general and uniform system of common schools wherein tuition shall be without charge and equally open to all. Now will these gentlemen who have arraigned Senator Pratt and myself show why the colored children of Indiana can be kept out of the common schools without a violation of the Constitution of the United States.

DECISION OF AN INDIANA COCBT. In a recent case brought by a colored man against.the school officers of Lawrence township, Marion conunty, for excluding his children from the public school, the superior court of Marion county decided that under the operation of the first section cf the eighth article of the constitution of Indiana, colored children had equal rights with white in the public schools, and could not be excluded from their equal benefit and enjoyment. The decission was made by Judge Perkins, a distingaished member of the democratic party, and for many years upon the bench of the supreme court.

The old bugbear of social equality which has so often done service in the cause of the democracy, is again paraded to affright the souls of those^who do not feel entirely confident of their social position. How often were we told that if slavery were abolished, there would be social equality between the races, and then how solemnly was it declared from everv stomp in Indiana, that if negroes were admitted to the right ol suffrage social equality would be inevitable? Well, these dreadful contingencies have happened, and social equality seems to be as far off as ever. But now we are assured that the civil rights bill, which in respect to schools, is but a re-enact-ment of the constitution of Indiana, will certainly produce the much dreaded result.

The school, hotel and graveyard qneslions are about the last hold the democracy have npsn the prejudice against race and color, and we must exptct to see them make the most of them.

The future is long, and revelation, history and reason alike teach us that justice and the right will triumph in the end The doctrine of civil and political eqoalitj to all races of men has been firmly entrenched in the constitution, and notwithstanding the obstacles thrown in its pathway by lingering prejudice and the exigency of parties, will march to a speedy and final triumph.

ONE IDEA OF THK DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN THE SOUTH. In the southern states the central idea of the democratic party is .opposition to the civil and political rights of the negro. White men are urged to vote the democratic ticket because that is the white nan's party, and will not tolerate the civil and political equality of the negro. If the party in the Bouth has any other principles than this, they are wholly subordinate, would be sacrificed to it at any time, and are not worth mentioning. To be a democrat in the southern states means not only opposition to

the civil and political rights of the negro nnder all circumstances, but the political and social ostracism of every white man who recognizes such rights, and willact with the negro in any political organization. Democracy in the south means a conflict of races, and has no nse for the democracy of the north, except so far as it recognizes this race conflict, and the principles of the white man's government The republican party placed the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments in the coLstitution, and is bound by its allegiance to the constitution, and to the eternal principles of the Declaration of Independence, to preserve and defend the negro in the enjoyment of his freedom and of his civil and political rights. And here is presented a great and vital issue between the two parties. The democratic party is pledged by its constitution, its history, affiliations and hopes of the future, to undying hostility to the negro race. The republican party is pledged by its history, by 'its sacred principles to stand faithfully by the five millions ef newborn freemen, and must continue to be in the future, as it has in the past, the party of liberty, equality, justice, and the indissoluble union of the states.

MISCHIEVOUS IMPRESSION.

A mischievous impression has been cunningly made in the south that the president sympathizes with the southern democracy upon the subject of civil rights, and will differ with northern republicans upon that question, and this impression emboldens the movement against the negroes which is growing in the south day by day. For this impression I know of no foundation. No word or act of the president has given it countenance. In his December message he expressly recommended "the enactment of a law to better secure the civil rights which freedom should secure, but has not effectually secured, to the enfran chised slave and I repel with indigna tion the suggestion tliat the president wll prove false to the principles of the republican party.

WHO IS RESPONSIBLE

For the corruptions and disorders existing in the state government of South Carolina, I have no apology to make, nor has the republican party. While these have been exaggerated an hundredfold, there is too much truth in them, but they are not political, and are the natural outgrowth of the condition of the state and of society as they emerged from the rebellion. In the frauds and peculations, democrats have had their full participation, and the republican party of the United States have no other responsibility than this: That they prevented the dissolution of the Union abolished slavery, clothed the negroes with civil and political rights, and gave them an equal participation with their late masters in the reconstruction of the state government, which had been de stroyed by the rebellion. For the mental and moral condition of the'negroes the old slkve-holding democracy is re sponsible, and for the fact that the ne groes have an equal right to liberty and to a voice in the government by which they are controlled, the responsibility must be traced directly to the great Crea tor of us all, who in his holy word, and throughout his works has proclaimed the equal humanity, rights and immortality of all men. For the rebellion and all its dreadful consequences, the democracy, north and south, are responsible.

For the preservation of the Union, the abolition of slavery, tho enfranchise ment of the negroes, and the reconstruction of the state

The republican convention proposed to refer the question of the sale of intox icating liquors to the decision of each local community or neighborhood, and to let the majority determine whether such sales should be permitted er prohibited therein. The failure of laws to promote the cause of temperance can be generally traced to the absence of a public opinion in the particular locality having sufficient strength to enforce them. Laws of this character can only be sustained and exethoir favor. Under the plan proposed of leaving the decision of this question to each locality or neighborhood, the existence of such an opinion will be determined in advance, by a vote of the people. If the majority of the people in a particular locality believe in the traffic in intoxicating liquors, they can have it under license regulations. If, in another community, the majority are opposed to such traffic, believing it immoral, unhealthy, and in every way injurious, should not their wishes prevail? Is not this solution of the question in harmony with republican principles and the right of local self-government? If, in a given community, a majority of the people are opposed to the traffic, should they have it forced upon them by perhaps a very small minority? And if, on the other hand, in another community a majority of the people are in favor of the traffic, should they be prevented from having it in their midst by a like minority?

The pretense of the democratic platform that this traffic should be forced into a community against the wishes of a majority of the people "for the protection of societv and the increase of the school fund," is utterly preposterous, and will deceive nobody. Those who favor the traffic in intoxicating liquors are willing to accept a license law, and it was to please them, and not to enlarge the school fund that the convention declared in favor of it

A large portion of the people in every state believe that the traffic in intoxicating liquors is injurious to public morals and destroys the health, happiness and prosperity of multitudes every year, and should therefore be prohibited. Another portion are opposed to prohibitory laws upon various grounds some for the reason that they cannot be enforced, and do not diminish intemperance others allege that such laws are an invasion of private rights and othere again, for the reason that certain liquors classed as intoxicating are not so, but are healthful, and the use of them not injurious to public morals or good order. The power to decide these various questions undoubtedly belongs to the peeple of the state in their sovereign legislative capacity. Any general law prohibiting or regulating the traffic in intoxicating liquors would be offensive in some localities and acceptable in others and for these reasons would be executed in some and not in others. What is fairer, and what better can be done, than to refer the decision of this question under the law to each particular locality?

A CRAFTY RESOLUTION.

We have already seen how this convention pandered to intemperance and to prejudice and hate against the negro, and I shall now show you its bold and brazen attempt to deceive the people upon the subjeet of state taxation. The eleventh resolution declares: "That we denounce as a wanton outrage upen the tax-ridden people of Indiana, the increase of the slate lax by the last republican legislature, from 5 cents to 15 cents on the hundred dollars, and at the same time changing the rule of assessment so as to increase the valuation of property almost fifty percent. that such an increase was uncalled for by any public exigency, and we demand the lowest state tax that will support an economical administration, not exceeding 5 cents on the hundred dollars."

The democracy having a majority in each branch of the legislature in 1871, for the purpose of making a show of economy, reduced the assessment for state taxes to five cents on the hundred dollars. This five cent levy of 871 produced at the slate treasury in 1873 the sum of $395,930 94.

The state expenses in 1873 were: Judiciary— —497,510 94 Executive (salaries state officers arid clerks-.-— 29.137 31 Public printing-- 57,321 39 Sheriff's mileage— 10.764 Expenses supreme court. nuia Indiana report® iZ'ZTZ noj tt Uther ordinary excemes 68,342 55 1289,934 77 Benevolent institniionfErroneona api-raisement of 1*69 refunded. Reformatory_institntn Educational insiitutiona Industrial interests Public indebtedness.—— Legislative...—-—

IBSMmPW

governments

south, upon the

in the

principles

of liberty and

equal rights to all, the republican party is proud to take the responsibility. THE TEMPERANCE QUESTION.

Tho eighth section of the democratic platform demands the repeal of the Baxter bill and the enactment of such a license law as shall "protect society and produce a large increase of the school fuud."' It is notorious that the motives of the convention for favoring a license law were not the protection of society and the increase of the school fund, but to secure the votes and influence of those who favor the traffic in intoxicating liquors,

12.098 96

Total —r-

352.576 31

89.221 47 296,180 43 87,410 38 12,675 00 590.221 278.373 74

$1,966'643 39

Revenue as above 8394.936 94 There was on hand in the treasury 765,084 87—$1.150,955 81

Deficit *45.627 58 Borrowed. 1910,100. Thus it will be seen that the five cent levy of 1871 did not produce one-foorth of the revenue necessary to defray the ordinary expenses of the state government in 1873, and that $910 000 had to be borrowed for that purpose. The re-

fature

iublicans having a majority ia the legisof 1873, provided lor a new assessment and appraisement of the taxable property of the state uBder which the total value of the taxable property was fixed at $950,000,000, and upon this made an assessment of fifteen cents upon the hundred dollars. This fifteen cent levy will produce at the state treasury during 1874, the sum of $1,325,750. The ordinary expenses of the state government, together with the expenses of the prisons, oenevolent institutions, redemptions ol old bends, interest, etc., all usual annual expenses will be $1,252,000. five cent levy on the present assessment of taxable property would produce $475,000, being a little over one-third of the- amount necessary to defray the expenses of the state government during this year. The usual annual current expenses of the benevo lent institutions are $2t0,000, refoi matory institutions $150,000, educational institutions $90,000 total, $500,000. The expenses of these three institutions alone would exceed the amount produced by a levy of five cents upon the present assessment of taxable property, and would exceed by $105,000 the amount produced by the five cent levy upon the assessment of 1871.

In this connection it is proper to remark that I hear praises on every hand for the present republican state officers. The ability and fidelity with which they have discharged the duties of their seveeral offices have been generously acknowledged by their political adversaries. The success of their administration has been marked in an unusual degree, and not a breath of suspicion has fallen upon the integrity of any one of them. Messrs. Wilaman, Glover, Curry and Denny are candidates for re-election and the people of the state cannot do better than to continue them in office an other term. Judge Osborne as a member of the supreme court has displayed learn ing and ability, and given entire satisfac tion.

BORROWING TO PAY EXPENSES. By the aid of those figures we can un derstand how very shallow and dema gogical is the resolution which I have quoted. It is an attempt to deceive the people by favoring a small levy of five cents on the hundred dollars for stale purposes, and concealing the fact that the state would have to borrow annually nearly half a million of dollars to meet the deficit in expenses.^ This effort on the part of the convention recalls viydly the history ot the democratic administration of the state from 1847 to 1861, during which the state debt was largely increased by borrowing money to pay the ordinary expenses of_ the government, and state bonds, which had been redeemed by the two per cent, sinking fund tax levied in 1852, were resold in the market without authority of law to raise money to defray the annual expenses of the state government. It also brings to'mind the administration of the national government by the democratic party from 1845 to 1861, during which no vpra freauently contracted to de-

loans were frequently fray ordinary expenses in time of peace, and during the last year of Mr. Buchanan's administration the sum of $46,000,000 was borrowed to meet deficits and defray ordinary expenses. In the light of this flagrant resolution we may read the character and purpose of this whole platfrom.

CANADIAN RECIPROCITY,

The draft of a reciprocity treaty with the Dominion of Canada, which has been submitted by the government of that country to dure with the approbation of the British government, does not meet with ray approval. I have failed to see in it any advantages to be gained by the whole country, and especially by the states of the northwest, but aside from the mere terms of the treaty, it occurs to me that there are political considerations of a high character which would make any treaty of that kind of doubtful expediency. While Canada remains apart of the British Empire, 1 think she ought to be treated as such und required to share its fortunes and commercial relations. The proposed treaty would give to her substantially the advantages of being a state in the Union, while she still retains all the advantages of the British connection and is to us in every respect a foreign country. With a poptilaiton of woro tuan four millions she is quite capable of subsisting as an independent people and government, and her adherence to the British connectioa, as we know, springs out of political considerations hostile to the United States. Her trade and affiliations are naturally with the United States, and for five months in the year she is shut out from commercial communication with Europe except across our territory. Canada does not and cannot flourish in her present political and commercial condition, and this fact is pressing painfully upon the minds of her statesmen. With Canada independent we can treat as the mutual interests of the two countries may dictate. All questions of annexation must be postponed until after that event, to be then settled according to the voluntary and intelligent determination of the two countries.

With a treaty giving to her the commercial advantages of a state in the Union, the period of her independence will be indefinitely postponed otherwise it will be accomplished, I doubt not, within the next decade. After the former reciprocity treaty had been in operation for eight years we found Canada more hostile to us during the rebellion than any other part of the British Empire.

While, therefore, Canada remains a part of the British Empire I am in favor of treating her as such.

TARIFF.

The democratic convention declared in favor of a traifffor revenue, intending to have it understood that this was a declaration against the policy of protection and in favor of free, trade. Every man well informed upon the subject of tariff knows that a tariff for revenue is necessarily a tariff for protection. A tariff for revenue that is calculated to raise say two hundred millions of dollars if it were laid "horizontally," that is 'at the same rate per cent, upon the prices or value of all articles imported, would, in regard to a great number of articles be absolutely prohibitory, and in regard to another large class highly protective. A revenue tariff, not to be prohibtory, must be discriminating and varied in its character and cannot be levied at an equal rate upon all articles imported. Several years ago democratic orators in Indiana and elsewhere in order to meet this fact, insisted that the tariff should be placed highest upon all imported articles which were not and could not be produced in the United States, such for example, as tea and coffe, and other articles which were or couliTbe produced in the United States were to come in free, or that the tariff upon them should be put at a point so low as not to afford protection to home production as against the imported article. It was insisted that if the tariff gave protection to home production it would diminish the importation and thereby diminish the revenue to the government.

It was so obvious that a tariff levied upon these principles would be exclusively for the benefit of foreign and against home industry, that this line of argument has been mainly abandoned. Justice, common sense and patriotism alike dictated that, as a tariff was a necessity, it should be levied not in the interest of foreign or home monopoly, but BO as to afford fair and reasonable competition between home «nd foreign industries, relying upon competitigp to bring about reduction of prices to the people, and it is upon this principle that the republican party has attempted to regulate the tariff.

THE JAROON OF FREE TRADE. How utterly senseless iB this jargon of free trade when addressed to the people living in the Mississippi valley, far away from the sea coast? Here we are in Indiana, 800 miles from the nearest sea port. However great and cheap the facilities for transportation may become for our products to the seaboard, this distance can never be diminished, and transportation must always be a great obstacle and expense in our approach to foreign markets and add largely to the cost of all we import. Here in this great valley we have a soil of unsurpassed fertility, timber, coal, ores, mineral resources

almest every variety of industry and production. And'with these immense advantages in our possession, how unwise it is to cultivate a policy which is to make us dependent upon foreign, distant and costly markets for our productions, and to import from other states and countries those articles which we can better produce ourselves? Now, when the time has come for the development of the resources and industries of the west, and for the establishment of our prosperity upon sure foundations, and to obtain that commercial superiority which our natural advantages give us, if we will but improve them, we are met with the insane cry of free trade, and advised to throw down every protection of home industry, to put the labor of our country upon a level in price and dignity with the pauper labor of Europe, and to continue our dependence upon the east, and the payment of tributa to foreign countries.

The states of the northwest have ceased to be regarded as mere outlying vegetable gardens and truck patches to furnish the marketing of the older and richer communities of the east, and have become opulent, powerful and intelligent communities, capable of forming their own jwlicies, and becoming by the development of their own resources the most independent and prosperous among the states. LET THE P^IPLE VOTE FOR PRESIDENT

DIRECT.

Another question of paramount importance rising high above ordinary political consideration, is the proposition to amend the constitution so as to elect the president and vice-president by the direct vote of the people. The dangers imperfections of the present sya are well understood, and may plunge the nation into civil war at any time.

The theory and reasons for the establishment of the electoral colleges, have all failed, and the colleges are but useless machinery, potent only for mischief. Electors being chosen by general ticket in all the states, a small majority may determine the whole vote of a state, and this has often been controlled by the fraudulent vote in a largs city, which was the case in New York in 1868. There is no provision in any state for contest ing the election of presidential electors, however notorious the fraud or violence by which they may have been chosen If no candidate receives the vote of a majority of the whole number of electors, then the election of president is to be made by the house of representatives, in which each state has one vote Nevada, with 40,000 people, having the same vote as New York, with $5,000,000. Such an election of president is anti-republican, grossly inequitable, presents the grandest opportunities for corruption and intrigue, and is fraught with imminent danger to the republic.

In 1825, Mr. Adams, who had received less than one-third of the popular vote, was elected president by the house oi representatives, over Gen. Jackson, who had received a large plurality of the pop ulai and electoral vote. In this election Mr. Clay, as a member of the house, cast his vote and influence for Mr. Adams, afterwards becapie his secretary of state, and never recovered from the charire of bargain and sale. In the only other election of president by the house of representatives, in 1801, Mr. Jefferson was chosen after a protraeted struggle, running through many days, and it is now well established historical fact, that three states Anally changed their vote to Mr. Jefl'erson, giving him the election, upon an understanding in regard to measures and the retention of certain persons in office, which would now be regarded as corrupt.

The path of duty is the path of safety. We should brush away the electoral machinery and yie election by the house of representatives, and choose the presi dent and the vice president by the direct vote of the people, giving the election to the candidate who has the highest num ber of votes.

CONTROL OF RAILROADS.

The power is given to congress bythe constitution "to regulate commerce among the several states," and whatever is necessary to execute the power must be included in it. If commerce cannot be successfully regulated without regulating the means of transportation, the instruments by which it is conducted, then the power to regulate these must be included. Of course, this is to be understood as applicable only to commerce among the several states, and not to apply to that which is exclusi^ly confined to the interior of one state. Railroads have now become the instruments by which the trreater part of commerce is carried on among the several states, and have to a great extent superceded, not only rivers and canalu, bat also stages, wagons and horses. There are few lines of railroad now that in their connections and consolidations, have not become parts of lines engaged in commerce among the several states. Although railroad companies, like steamboat companies, are chartered by the states, yet, in most cases, they are authorized to form consolidations and r,mning arrangements with lines of rail/oad in other states and to take leases of roads in distant states. Most of these corporations own and control lines of road running into or across adjoining states, and several either own or have leased thousands of miles of road, stretching tar north and south, and half way across the continent. These great lines of railway, thus ramifying the union and affecting the interests and prosperity of the states, are_ under the control of small boards of directors in Philadelphia, New Yerk, or Baltimore, and chiefly ruled by a few leading minds that really exert more power over the nation than governors or presidents.

REGULATIONS 8HOULD BE UNIFORM. Whether we consider the interests of the railroads or of the several states through which they pass, it seems equally important that they should be subject to uniform regulations which can only be secured by'Siational control. If the through lines from the Atlantic to the Mississippi may be regulated in one way by Ohio, another by Indiana, and still another by Illinois, they may become the victims of unfriendly Jegisjation, and be greatly crippled and hindered in their operations and each state, acting for its own interests, may not consider those of other states, and may regulate against them. If each state may regulate within its own territory, those roads employed in the inter-slate commerce, we may have reproduced Some of those disorders and conflicts which existed between the states before the constitution was' formed. True, the railroad companies derive their power from state charters,- but they must accept their franchises upon the condition that if they engage in commerce among the several states, they will be subject to the power of regulation which was vested in congress by the constitution, Jong before any railroad charter was granted. It is hardly too much to say that the several states can not, acting separately, regulate officially these great lines of transportation, in which so many states and eommuities are interested.

WHAT REGULATIONS ARE NECESSARY. As to what regulations would be necessary, it would be left to the discretion ef congress subject to the restrictions in the constitution. These restrictions relate to the uniformity of the regulations that is, no advantage or preference shall be shown to one stale over another. Uni formity and eqnal dealing with the people of all the states are impressed upon all the powers given by congress, so that they be not used for the oppression of one part of the country for the upbuilding of another.

Cheapness and uniformity of operation, speed, convenience, promptness and safety, all point to connected roads and through liivss and these throughout their length, should be governed by uniform methods and laws. The railroad interest is so vast, and so intimately affects the business progress and comfort of every community, that it is of the utmost importance, not only to the people but to shareholders, that it be under the direction of general laws and as far as possible blended into an harmonious whole. The supervision and control of interstate railroads by congress would give rise to a number of regulations looking to the safety of passsengers, regularity of trains, uniformity of operation, connections, inspections of tracks, bridges and ocomotiveS cars, etc, and in many other articnlars tending to promote the safety, efficiency and development of the railroad, system and the interests and convenience of the people.

COMMISSIONERS TO PREVENT ABUSES. That it is not possible for congress to enact general laws establishing uniform

rates for freight and passengers upon all

of every character, and all the m«ans inter-state railroads, is too clear forarfor attaining a vast population, and gument. These rates must necessarily

V"

T"*"x*•£ fW£

gfS^-£

vary on different roads and in different parts of the country. The cost of constrnction and of keeping up and operating some roads is much greater than others. Upon some roads the amount of business to be done very greatly exceeds that on others, and there are so many circumstances which would make a change of rates proper and necessary, that we may assume at once that uniform rates for freights and passengers cannot be established. But it seems to be clearly within the power of congress, and to lie practicable, to establish boards of railroad commissioners to be vested with certain powers, to be governed by general regulations, within which they shall have the power to supervise and regulate the rates for freight and passengers upon inter-state railroads, so as to prevent unjust discriminations between different localities or classes of persons, to prevent combinations between railroad corporations and other persons to put up the the prices of freight or passenger fare? to prevent railroad corporations from taking advantage of the obstruction of lakes, rivers and canals, by frost or by low water, to put up freights and fares beyond what would be a reasonable, fair and honest profit and, in short, to prevent extortions and impositions by railroad companies upon the people of thecountry, however attempted to be practiced. They should be required to hold the scales evenly and fairly between the people of the country on the one hand and the railroad companies on the other, so that the railroad companies shall have the full enjoyment and prelection of their property, and be allowed to receive such rates of compensation aswill make fair and reasonable returns for the capital, skill, labor and responsibility employed—these results to te arrived at under such rules as may be ppvvided by law or adopted by the boards of railroad commissioners for their guidance. The interests and rights of all parties should be protected with equal care and vigilance, the railroad companies to be left in the control of their property as far as may be consistent with public interests, and not to be interfered with by these boards of railroad commissioners except in clear cases.

It has been decided by the supreme court of the United States that railroad companies are common carriers, as defined by the common law, which, by the common law are required to carry for all persons and at reasonable rates and the powers which I propose shall be'eonferred upon these boards of railroad commissioners are no greater or other than those which now belong to the courts to regulate and control common carriers, but would be exercised in a summary manner, so an to make them efficient in controlling the conduct of these eommon carriers. 1IOW FAR THE STATES CAN OO.

Each state may regulate and control commerce which is purely internal to itself and all the railroads transporting such commerce, without interference by congiess,and may doubtless in the absence of congressional legislation make regulations for all commerce that passes across or over any part of its torritory. provided such regulations do not impose burdens upon inter-slate commerce, and make no unjust discriminations. But all such regulations as affect inter-state commerce, however meritorous their character or intentions, must yield to the legislation of congreiB. A state cannot be restrained in the regulation of commerce which is puroly internal to itself, except by its own constitution, or the prohibitions in the constitution of the United States.

Th« recent decision of the circuit conrt of the United States, silting in Wisconsin, that the provision in the constitution of that state,giving to the legislature the power to alter or repeal the charters of corporations is necessarily a part of every charter, of which the corporators and all persons dealing with such corporations must take notice, recognizes a principle of kw so familiar and so obvious, that 1 am astonished that the decision should be received with surprise.

It is plain to be seen that very dimcult questions may arise touching the exercise of national and state authority upon the subject, especially in the regulation of railroads that are at the «ame time engaged in tho transportation of interstate commerce and of commerce purely internal to a state. But it is not necessary to attempt now to anticipate these conflicts. As they arise from time to time, they will be fully discussed and satisfactory solutions for them will be found.

MODERATION NECESSARY.

The principles which I have enunciated will be sufficient in practice to enable congress in one case, or t'he state in the other, to protect the people and the business of thecountry from oppression by capitalists, combinations or corporalions. But tho people of the state? should remember that while the railroads have their abuses which ought to he corrected, yet they are indispensable to the growth and prosperity of the country, and the construction of more becomes important from year to year and that capital js timid, and men will not invest their money in building new roads if legislation is had w'hereby railroad property is made less valuable or secure. Oreat moderation should be exercised and care taken that legislation should be aimed only at real abuses, and interfere as little as possible with the control of railroads by their owners so that there be no discouragement to the construction of new roads and the extension of the system.

THE COMING QUESTION.

The great problem of increased and cheaper transportation is one to which the republican party must address itself with courage and untiring industry until it is solved. It gave earnest of its purpose during the last session of congress by entering into those preliminary investigations that must precede the settlement of so great a question. When we consider the vast increase of the productions of the west during the ksl ten years, and that the means of transportation are barely adequate to meet present demands, we may form some opinion of the increased lacilities that will be necessary ten years hence. To make transportation cheaper is a matter in which the people are almost equally interested, east, west, north and south, and is of national concern. The improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi river is of deep interest to more than a dozen states, ot which Indiana is one, and was much considered at the last session of congress, and will doubtless be definately acteu upon at the next. The feasibility ot the improvement of other great water lines of transportation in the west, northeast, and south, in which the people of Indiana are interested, is being thoroughly investigated. The importance of the transportation question must increase from decade to decade, and is so vast in its proportions that it will require years for its solution but the republican party has addressed itself to the task and will not pause until away has been found out and accomplished while the democratic party will doubtless coatinne to devote its vast energies to devising wavB and means to prevent the social equality of the negroes and to the enlargement of the school fund by fostering the traffic of intoxicating liquors bj the license system.

CONCLUSION.

In conclusion, I am proud to say that while the republican party may have erred, it has not proved false to any great principle, nor cowardly in the preseace of any great question. Its aims are noble and patriotic, and it does not seek a continuance in power by pandering to vice and prejudice, but refers to its past record of great actions in behalf of union, of liberty, education, equality and the material growth and improvement of the nation as an earnest of what it seeks to accomplish in the future. And there must be no cessation in its labors it mnst not presume to live upon the glories and memories of the paat. Its first and ever-present duty is introspection, self-examination, the correction of errors, the introduction of reforms. It must look to the execution and enforceof the constitution and lawr, and while asserting the existence of the nation and the just powers of the national government, it should ever be vigilant to preserve in all their just extent the rights and powers of the states, ever carrying before it, as a lamp to guide its step', those great fundamental principles which have given ta the party its power and glory—equal rights id all—equal and exact justice to all men.

The Southern Dental Association is In session at St. Louis, and such jawin)?, such pulling, such extracting of new facts, and such a stirring of stumps as these tooth men are guilty of, has never been known before.

5