Terre-Haute Weekly Express, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 20 July 1870 — Page 2

WEEKLY EXPRESS

TEBBE HAUTE, IND. ,.

Wednesday Horning:, July 20,1870.

AMONG the prominent measures which failed to pass at the session of Congress just closed were the Apportionment bill, .FBEMONT'H Southern Railroad, the New

York & Washington Air-line Road, the Commercial. Navigation bill, CULLOM'S Anti-Polygamy bill, JENCKES' Civil Service bill, the Cuban Resolutions, and the Postal Telegraph bill. About thirty land-grab bills also perished by the wayside

IN ITS feeble efforts to excite the prejudice of working people against the Reblican party, the Journal is trying to burn again the powder that was dissipatedjnto very thin smoke two years ago. It forgets that the Republican party is mainly composed of working men that its chief strength is in the ranks of the toiling millions and forgets, too, that these men of toil are also men of senae, incapable of being deceived by its shallow trickery.

ANY other paper than the Tcrre Haute Journnt would have incurred lasting disraccby the publication of the infamously

low and vile attack uponSenatoi MORTON prevented it. which appeared in the columns of that organ, on Monday. No paper with any

"SEBTERDAY, a "sore-head," who skirmishes "on his own hook" between the two parties, sometimes hanging on the

1

ver^e of one, for a time, and then incontinently lighting out for the other, sent us a long communication, growling because "Congress adjourned without doing anything for Georgia." Had he taken half tho pains to read Congressional reports, that he did to get up his six pages of whining, he would have known that Congress did no such thing, but that, on the contrary, the Georgia bill was passed, and is a law. lie 1H a fair sample of the "nien who are continually grumbling about Congress* Most of their grievous •complaints arc as groundless as his.

BY a protracted war in Europe, the price of gold, the foreign values of our bonds and of American stocks will be BS materially affected. The European holders of our securities will not, of course, |f^"lo6C confidence in them by reason of the y" pending war, but so many will desire to obtain ready cash by throwing them upon the market as to produce a dcclino. The resnlt will probably be that many of our bonds or other securities will be returned here, and the demand for gold to rcplace them will occasion a considerable rise in that commodity. Such is the prospect.

In compensation for this, our abundant exportable agricultural products, this season, will command enhanced prices, largely to the advantage of American proI ducers.

WHILE the Journal is engaged in rehashing from its old files the stale trash about "bondholders," "laboring white men," "privileged and aristocratic classes," and all that sort of thing, can't it tell that old story—so pathetically told by numerous Democratic papers—of how poor PENDLETON was pusillanimously peddled out to the "bloated" Democratic ""bondholders" of tho East, by Mr. VOOR-^f-JlEES and his associates, for tho sum of $50,000 in lawful money? A if organ of a party whose last National Convention .was confessedly run in the interest of "^''bondholders," should be a little careful how it rings the charges on that name*

And the organ of a "statesman" who Stands accused, by the most respectable journals of his own political faith, of having deliberately bargained and sold out the favorite candidate of the Western ^Democracy to the "bondholders' ring," vfor fifty "thousand dollars, should be the .very last paper to raise that cry.

WHEN ox-Senator HENDRICKS comes to this city to address the Democracy, he is treated with respect by the press and by all classes of people not because any Republican finds anything in his political record worthy of respect or approval, but because Republicans arc incapable of

It is true the filth is thrown from so low a depth that it fails to reach the level of decency on which the Republican party stands, and falls back in the faces of the party hurling it but the motive that prompts so despicable an act will be despised by every mind, in which a single manly feeling lives.

TUB Indianapolis Journal reveals an interesting political secret, .showing how HENDRICKS W:IS slaughtered in the National Democratic Convention of 1SG8. The Jotarnal says:

Many of our readers will remember that early in 18C2 he (Hendricks) avowed himself in favor of a Northwestern Confederacy, affiliated with the Southern Confederacy by community of interests and the Mississippi river. It followed, practically, the line of Vallandigham's proposition to divide the Union into four confederacies. It was heartily applauded by the Sentinel, which applauded anything that sounded like resistance to the Government or encouragement of the rebellion. It was quite a political feature. But people forget in six yeara of exciting events, and this speech passed out of the public's memory, though notout of the memories of his Democratic enemies. When the National Demo craticConvention met in Tammany Hall, New York, two years ago, Mr. Hendricks was a prominent, if not formidable candidate for the nomination. Our readers will remember that the day before the stampede for Seymour, the Hendricks vote had advanced so far that the chances of his being taken up as a comurnmise were excellent, but in StV all died. There came a «fr

J, a killing frost/ .as it h» come t0 more than one •ambitious gentleman, %.•- _j

rnel

his "blushing honors fatal 1}.

^lT«Sfeni Indianapolis. It came by telegraph. A company of Democrats. bersonil enemies of fllr. ^^"cks, had

It eiuwA in favor of a North Western

djfokslelL Bis own State deserted hwu The pity could not carry that speech and its own infamouswar rccOTdtoa That is the secret of the

nf

8"d

Mr-Hendricks'

graphic

prospects. The tele­

dispatches cost $250 to the sen-

§erl! and cost the victim the not very -S.hj?po.Mo« date for the Presidency. ^This bit of secret history bw JOflfc leaked 0Ut» sod it may be depended on.

last hoim of the late session of'

Congress, the substance of the Port of Entry bill was talked on as an amend, ment to the Tax bill, and has* become a law. It allows the transportation of imported goods in bond to Cincinnati, Chicago, St. Louis and Louisville.

UNDER its new management the Indianapolis <Journal> is quite as good a paper as can be published, on a paying basis, in this State. It compares most favorably with leading journals in much larger cities than Indianapolis. Take the city of Boston, for instance, the literary and commercial emporium of Yankee Land, and you will not find one of its daily papers that will bear comparison with our

essential features of a good newspaper.

IIP THE STATE.

EVANSVILLE POLICE sport new uniforms.

PROFESSOR Cox is geologizing in Martin county. ———————

THE State University lias just drawn the annual appropriation of §7,000.

A PRIZE FIGHT was to have come off at Indianapolis, on Sunday, but the police

organ, on Monday. JNo paper witn any A LITTLE CHILD of Henry Smollett, Among ui« gciiucunpu i" character to risk, would venture to give

Jennings county,

... last Friday. TT™, IT A Hnffman. Secretarv of place to such. an article. No man jwssessing one atom of self-respect, could be induced to write in so villainous a strain. And there is no creature, except in that stratum of the human, which lies next to the brute, creation, that does not abhor'and detest such a mode of conducting a political canvass.

MRS. RICHARD LEATHERS, a mature matron of Orange county, has just eloped with a peddler.

THE DePauw House, New Albany, was destroyed by fire on Saturday. Loss SG4,500. No insurance.

TIIE Evangelical Synod of the West, propose to build a Seminary in the suburbs of Evansville.

JOHN W. BURSON ha? been nominated by acclamation for State Senator from Madison and Delaware counties.

EBEN SARGENT, Jay county, was fatally cut by Jerry Hale, in a bar-room fight, last Saturday night. ———————

A cow, in Lagrange county, gives twelve gallons of milk per day—so her owner reports. We don't vouch for it.

ALL our Indiana Congressmen are at home with "the dear people." How many of them will have leave to remain thus?

IT IS reported that General Fred. Knefler, of Indianapolis, is off for Europe to tender his services to the Prussian Government.

THE brave youths and maidens of Marion county are rushing into matrimony, notwithstanding the enormous altitude of the mercury.

CHRISTIAN RUFERSHOFER fell overboard from a skiff while crossing the Ohio river, at Evansville, late on Saturday evening, and was never seen to rise again. ———————

THE Prosecuting Attorney of Hancock county is in search of a man named Ja^ C. Hull, charged with having ruined a young girl named Dunn, residing with lier parents, north of Cumberland.

By Telegraph.

LOOKING OUT FOR GERMAN VESSELSLONDON, July 19—3 A. M.—French iron-clads are cruising on the Dagger Bank, in the North Sea, to pick up German vessels.

THE GERMAN PRESS

is filled with seemingly unaffected complaints of falsehood and trickery by which France seeks to place the responsibility of beginning the war on Germany.

NORTH GERMAN STEAMER. LONDON, July 19.—The steamer Union of the North German Lloyd line, is at Bremen, and will not leave for New York until further orders.

S FOREIGNERS IN FRANCE. PARIS, July 19—The morning journals say Prussians now in France will not be expelled from the country, if they observe strict neutrality. No diplomat or other foreigner will be allowed in French camps.

FRENCH PROGRAMME.

La Liberte, Thiers' paper organ gives the following French programme: The army will first enter Hesse, to neutralize

such baseness as offering insult to the ^vcep all Prussian terrignest of any portion ftf their fellow-citi

tQry t0 the

When Senator MORTON conies here as tho invited guest of the Republicans of will follow. Vigo county—who honor him for his dovoted patriotism, his magnificent intellect and great services in behalf of the State and the Republic—the organ of the Democratic portion of this community hurls its hoarded supply of filth at the Senator, thus insulting not merely him, but every one of those citizens whoso guest he is.

]eft

0

geng f-fc-f u%* wov nf WoatnliAlin. and recon-

the Rhine then enter

IVJl IV HIV JV IV -J Prussia by way of Westphalia, and reconstruction of the Rhinisli Confederation

OF WAR FOR

OFFICIAL DECLARATION BERLIN.

The Patrie this morning says that the Prussian Ambassador at Vienna now here en passant, started last night for Berlin with the official declaration of war.

MINISTER WASHBURNE.

The Journal De Soire says that Washburne, American Minister, has agreed to protect Prussian subjects now in France, and adds that Wasliburne lias oertainly not made such a promise without first having obtained consent of the French government.

DENIAL.

LONDON. Julv 19.—The report that Earl Granville* has remonstrated with Prussia, is denied.

DEPARTED.

HAMBURG, July, 19.—The Cambria left St. Jore Saturday noon, for New York.

GERMAN SHIFriNO.

LONDON, July 19.—Lloyds exact fare of five to ten guineas on German shipping.

THE SWORD MUST DECIDE. The Times this morning abandons all hope of mediation. The sword must now decide.

CONFERENCE.

PARIS, July 19.—Earl Granville arrived from London yesterday, and had three hours conference with the Emperor.

THE NATIONAL GUARD.

The Emperor vesterday received a deputation of officers of the National Guard of Paris. In response to their congratulations, he said he relied unon the Nationa1 ""rd. Upon them devolved the protection of the Capital during the war.

THE MINISTER OF WAR

has asked the Corps Legislatif for an increasp ox me Military class of 1870, H*om ninety to one hundred and forty thousand men, and that contingents may be called out to serve until January 1st, 1S71.

ADDRESS TO THE PEOrLI

The Patrie says Napoleon's address to the people will not be published until he has departed for the front.

NO ADMITTANCE AT HEADQUARTERS.

The Journal Official announces the Emperor has decided not to receive, either in Imperial quarters, or quarters

of

general officers, any volunteer or foreign officers, or any one not belonging to the French army.

INDIGNANT DENIAL. Thiers publishes this morning an inuignant denial of having -"eceived, as stated by the Figaro, a letter from the King of Prussia, thanking him for his speech agnins#the war.

THE EMPEROR.

When the Emperor quitted the Tuilleries to-day to return to St. Clotad, he wa loudly cheered by the people.

THE' CAMFAIEIRR

Speech of Senator Morton

A MONSTER GATHERING!

The Old Fires Bekindled!

ACCOEDING to the announcement ii our last issue, Senator Morton, accom Ifo. Mo«o« „d of

personal friends, arrived on the 2:40 M. train from Indianapolis, on Monday. The Senator and his party were met at

Republican State organ in any of the the depot by the Committee on Reception and many citizens in carriages and on foot. After cordial greetings had been exchanged, an impromptu procession was formed, headed by Professor Tout's excellent band, and marched to the Terre

Haute House where rooms had been en' gaged for the Senator and party. Dur ingthe afternoon several hundred citi zens called to pay their respects to the distinguished guest.

Excursion trains on the two eastern roads, and regular trains on all the other lines of railway, brought in large delegations, attracted by a desire to hear one whose singularly happy fortune it has been to auspiciously inaugurate several hard-fought and successful campaigns.

Among the gentlemen present were

"was drowned in a cistern jjjg Excenency, Governor Conrad Baker,

Hon. Max F. A. Hoffman, Secretary of State, Col. J. B. Black, Reporter of the Supreme Court, and General Ben. Spoon er, United States Marshal for the District of Indiana, General G. K.Steele, of Rock ville, Major John "D. Evans, Auditor of State, S. Coulson, Esq., of Sullivan, and many others whose names we have not at hand.

The press was represented by E. W Hal ford, C. W. Stagg, J. H. Woodward. J. T. Long, all of the Indianapolis Jour nal W. H. Drapier, of the Indianapolis Sentinel and Cincinnati Enquirer-, E. Hall, of the Cincinnati Gazette J. Pangborn, of the New York Tribune I. M. Brownf of the Sullivan Unwn and J. Gray, of the Brazil Miner.

At about eight o'clock, amid the loud booming of an artillery salute,' and the cheerful notes of the band, Gov. Morton and other distinguished guests took carriages and were escorted from the Terre Hau^e House down Main street to the Wigwam, Before their arrival the building was filled, and when the procession had crowded in, every inch of sitting and standing room wa3. occupied, and hundreds were standing outside holding umbrellas to protect them from the rain that was falling rapidly. The Band played a prelude, the sound of which mingled wth the pattering of rain upon the immense roof, had a most pleasing, effect. On the stand with the Senator were the Governor and'Officers of State, with many prominent citizens of this and surrounding towns, and the members of the press above named, as well as representatives of the press of Terre Haute.

Linns A. Burnett, Esq., Chairman of the Republican Executive Committee, introduced the Senator, who was received with the most hearty enthusiasm and spoke as follows:

SENATOR MORTON'S SPEECH Ladies and Gentlemen:—I have recently returned from Washington, much exhausted by a long and laborious session of Congress and in feeble health, as you all know, and have suffered, much from the extremely hot weather, and I do not know whether I shall have strength sufficient to speak to you very long to-night, but I shall ask your indulgence.

I shall begin what I have to say tonight by congratulating this large audience and the country upon the general condition of prosperity that prevails throughout our land. I think I can say with perfect truth that there never was before, since our government was formed, a condition of such universal prosperity as prevails this day. Every condition of society is prosperous. There never was a time when labor was better rewarded than it is now when the wages of labor would purchase more of the necessaries and the luxuries of life than now. There never was a time when labor was so honored as it is now, and so universally recognized as the foundation of our national growth and prosperity, and as it is with labor, so it is with every department of the body politic. The mechanic, the merchant, the manufacturer, the professional man, the capitalist, all, to speak in general' terms, aro now flourishing are now growing as they have never done before 1 use strong language, but I am justified in doing it. Look at the prosperity of your own beautiful city. I am told that it is growing more rapidly and acquiring wealth more rapidly than ever before. And as it is with Terre Haute, so it is in Indianapolis and almost every town in Indiana, and as it is in Indiana,

of course, there are some persons who are in embarrassed circumstances and there always will be. There are those who are always in debt, and there always will be. There never will come a time when every man will be in unembarrassed .circumstances. There never will come a time when there is not some particular person in some particular line of business, who is not suffering as compared with others. But I am speaking now of all. or mast all general conditions of business, and I desire to call your attention to the great blessings by wh'ich you -are surrounded. Whether you look at the development rf our country in the West, the growth of our cities or the improvement of our farms, the building of railroads and turnpikes and other -species of public improvements, or whether you look to the general condition of the general business of the country.

But it is now being placed upon a solid foundation, as it has now escaped from that element of inflation and speculation that always disorders and in time destroys business." Bear in mind that the business of the country is settling down upon a solid and enduring foundation, arid that we are prospering as when there was a general spirit of speculation.

But my friends there are croakers and grumblers, and there always will be. ir, have sometimes seen men when they were in perfect health, who contrived to make everybody miserable about them, pretending that they were about to die. And so you will now find politicians in the midst of this great prosperity and general affiuence, who tell us that the country is running into ruin, on the very eve of bankruptcy and if they are not placed in power, every thing and the whole country will go to destruction. Now, vou know that these things are not so, and there is no intelligent lady or gentleman here to-night, and I care not to what party they belong, who, if they will take into consideration the prosperous condition of this community, of this State and this nation, will not come to the conclusion that the people are more prosperous in this year, 1870, than in any former period of our national life.

We have had trouble with our currency, growing out of the war, a strange, unnatural condition of things but now it is getting back to a solid foundation. Why, a short time ago, it was worth only 68 cents on the dollar, theh 70, then 75, flien 80, then 85, now 92, and we have every reason to believe if there shall "be no political disturbance that in six month from this time, a paper dollar in your pocket, whether greenback or national bank note, will be equal to a dollar in gold.- [Applause.]

It is a great thing to have our finances on a solid foundation. There are politicians in this country who tell us that the worst thing that could happen would be to return to specie payment, and that the best thing that could happen would be for the currency to be worth but 75 cents on

we desire, ance "of settle this us

in ess,

to expect. We have escaped fromthe war. Some five years ago a terrible civil war, tort desolated th ended, and now the marks of war have almost gone from the land—not from our memories. Those of vou who lost sons and brothers, fathers and husbands, cannot, forget mat, [A voice—"No indeed."] you cannot forget the men who made that war. [Voice, "That's so," and applause.] You can never forget the politicians forced that war upon this country. But I am speaking of the material ravages of war, they are fast disappearing, ana with the destruction of human slavery, with the establishment of a humane basis,of justice

wealth and material prosperity as we never did before. We can forgive, but we never can forget, and in a great many instances we have no right to forgive those politicians who inaugurated the late war. It is not sound policy that we should do so. [Applaqee.] After a man has deceived and deserted his country in the hour of its peril, when it was threatened with dissolution, that man cannot be safely trusted.—[Voice, •'You are right," and applause.]

My friends, I am to speak to you tonight, plainly. I come to you to nighty not full of passion, but in some respects I come to you full of joy^ when look around and contemplate the condition in which our country is now. Ah, I remember the last time I made a political speech in Terre Haute. I think it was in the winter of 1864 or 1865. I was here in the recruiting business at that time. I thank God that my occupation is changed. I come not now to enlist in the army to fight the battles of our country. The victory has been won and "Our armies have been disbanded. When I come now for recruits, they are for the Grand Republican army.

Politicians, my friends, are complaining about the war debt and the manner in which it shall be paid. The Republican party is held responsible by Democratic politicians, as if this debt had been made for the benefit of the Republican party. This debt was made to preserve this country, to raise- armies, to put down the rebellion. The men who made the war are responsible for the debt. Who made this rebellion? Well, my friends, I can tell you, and my words cannot be gainsayed, that the Democratic politicians of the north are largely and^ chiefly responsible for bringing on this war, and it is a matter of history, and who know it better than the intelligent citizens of Vigo county? But for the course pursued by the Democratic party of the north during the rebellion, it would have been abandoned at the end of two years.

Perhaps no man in Indiana, and it may be in no other Northern State, is more responsible in bringing on the war than your own distinguished representative,

Mr. Voorhees. Why so? Because, be' fore this country, he made the peo pie believe that the Democratic party of the north would not submit to the draft. On the Fourth of July, 1860, he made a speech at Charlottesville, in the State of Virginia, in the University of Virginia, where he addressed many hundreds of young men of Virginia-, and argued straight out the right of secession the right of a gtate to withdraw from the Union, if she saw proper to do so and when a northern man went down to the South and argued to southern men the right of secession, it caused more mischief than if a southern man had done so. I mention Mr. Voorhees as prominent in your district. He is one out of hundreds, I don't care in what State you travel, who were engaged in the rebellion. They will ell you that if it hadn't been for the entcouragement they received from the Democrats of the North they would never have embarked in the Rebellion. And, my friends, when, at the end of two years they were tired of it, and wanted to quit, the Democratic leaders of the North told them to hold on and persevere, that they would soon get into power that the Democratic party was everywhere gaining ground, and that when thej secured control of the National government, they would make peace and allow them to establish their confederacy and believing that, they held on through 1868 and 1864. But after they weae beaten in 1864 in the Presidential election, hope came to its end. I merely mark these things that you all know and that cannot be denied, for the purpose of placing in vour mind who is responsible tor the National debt, who it was that placed it upon vour shoulders and upon mine.

Now my friends, Mr. Voorhees recently made a speech at Indianapolis which was extensively advertised in the newspapers before he went there, as intended for my especial annihilation and dissection. [Laughter.] It was so heralded by telegraph, both in the Eastern aud Western States. But I am here to-nigiit. [Renewed laughter.] Now, that speech, and I have it here, occupied some three hours in its delivery, and I hope I will not victimise you so long to-night (Voice, "go on.") It is devoted almost entirely to most unfair statements in regard to myself, and in regard to the Republicen party and administration of General Grant. There is not one fair statement in it in regard to us—not one. Many of these statements are clearly without foundation. And those statements which are founded on facts are so perverted and misrepresented as to make false impressions.

I do not intend to attempt to answer all of this speech it would not be worth your while and time, and life is too short for any such an undertaking as that. [Laughter.] But I do now intend to call your attention to one particular point upon which he expended some ten or twelve pages of this speech and that is called: The Green Back question. Just a few words in regard to green backs.

On the 25th of Febrnary, 1862, Congress passed the first act authorizing the issue of the first issue of legal tender

fssue 'of the first issue of legal tender

second act passed in January, 1863 and the third and last act passed March, 1864. Since then has-been no act passed authorizing the issue of greenbacks.

Under these acts there were some four huylred millions of greenbacks issued. Twenty-four millions of these bonds were contracted and retired from circulation by Mr. McCulloch. Secretary of the Treasury, during MrfJohnson's administration, leaving in circulation, as there now are, three hundred and fifty-six millions of greenbacks. We also have, as you all know, about three hundred millions of National bank notes based upon bonds and redeemable in greenbacks. But I speak now of the Legal Tender notes issued by the government. We have been trying ever since the war to bring these notes to par, starting at sixty-eight or seventy cents, and brought them up till now we have got them up to ninetytwo and expect, if nothing happens, to

—,

have them at par in the course of six

months. Now, if we follow the Demo- fnrwnM

cratic idea of finances we will find ourselves just where France was under similar circumstances. We have always intended to bring currency down to par, and we shall succeed.

Und the Great Loan Bill, as it is called, in 1S64, under which the most of the bonds were issued now outstanding, it was provided that the whole number of greenbacks should not exceed four hundred millions.

That was the pledge given to the bondholders and to those from whom we expected to borrow money under the great Loan bill of 18G4, and it was then believed that the pledge was sufficient guarantee Jor all the money necessary to be borrowed to carry on the war. This guaranty was given. It is still unrepealed and is standing now as it was before. That is my general statement in regard to the general conditions of the greenback question.

Now I come to Mr. Voorhees. Mr. Pendleton thought he had made the discovery first, in 1867, that he had found a way to pay the National debt without costing anybody anything: that is a very desirable thing, indeed. [Laughter.]

But since getting slaughtered in the Democratic convention in 1868, (you will remember it) -lie has abandoned the whole thing.

Now Mr. Voorhees takes it up, and wishes to make t*te people believe that this "great burden upon the people" can be removed that he" has found a#way, by expending a few thousand dollars in ink, paper and printing how this great burden of taxation can be stopped, and the National debt can be paid by simply putting the Democratie party in poWfer. .Ihave heard of something like-his before. I presume some of you have seen

h'but 75 cents on advertisements in the newspapers, if von

the dollar. "That is a false philosophy, would send a dollar to some postoffice box nade belter when- in New York, Boston or Philadelphia, that they would send you something in

The people are always made ever the money for circulation among

ever the money lor circulation amuug uiuuie nuiuu srau jut! wuoiuw them is brought upand made equal to the return for it by which you could make a gold dollar, and it has been so through- large fortune—become suddenly rich.— out the World. My friends, that is what Such advertisements are for the purpo

ID, JHJ MENUS, UOUU *U» UMVM. purpose We are going to*do it in defi- of catching greenhorns and some of latere. We are going to. diem bite at tbem and send their dollar. [Laughter.]

*f!kis' gaibe'-.'4i oiled game." Now, whenever a politidan comes to yon andtella yon he -has foand out a way to pay the national debt without costing anything,- tltat is intended fo a greenhorn, and nobody else. [Laughterj-

The national debt can only be paid honestly just as your individual debts are pud, and whenever politicians tell you that it be paid without taxation and without cost, it can only be called a confidence game."

Mr. Vorhees made a speech at Indianapolis at the Democratic Convention on the 8th of January last, and in that speech he declared himself in favor of issuing enough new redeemable paper money to pay the 5-20 bonds, that there was only fifteen hundred million of the 5-20 bonds and he proposed to »isSue that many new greenbacks for the purpose of paying them oft He argued against taxation. "The people were ground down by taxation,"

My friends, I will read an extract from his speech of January 8th. He says:— I am sometimes charged with bring good at tearing down the plans of others. Bear with me a few moments longer. We have now outstanding fifteen hundred millions of these 5-20 bonds, payable at the end of five and twenty years from the time they were issued. The five years have about expired and they are to be paid at any time in the next fifteen years.

My plan is to pay in one hundred millions this year and one hundred millions next year. As it were, sprinkle it all through the next fifteen years, issuing currency to redeem it.'.' A very easy way to pay off the fifteen hundred millions.

Shortly afterwards he made a speech in the House, in which speech his notions were so very vague that it does not seem to make much difference whether the currency is one thousand millions or two thousand millions.

When he came back to Indianapolis to make a speech and was charged with his inconsistencies, he avowed his purpose to issue sixteeti hunded millions new paper money for the purpose of paying on the sixteen hundred millions of bonds.

Now, my friends, what would be the effect of that? It would swindle the creditors out of what the Government owes them and would render a large amount of the currency of the country not worth the paper it is printed on.

This was Pendleton's plan, and he brought it forward and it slaughtered him in the Democratic Convention in 1868, as it ought to slaughter any man in favor, of it. When he was a candidate for Governor in 1869, he abandoned it, and now Mr. Voorhees brings it forward in Indiana in 1870.

Mr. Voorhees, after having stated his position in Indianapolis, in favor of the issue of this vast Amount of currency to pay the national debt, he then said the unkindest thing about me he ever said. That I indorsed it. There is not a word of truth in the statement. I have always denounced the Pendleton theory from first to last, and Mr. Voorhees knows it.

The grounds I took in the Senate are these that which I believe to be the law. I take the ground that the original greenbacks issued in 1862 and 1863—issued before the bonds were sold, and with which the bonds were bought by the people with these greenbacks, when it is provided that the government had the right to issue them for the redemption of the 5-20's.

Shortly after General Grant came MI to power and it was decided that the government had the right to issue new greenbacks. After the bonds had been sold I denounced it then as I do now as being nothing but repudiation.

That is what I said then and that what I say now. That is what John Sherman said. John Sherman lias been reported as being in favor of this Pendleton theory. It was also .is false of him

JIBS' tag—

Stalty

as'has

We would then again have all the derangement of business again from a financial crisis, after this money passed into the hands of brokers and shavers who bought it, for a mere song. Whn^ays then the government can redeem? 1 say the government cannot redeem thecur-

rfen

notes, commonly called greenbacks. The jna| value. You 1 .1 Sn Titnnnntf 1 an/9

cy when it gets down "to a mere nom-

mm must first bring your Currency up to par and when you get it there, you can redeem it, and you cannot in any other way.

Perhaps I have bestowed more attention upon this subject than I ought to. I denounce this whole scheme as being mere repudiation.

Now, my friends, I don't own a bond, but I wish I did, it would be .very convenient to have a. few of them. But bear in mind that the men who bought the bonds are the men who risked their money on this government, and for that reason they are denounced by the Democrats of Vigo county [Voice—you are right] they were constantly advised that this government could not put down the rebellion that these bonds would be lost that they might just as well throw their money into the river.

But despite all this kindly solicitude on the part of the Democrats of Vigo county,

rich

men with their tens of thousands

an( oor men

itliU

their hundreds came

an

invested money in the bonds

lllv"wjth

1_ 1_

forwa and invested money in the bonds of the government and enabled it to put down the rebellion. These men hate the bondholders who loaned money to the government because they hate the •government because they wanted to see the rebellion succeed. [Applause.]

Now, my friends, passing from that I come to the question of the tariff. There i3 a great deal said about Democratic politicians "and the tariff. What is the tariff? It is a duty levied upon foreign goods imported into the nited States. We have always had a tariff in this country, ever since the government was formed. It began under the administration of General Washington, and before the nation was born the States laid their respective tarife. We have always raised a revenue by tariff and alwayj will and wo always shall. It has been done under everv administration.

Now, when the war came on, we could not raise sufficient revenue from the tariff so we had to institute a system of internal taxation in part. We have recently abolished nearly all of these inter-

IVT VUHVJ

some way by which you can carry on the government without money, like Mr. Voorhees. We have got to have money, and we have got to raise at least one hundred and fifty or sixty millions by tariff.

I lu.

Then there is the protective tariff, a

wiwant. WewaitataHff hxpnwK. We propoae-that the protection that results from the tariff be ia iavor of the home purchaser instead of the foreign purchaser.

There are two or three ways of levying tariff. First According to Mr. Kerr—a Democratic Congressman frpm Indiana.

On tea and coffee which we dont produce here. Then there is another plan which is to levy a tax of equal per cent, upon all articles without regard as to whether they are the luxuries or the necessaries of life.

My theory is we should be'taxed higher upon the luxuries than the necessaries of life. Then there is another way of levying a tariff, which is to put it lower upon articles we must purchase and not simply upon tea and coffee, then put it higher upon articles iu such a manner as there shall be fair equality between the home and the foreign purchaser. If you make it a prohibitory tariff then you will get no revenue. We dont want a prohibitory tariff, for then we would have home monopolies, and we dont want ahy monopolies here. I am for protecting the laboring men so far as it can be done legitimately. I don'Cwant to see a laboring man in Indiana working for the same price as a laboring man in Germany. Labor is cheaper in the old countries than it is in this country. And I expect it will be maintained and I hope that it will be. When we can legitimately protect and encourage our laboring men, I am in favor of doing it, but I don't want anybody going away and saying because I have said this much, that I am in favor of a prohibitory, protective tariff in the offensive sense in which it is sometimes used.

I don't care how much demagogues may broil in favor of free trade, we have got to have a. tariff, because we have got to have money to carry on the government and as we have got to have it, I want to see it so adjusted as will do justice to all. [Voice, "That's right."]

Now my friends, there is another thing I want to refer to right here in this connection, and that is that I am in favor of building up home markets, I think there are some farmers here to-night. I hope there are, and I want to say to them that •if they could sell their wheat at a dollar and a half per bushel in Terre Haute instead of sending it off to Liverpool or Brest, or some other foreign port, they would save one bushel out of three in transportation and here is a prominenrailroad man of the country, at my back, I will appeal to him. Mr. MoKeen, I am not far out of the way, am I?

Mr. McKeen—That is about right. If I am not right I want you to correct me.

Therefore I am in favor of encouraging and building up home markets. And when you want .to market corn it takes Ibout one bushel out of four to send it to New York. Then you go in search of a foreign market, then you have to pay an additional transportation over the Atlantic, or across what ever water it may be.. So you will all see it is for your interest to have your market at home.— But I don't want to create monopolies, no such a thing, bnt I say boldly here it is to our interest to have as many manufactories as we can. Of- course we don't want all to be manufacturers. Neither do we want everybody to be farmers, certainly not. If all were farmers we could not make anything, they would have no market. It is not to the interest of these gentlemen who are engaged in farming to have men of other mechanical pursuits go to farming. It is to your interest and to'mine to have diversified institutions.— The manufacturer exchanging his goods for the produce of the farmer is what we want.

My friends, they tell you a great many articles are taxed. Of course you cannot receive into the treasury of the United States one hundred and sixty millions of dollars without you tax nearly

as it was of me. TL?VoorheMtook wh^t everything more less. We have been re "£d" regard to the old greenbacks ducing this taxation, we have been trying

otferd RepubHc^s.^^Seimtor^Shennan that and myself have always denounced this bill we have reduced taxation eighty mil

par And it is well known to every bun- taxation. We have reduced the revenue ness man that if you were to issue three or even two millions of new legal tender notes you would inflate the currency you would encourage a spirit of speculation, your credit would "go up like a rocket

been sometimes said you might

buy it for a dollar a bushel. My friends, the curious part of Mr. Voorhees' plan is yet to come. It is, after he had announced this wonderful discovery, this theory of paying the National debt without costing anybody anything by simply manufacturing enough new pa-

Eer

money to do it, it seemed to enter is mind that it was rather an enormous proposition, so towards the close of his speech lie said, after all these debts had been paid. If after fifteen or twenty years all this money has psssed out of the hands of the creditors into the hands of the people, the government might redeem this paper.

g~! W .peech«?. [taghlcr.] A

three hundred and fifly.ix millions of 8™" we have

«XrGirbrinES

it to Jot repealed 8to-seyen miUiom, internal

twenty-three millions. We could not come down all at once but we have been enabled within the last ten or fifteen days, to repeal eighty million taxation.

How have we done it? I will tell you first in regard to the internal taxation.

"wf"rtSow". ™e£g 'Llitien, of wV&VKpil'ed a5 S »earl,all,.the

i?raJldT2!5 T&STfi*. *S

GfteCT or Sixteen hundred millions ne» abolished viith the peeption of stamps Greenbacks this gentleman propose, and we have abolished stamps on rcfo do simply because it stops taxation ceipte, which was a source of very great and relieves the people of the burden of annoyance and vexation to the Pe°Pj®) taxation for a time and allows your mon- and upon all notes under one hundred ey to pass into other hands, shortly it would take a hat full of it to buy a hat,

dollars. The thousand other little taxes we had to levy during the war we have now swept away. How abol.it the tariff? We have taken off' twenty-three millions. What have we taken it off of? From tea, coffee and sugar, and other of the great necessaries of life consumed by nearly everybody in this country. Families do not consume them according to their wealth. The laboring man and the man in every condition in life must have his coffee, tea and sugar. We have reduced the duty on tea from 25 cents to 15 cents on coffee, from five to three cents a pound have taken three cents off of sugar. Then to come down to iron, of which there has been so much complaint. We have reduced the duty on pig iron from nine to seven dollars per tun, bringing it down to the old point where we think there will be fair competition between the home producer and the foreign producer. And a great many other anticles we have put upon the free list and there are a great many upon which there were small duties, we have put entirely upon the free list. And now this Congress, hat has been so much abused and traduced, has reduced from taxes eighty midions of dollars.

There is a grand result. In the presence of a great result of this kind but little attention will be paid to the croaking of politicians who only wish to get the

Eas

owcr inuo their own hands. All this been) brought about by the Republican party and without the aid of the Democratic party.

Now, I want to call your attention to the fact that, notwithstanding our Democratic friends are complaining continually of tariff and internal taxation, not one of them, in either branch of Congress, voted for this bill that reduced taxation •eighty millions of dollars, not one of them. It has been done by the Republican party in Congress.

Now, some of you will remember that these same great politicians who have been talking so earnestly and constantly about the burdens of taxation, when they were brought to the test not one of them voted for the bill on its final passage. The most of them voted against it and some of them "dodged."

The Democratic party, in the State Convention on the 8th of June, resolved that tea, coffee and sugar should be put upon the free list, these great necessaries of life. No one could do that entirely. We have got to have one hundred and sixty millions of revenue,_ although we put just as much on luxuries as we can, we cannot put it all on luxuries, there is not enough of them. We have got to tax somethiug—yes, a great many things—in order to raise thi3 one hundred and sixty millions.

The Democratic party resolved tb take tea, coffee and sugar and put them all upon the free list. And when the time came not one of them voted for the bill. [Voice: Voorhees?] Voorhees—Voorhees. Echo answers Voorhees. [Laughter.]

Now, my friends, to show you how utterly hypocritical are all these Democratic pretenses in favor of reducing these taxes, I will first refer you to the fituvl

nal taxes. You have got to have reve- passage of the bill in favor of redue nue to carry on the government. Now, mg taxation. Is not one vote ii if you abolish the tariff what will you favor reducing taxation worth more than do?" You must have it by direct tax a-

a

hundred speeches in favor of it? I

tion. Is the Democratic party in favor of think you will say yes. direct taxation to raise this money? No They have made a hundred speeches, body is in favor of it. Then we have got but when they came to the vote, they to have a tariff for the purpose of having either voted the other way or were not a revenne, without you can find out there

I will read you an extract from the New York World, the leading Democratic paper in the United.Slates. [Mr. Morton here read from the World an extract of an article, written some ten

days since, in regard to the passage of

Then my friends free trade is out of the the bill he was just speaking of, and then question. When a man talks to you continued.] ,. 2bout free trade he talks to you about an -Now my ftiends, what is the matter inrnnssibilitv with our Democratic friends? They ^ere Je several kinds of tarife. seem to have but one rule of action pracThere is what is called a_ prohibitory tic^y^though the^

aY

mere is wnai r1™"— tariff That vou may regard as an obeo- Practically tney nox.*— *, ,, leteidea. Mon't knoiTof anybody in action and that is to oppose everything thousand doUars. favor of it in this country. the Republican party does. [Laughter—

voice—good.]

which differs from the prohibitory tariff dqce dnty uponjmeartidethey »y in principle. That is not the kind oftanff the wrong arUde, that they

retl

Whenw® proposet

on (lie other, wtes we gat the

other, th.v tay it is the other. [LaughUr.l 8owec.n i-.tf get them practically in iavor of ml luxation, after clamoring about thV a iff for years as they have done,V: an Ms bill came up for reducing taxation —n pig iron from nine to seven dollars wo o' ld not secure a single Democratic v.e.\ No, they were in favor of reducing taxation upon everything else except this bill. Now, we have selected those things that we thought*, were the most important for the great mass of the people of the nation especially of the poor people of community, because those who are wealthy can always take care of themselves.

My friends, I come now to the .Funding Bill. We have passed a Funding Bill. Some may ask, what do you mean by that. I will tell you. A bill "by which we shall be able to reduce the interest on the public debt. Our funds now draw five and six per cent. We could not get money for less during the war, but the time has come now when we think we can borrow money at less rates. How do we propose, to do it? Not by swindling our creditors. We passed a bill which authorized the government to issue three kinds of new winds. First, bonds to the amount of two hundred millions, drawing five perdlnt two hundred millions, draw ing four and

xug wu. -uv hsdf per cent., and one thousand millions drawing four per cent. We authorize our Secretary of the Treasury to go into market and sell these bonds at par if he can. If he can dispose of a bond at par that draws only four per cent. interest, then he can take the interest he he gets for that bond and thus save the government the difference between six and four per cent, which is four per cent, saved. That is what we call funding it. We propose to put it in the new' bonds drawing a lower rate of interest, by which we can save from twelve to twenty millions per annum. We have been trying to get such a bill for two years, and yet the bill could not secure the vote so far as I know, of single Democrat whojhas been compli&ning so much about the burden of interest that the people are paying. They complain about our- paying interest, but when we move to reduce the rate of interest, taxation, and reduce the expenses of the government, we were not able to secure the vote of a single Democratic member of the Senate. No. They talk of these things but when the time comes for action they are not there.

Now,my friends, the question may present itself to your minds and doubtless it has already, that if we have been able to repeal eighty millions of taxes, why it was not done before as you have had Republican Congress all the time?

Now I will tell you, we have had Republican Congress but we have not had a Republican administration, until the last sixteen months. The last three years of Johnson's administration, as you all know, was as thoroughly Democratic as was that of James Buchanon's or Franklin Pjfircfi^s

I want to tell you now how we were able to repeal eighty millions of taxes in the sixteen months of General Grant's administration, and compare it with the last sixteen months of Johnson's administration. And I have recently received a statement from the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Boutwell, which I believe I have misplaced or lost, but which I can quote pretty accurately frfiin memory. I asked Mr. Boutwell, before I came away, that I wanted the statement, and here it is: "In reply to your inquiry, 1 will state that there has been an increase of three hundred and twenty million, six thousand seven hundred and fifty-five dollars under the internal revenue receipts during the first six months of President Grant's administration as compared with the last sixteen months of President Johnson's administration." Ydu will therefore understand how we reduce taxation eighty millions by a single blow. But Mr. Boutwell goes on to say that the decrease of the public debt for the last sixteen months is one hundred and thirty-nine million, one hundred and four thousand six hundred dollars and twenty-seven cents. Since Grant came into power, up to the 5th cf July, nearly one hundred and forty millions of the public debt has been paid off, and I have got a dispatch to show that since General Grant came into power the

National debflias been reduced one hundred and forty-six millions of dollars. During the last sixteen months of Johnson's being in power, near eight millions, and certainly less than nine millions.

with

E•emocratic

At this rate the public debt will be paid off in less than fifteen years. It is true you have all been "ground down by taxation vou have all been perishing me rjgui, ui ounnvgo

it you are all poor, badly dressed, color. A great many people and half starved, as you all know. [Laugh- they would be injured by a fe ter.] But we have paid off over one liun- in tv,oir if dred and forty millions of dollars of this debt since General Grant

came into

power. Here Ls another great result. In the

rescnce of all these grand results, the arguments fail, they all come to nothing, and what has been done in the last sixteen months, will be increased in the next sixteen. The administration is doing better from month to

My friends, in the presence of all these great successes, and these grand results, complaints all fall to the ground.-

Now, whether General Grant likes to be at Long Branch, or whether he is fond of a fine horse or buggy,whether he sends Mr. Motley or Mr. Frelinguhysen over to represent us at the Court of St. James, are things not very important to the people when their government is so ably and so faithfully administered. Is not that true? Is not that all you are interested in? [A voice, "yes."]

Now, under all these favorable auspices, you are asked to run the Republican party out of pojver and put the Oemocratic party in. They managed the financial affairs of Indiana so remarkably well for ten years before the war you know they succeeded in having the treasury bankrupted when the war came they succeeded in having the arm3 of the Nation distributed in the Southern States, just where the rebels could get them. Don't you thinK that the Republican party. that has done these] good things, should now be turned out of power for the purpose of giving the Democratic party a chance to reform these disasters. [Laughter.]

I see my friend, Governor Baker, and I am not ashamed to say in the Governor's presence what I am going to say it shows what has been going on in the nation. He has been administering the State government of Indiana On a similar scale." I have a statement to make here, and am going to make it in the presence of the Governor,showing the general condition of Indiana and our financial affairs as a State.

We have now in the treasury between nine and ten hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of paying our public debt. We have outstanding about eleven hundred thousand dollars in stock and in bonds, and what are called the five per cent, and the two per cent, bonds, the bonds issued under what was called the Butler bill in 1S4G. We have been offering the money on those bonds, but they don't seem inclined to take it. Governor Baker has now given them notice if they do not come forwaid and take this money, by the 1st of September, the interest shall stop. I am inclined to think they will come and take the money.

1U IUV we shall have money in the treasury, aft-

=======

I think it was not very far from two millions, that the debt had been increased in ft time of profbuiMl jmoe ind general prosperity. What csiued this debt? Jusmanagement and profligacy, squandering the money of the State.

Mr. Hendricks, inx his speech down at Vincennes, says the Republicans, taxed the people to effect the liquidation of the debt. [Laughter.] Why, to be sure we did. We are not /"slight of hand performers we don't claim we have found out & way to pay tlie State or National defy without costing anybody anything. No, we taxed the people for it and we applied all the money to the payment a? the debt. Not a dollar of it squandered. Every cent was faithfully applied. Now what Ls the difference?

For ten years preceding the war, the people of the State of Indiana were continually taxed to pay the State debt, as •ou will see by reference to the statute .xoks during that period of time. The money in that case never was applied, that is the'difference.

Now, this is what the Democratic party did in the previous decade and what the Republican party has done during the last decade. Do you thihk it sound policy for you to exchange the Republican party for the old Democratic party and take these old "demagogues back? [A voice: "No."] If you doit is because you want to give them a chance to redeem themselves. [Laughter.[

Well, ray friends, I have spoken perhaps as much time as I should speak upon this subject. But I take a great deal of liberty when I talk of the State of Indiana—it is the State of my birth, the State I love better than any other, though I love my country more than any State. I love Indiana and I love her good name. [Applause.] I glory in the reputauon of her soldiers. There were none who behaved with more valor none who distinguished themselves more than the generous soldiers of Indiana—officers and privates. "I take pride in their reputation, every one of them. It so happened that I was Governor of our noblo State, and I will not say whether I did my duty or not. I can only say I tried to do it but I do say that I succeeded in sending to the field about one hundred and seventysix thousand of the best soldiers that ever fought the battles of this or any other country. [Great cheering.] I glory in the good name of Indiana soldiers I glory in her credit her

There is the House of Refuge at Plainfield that has been built in the meantime. And then we have finished the Northern Penitentiary at Michigan City, left unfinished as a legacy, by the Democratic party. ]Laughter.]

All this time our school fund has been largely increased, until Indiana (and I say it with pride) has as good advantages of schools as any in this Union. Is not that a thing to be proud of? Our common school system has been improved until it now is second to none in New England. [Applause.]

My friends, I cannot close to-night, without saying something about the Fifteenth Amendment. [Cheers.] I want it distinctly understood that 1 am in fa vorofit. [Applause.] They say I had something to do with its ratification and adoption. I am glad I did. That question has been settled for them. Mr, Voorhees and Mr. Hendricks may resolve that it was done fraudulently, but they might just as well attempt to dam up the Mississippi river with a straw. [Applause.]

The question is settled. Now, we hav equal rights. The Republican party abolished slavery. They found the land holding four millions of slaves, now every man is free. [Cheers.] The Declaration of Independence has been realized, the blemish of slavery has been eradicated. Then we got in the Thirteenth Amendment, which resolves that slavery will never exist in this country under the Constitution and then the Fourteenth Amendment, which declares every man born in this country is a citizen and no one shall have power to deprive him of that liberty, with these established and equal justice and equal protection for all and then to "cap the climax," finished the whole business through the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, by which our State can never deprive any man of the right, of suffrage on account of his ile were afraid few free color ed people in their midst if they had the right of suffrage conferred upon them, but it does not seem to hurt them much. People who could ride in a very close carriage with colored servants, both men and women, and live' with them as slaves constantly, suddenly found it was very offensive to be close to those persons even for a moment. [Laughter.]

Now, the right of suffrage has been given in all the Southern States.

month, and will do better from year to year. The machinery is in operation fought well and bravely for our country now. General Grant has been working They have receiyed equal rights and Johnson men out of office with commen- privileges and I have np fear that they dable rapidity, [Laughter.] and is fast will abuse them. filling their places with faithful men, The Democratic party lived off the and we have gained in the past short "negrp" for a great many years. [Laugh-

sixteen months, millions of dollars we ha.ve saved it by economy we have been able to pay off one hundred and forty millions of dollars we have been able to reduce taxation eighty millions. Is not this a grand success?

ter._ And now we have a prominent politician of Indiana going down to New Orleans notlonger than Iasf February, and talking to the "nigger"—a man who appeals to the lowest passions of white men upon this subject, asking them if they want to associate or vote with a a party that will let the "niggers" vote, thus degrading himself by appealing to the passion of his auditors—goes down there and makes a speech to them which was reported. And what do you think he said in that speech?

I will tell you iyhat he didn't say he never said "nigger" once. [Laughter.] He never spoke contemptuously once ol these colored men. He spoke to them in the kindest and most respectful terms, and he exhorted the Democratic party of Louisiana to conciliate and cultivate the colored vote. And he went on and made an argument in favor of the colored people, and told them how well he loved the colored men, and how faithful they had been during the war, and how orderly they were, and then went on and really 'did credit to Mr. Hendricks, and then made another argument that really surprised me. He said political equality didn't mean social equality. He said the colored people did not desire social equality that they did not desire amalgamation that they preferred to live to themselves, and that there was no danger of social equality resulting from political equality. That is the argument of Mr.

Hendricks, of Indiana, made to the colored people of Louisiana. Does he talk that way herein Indiana? I am told he does not really. [Laughter.] I saw a re port of his speech made in Lafayette, and nearly all of it was devoted to the Fifteenth Amendment. The inference was he was cultivating the colored vote when in Louisiana.

Mr. Veorhees, I understand, disclaims any desire to obtain their vo es. Whether he does or not it occurs .o me that no colored man, knowing what Mr. Voorhees has said and done would ever vote for him. But they have aright to vote just as they ylease they are free men.

Now, I want to allude to a remark made by Mr. Voorhees in the House of Representatives some'time ago. I ihink I can remember it. He said some of ti. Republican papers in Indiana were saying, let the Dutch go now, we have got the negroes. Did any Republican paper in Indiana ever Bay that. [A voice: "No."] No, certainly not. No Republican paper ever said that. I suppose Mr. Voorhees thought he might create some prejudice in the breast of some German by making a statement of that kind. The Germans are for universal suffrage and many of them were before many Ke-

Then there is five "hundred thousand dollars in sinking fund. A five per cent. and two and a naif per cent., leaving some those hundred thousand a balance in the treasury. We have paid two hundred thousand dollars of pur war debt on outstanding bonds, issued during the war. This has all been paid up but three hundred thousand, and the tax now due from which ^oUars^S^that ed, their happiness has not been impaired, five hundred thousand

C''ican.i

tv ^inglff the SutrdebtV'And* «/rman birth-has been the true friend er paying ou and if of the men of foreign birth. Why? Bedor/umysdlu^neoTth/tf gov- cause we are the true friends of liberty, erned States in this Union, and has been we are the true friend of the laboring v«rs TCheers 1 man, and we always have been. Ve

NJW I will tell you something about have always hated .la^ry because slathe condition of Indiana before the 1st of J«7 ^e Republican pa. ,j January 1861 when the Republican party has always been the came into power. From the 1st of July this country, and it always willJ^e 1849 till the 1st of January 1857, the Republican party is the true friend of the State debt had been reduced in all that nian of foreign btrth, and the libertvSm^ only four hundred and eighty iovingGermans"who^WM^ntatL.

-—iff

credit I glory in her progrowth and prosperity glory

Fn her population, wealth and independence. See what she has done while we have been paying the State debt. Look at your beautiful Normal School in this city. I believe that a part of the money that built it was furnished by the State of Indiana.

were. They are not offended

use the right of suffrage has been extended to a few colored people we have in the State of Indiana.

Their rights have never been diminish-

Th

^favor of it- The Republican

'ey

arc

in the course of a few months irom tms __ .i,„

And that in a time of ojd fatherland^ falls naturally into

SPJC fliuT of the armsofthe Republic*, party. And tore- January 1850until- the 1st of January now, that this yeat German family is a a in or am a in a a

S «i«. fnmj I think th..fmpuk»o(

epubl

party ha3 been the true friend of the

aeo—rily go

ftiYrj i-

mteet. [Great cheering.! My friends, I said tk! liM Republican party was the great labor pafty in this country, and upon this 1 ?ul say another thing, that it is the great reform" party of this country. We have made the greatest reforms that hav.e "er been made, and we shall continue to make them. We do' one thing at a time.. We have gone on, step by step, until .:ie country has been brought to its present, prosperous condition. There are gi cat reforms to be accomplished, and the republican party has the ability to do it.

I wifl tell you, my fn r.ds, whenever the Republican party cefsea .o be the party of Reform, then they ii" .'-give way to another party. not the I/eiuocratic party. Oh, no! [laughter,] but lie new par- $ ty. that will do those thiu^s which we fail to do. Then my friend^ the old saying is, "Trust the bridge thut carries you safely over." Stand tl party that saved the country,in the d_'rl hoursof Rebellion stand by the pai that abolished slavery stand by the rty that will preserve the liberties of this ation stand by the party that will restori our finances to a sound and stable foundation stand by the party that is leading tuis nation to a prosperity and a glory tha it has never known before stand by that party and you will stand by the Republican party.

The Republican party has not yet performed its mission, not till the work of Reconstruction is completed. Now, we have admitted all the States. Georgia has been admitted. She has taken her place once more in the Unkn. Now let us go on till this great work of reconstruction is completed. There is much yet to be done in the Southern States. Jt is not safe for a Union man in the Southern Styles, especially a colored man, if he has been enfranchised. We have got to take care of these people. We have abolished slavery, we have restored the Union, and we are bound to protect the Union men of the South, ana will do it. The Republi- J. can party is committed to it in honor is committed to the payment of the National debt and the preservation ©f the credit of the nation.

I thank you kindly for your attention. [Cheers.] f, -t.

DOUBTFUL TELL'JOAMS. DON, July 19.'*J

The London Post is skeptical, touching the news received from France and Prussia. It ascribes tiie bulk of dispatches to speculators.

SrEEClI OF KING WILLIAM. BERLIN, July 19—Last evening King William made a speech to a great number of people of Berlin who CAUIC to congratulatehim. He said he was not responsible for the war which had just broken out. He might personally be passive under the outrage, but Germany, even from beyond the sea, had spoken. Sacrifices, were sure. Prussia had been spoiled by her rapid victories ir. two wars, and perhaps a worse fate awaited her now. tie, however, knew what to hope from God, the army and the people.

FRENCH PROCLAMATION.

The French proclamation for the purpose of exciting the peopie to revolt has been distributed in Hanovar.

MINISTER OF WAR.

La Liberte publishes- a statement to the effect that Gen. Chang. lore will probably be appointed Minister of War, vice Le Boeuf, who takes command a in the field.

FROM TIIE SEA' AVAR.

PARIS, July 19—2 p. t—Up to this time no skirmish has j.ciirred between the hostile forces. ,,

WITIIDKAV •. »V

Hesse Darmstadt with'rew her agent. from Paris to-day. THE EMTE" N.

Nothing certain yet a'out the depart-. lire of the Emperor for --cene of war. It is not likely he wilt for the front until everything is read.- "re for active operations.

ARREST OF riU VNS.

Several Prussians in thin :ity who were suspected of plotting \i distributing money have been arrested.

NEWSPAPER SEtl l.

The "Marseillaise" appeared this forenoon for the first time i.i atveral weeks, it was immediately sciz' .1.

PRINCE NAPOI.RA

is expected here to-morro,v. It is said her will receive a command. TIIE man

COURT OF USTICE.

PARIS, July 19.—In the l.'igh Court of Justicc at Bloise, yesterday, commencement of proceedings Moraj. moved that in view of the approach.of war and the consequent agitation of the country, the trial of persons accused of conspiracy be postponed. The Court, after considera-rf tion, denied the motion and the jrial proceeded.

WORKINGMEN'S DEMONSTRATION. MADRID, July 19.—The workinj^men made a demonstration yesterday, i'hey

are dying of hunger 1" In front of the,./ Ministry of the Interior, and other public departinenfs, they halted and demanded employment. Their conduct was orderly, and the manifestations ended without disturbance. I

DON CARLOS.

PARIS, July 19.—Don Carlos, the Span- ?. ish agitator, is in Paris. *, CROPS IN RUSSIA.

ST. PETERSBURG, July 19.—Advices from the agricultural districts of northern and central Russia represent the crops looking well, and promise a yield above the average.

ECUMENICAL COUNCIL.

ROME, VIA PARIS, July 19.—The Council held a public session to-day,^ at which 538 fathers were present. The schema de Ecclesia Chrifti was adopted by 536 to 2, and was approved as a constitution of the church by the Pope, who pronounced aBhort allocution.,

INCORRECT REPORT. '5

PARIS, July 19.—E\e.—The report published in the morning journals that Earl Granville had an interview with the Emperor yesterday, wait untrue. Lord: Granville has not been in the city.

THE EMPRESS.

Tlie Empress has sent fifty thousand francs to the Society of Aid for Wounded. THIERS CALLED UPON TO RESIGN.

A large number of tlie constituents of Mr. Thiers, who voted for liim at tlie last election, demand his retirement from the Corps Legislatif, on tiie_ ground that he has outraged the pauiotic sentiment of the country, by hit- recent sjieech against the war.

A HEAVY FTXR.

PARIS, July 19.—Baron Rotlifj who was drawn as a.number of tt of the High Court, did i.ot atteui, and was fined 5,000 francs. SUBSCRIPTIONS TO CHARIT.'.BLE PROJECTS.

The public and private nbscriptions to various charitable projec arc very liberal in all parts of the co' iury.

The Duke de Mortu- irt has given 100,000 francs to one of funds. Many persons have s-. -.•( to pay ccitain sums daily during ntinuan of the war, and others pay

Many manufacturers •••inue the wages of their employes wl« nlist. .3.

I m

1

'ole taxes.

NORTH CAltMiOfA.

EXCITEMENT IN ALAMAJ E COUNTY. RALEIGH, N. C., July 19.—Counsel for the citizens arrested in Alanance county, by Kirk, who, by order '.f fov. Holdcn, refuses to regard writs ot 1 .beas corpus issued in their behalf, a%u. the matter before the Chief Justice o-day. The issue seems to be whether at attachment shall be issued agaiust the Joveruor or Kirk.

The feeling Ls most inienB" on the subject, and people await with deepest anz-. iety the decision of the Chiet Justice.

News received here this afternoon stales that Graham, the connty seat of Alamance, has been placed under martial law by Kirk.

The Court House was seized and the whole town strictly guarded. A martial commission has been organised, consisting mainly of Kirk and his officers, to try citizens under arrert.

MORE ARRESTS.

Additional news has been received that Hon. John Kerr, Hon. P. Hill, Sheriff^ Griffith and several other prominent Conservative citizens of Caswell county were arrested at Yanceyville yesterday,... by Kirk.

Congressional candidates in that district were speaking in the Court Hons* when Kirk sarrounded it with solciw* and made the arrests.