Terre-Haute Weekly Express, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 28 August 1867 — Page 2

Page PDF (3.04 MB)

Back to issue view

WEEKLY EXPTctESS

Wednesday Morning, August28,187

p_BB0IE3Z OIF*

«v. O.P.Morton

Ex-fi

A.t Colwro-lms., Ohio,

Delivered Tuesday E?eniug, August 27th, 1867.

Fellow citizens of Ohio: The party calling itself Democratic is a»iun asking for the confidence and suppoi of tbe people ot Ohio, and it is not only proper, but important, to investigate the title upon which they put forth their claims.

As public political organization, it is the right oi tho psopla to examine their history, to look into the career and principles ot their cuiididaies,and to underatuiid the spirit and purpose of the politicians und leaders who will control them it lilected.

It is a proposition which can not be denied by any intelligent ooserver of evenu for the last ten years, that the Su-cailed Democratic purty was thoroughly anU complete .entitled with the origin and progress ol the rebel lion that, as polm cal organization, it was a part of rebellion, uciing

Couucelior, sympathize.",

i'urnietjbr oi supplies, una doiiig ever ttiiiig in uid of lto prosecution that ooiud be done in the loyal states.

When spunk ihus 1 do not mean to suy that ail its in mil bars all who Volo with it, arc t-qu.illy guilty, nor Uo 1 reter to thut pa.iii.tic host, who when the Rebellion t'ivku out, icit the Democratic party and went over to ihe side ot the country. The aiasst-s ot tilt people of a.i parties iniUi'i 10 rigui, and would if ihey wei't let mono but A nit-an its politician*, itn leader*, those who iorm its opinions, and give tii. pe to its action.

VVlniu tney nave been open and avowed

en^Uiits iu ttit: people of

the .North, they

have in thu guioe ol Iriends been tne most deadly foes oi the south, and nave by thoir jri uciierous ahd pernicious counsels led them, by criminal and treasonable paths to dishonor and destruction. DEMOCRATIC PARTY RESPONSIBLE S"0R THK

WAR.

nofurther eack than the campaign

of 1860, we find them assuring the people of tbe iouth, by speeches, newspapors,and resolutions Conventions, that Mr. Lin cola was a sectional candidate, and that liis election as President would be iu violation ot the Constitution of the United Estates that the lvepublican party of the Norih, if they succeeded to power, would, without provocation or excuse, overturn the institutions of the South, and that the South would be justified by every principle ot honor and self-preservation, in resisting even by force of arms, their accession to power.

These wicked and monstrous falsehoods wore reasserted in every possible form, enforced by all tho vehemence of passion nnd the graces of rhetoric, and the question may well bo asked how the people of tne South could refuse altogether to believe tho persistent declarations of a largo body of protested friends in the North, who claimed to speak from superior knowledge ol what was going on in their midst.

Iin mediately alter tho election of Mr. Lincoln, the slave-holding rebels of tho South, professing to be animated by a profound bt-lief in the truth of tbe declara tions and proj hcuies of tho Democratic leaders of tlie .North, went forward in tho work of the rebellion, and proceeded to declare tho secession of State after State. In this they were enthusiastically cheertd and earnestly encouragrd by the Democratie lenders of tho .Norih.

Tuoy weie assured that the right of secession existed under the Constitution, and that they wore in the exercise of legitimate powers when they assumed to marshal their several States out of the Union: and President Buchanan in his annual message, in December, 1860, solemnly declared that the Government of the United Stales had no power to coerce a State to remain in the Union. This treasonable and bloody utterance was endorsed by every Democratic Senator and Representative iu Congress, save two by every Democratic orator and newspaper throughout the North, by every Democratic member of a State Legislature with fow exceptions, by every Democratic Con vei.tion held throughout the North during ing tho winter ot 1860 aud 1861, of whicb 1 have any knowledge.

The people of the South were urged forward in the work of secession and rebellion by the assertions of thousands ol political leaders that tho Government should be held still and powerless until it was consummated and that tbe presence of a powerful body of Iriends in tho North would prevent tho passago of an army, or of a sugle regiment to tho South, to engage in tie wicked and unconstitutional business of coercing a Sovereign Sate to remain in tho Union. In January, 1861, .t the veiy limo the Confederate Government was being formed, the DernoeraiK- Strive Convention of Ohio passed a resolution pledging two hundred thousand LS'-mocrai-, mat not until tne .North had done justice to the South would the Government be allowed to coerce tne South. Till- gove notice io the rebeis that it the Government attempted to suppress the tvbe.lion, two hundred thousand men in Onio Wcu.d be iound tigluing on their side. The po. pie of the South, liko the ancient Egyptians, woro permitted to believe ah u.cse atrocious lies, for t'ie pur-iiu.-u oi their damnation. Confident in '.LCJ-O usctiat.Ces, und with feelings of en '.lro security, eleven State* boldly atiemled io throw oil' their obligations to tne Constitution ol tho United States—to separate tliomseives liom the Nation, and to esiutiiisb a new Confederal m, tho chiei corner stone of which was Human Sluvci^v. ith the approbation of President Buchanun and the Northern Democracy, they rapid.y seized without opposition, fort!-, dock yards, arsenals, minis, custom houses, ships of war, and public property of every description, until there remained but ono iiit.e spot, in Charleston Harbor, over whicn the flag of the Union contin-. ued to wave. BCCHAXAK S CABINET A CONCLAVE OF

COSsPIliATOKS.

Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet has been a conclave of conspirators. His Secretary of War had cliatribued tho arms and munitions through the south. His Secretary of the navy had scattered our little fleet to the four corners ot the world. His Secretary of the Treasury had so managed the Treasury as to leave it without a dollar and thus all had been done that could be to make the rebellion easy. And when on the 4th of March, 1861, the government passed from the Democratic to the Republican party, seven States had already speeded, and tho rest were getting ready tho Coutederate Constitution and Government had b^en formed at Montgomery, and a Contederate army of more than tuiuy thousand had been organized, and all not only without opposition trom the Government or the Democracy, but with u.'cir positive approbation and it is not too much to sa\ tuat, if tho power of .Vlr. Buchanan und the Democratic party had lusted sixty days longer, the work of secession would have been so fully completed that the Uniou would have been lost lorever. .but tne ech of the first gun against

Fort Sumpter awakened the slumbering patriotism ot the people. Tho nation sprang its feel as it suddenly aroused trom uecp sleep. The ranks of the people were c.osed up, party hues were obliterated. and the Democratic leaders disap

peared like drift wood in a turbulent sea, submergad for a season, but to reappear at a future tima.^ Tjfc?y cautiously remained out ot sight tin til the Sill of 1861, when tbo disasters of Bull Roi und Ball's Bluff, and tho slow, progress of the war gave tbOtn cotirage'to put ther beads above tbe surface and survey the situation. They immediately began the work of reorganizing the Democratic party upon tbe basis of opposition to the war and rightfulness of the rebellion. The subsequent terrible defeat and sacrifices suffered by McClellan on the Peninsula, inspired them with high hope and courage, and they so far succeded in discouraging the nation as to carry the fall elections in 1862 Then began those treasonable cries which were kept up with ever increasing violence until the final surrender of Lee before Richmond.

They declared

f„uat

we could never con

quer tue Soi».''n that every act of Congress for the suppression of the rebellion as unconstitutional and void. That cur National Bonds were worthless that Treasurj- Notes wero a fraud that the act of Congress making them a legal tender was a nullity that the northern people were tired of tbe "war, and would speedily abandon it that the people ol the North would resist draft

IHWS,

taxa

tion, and every attempt to interfero with slavery that the Nation was on the verge of bankruptcy, ar»d that if the war was pro acted, a revolution in the North was in evitable, ihe reoeis believed these enormous lies, and protracted -he war f^r more than two years after they had become convince that they could not succeed by lorce of arms. For more ttiaxi two yeais they continued the struggle, wheeling every day that something would turn up in tho North by which their triumph would be secured.

When hope long deterrod made their heurcs sick, and despair was coming ipon them, the Democratic loaders of the N-^rth renewed their exhortations, re doubled their assurances of assistance, and piociaimed that the hour of deliverance was at hand. And, on the 29th day of July, 18C4, in the midst of tho last great campaign, when Grant was struggling .hrough bloody fields to chmond, and Sherman fighting his way step by step to Atlanta, more than thau ten thousand Democratic politicians assembled at Chi cago, and with a fierce enthusiasm that threatens 1 to overcome all opposition declarei] tbo war unconstitutional, wickfd, Rod a failure, and imperiously de-mand-id thai, it should be at once abandoned. Wili any man whose front is not ..f brass tell mo that this did not encouruge the rebellion? I tell you that it did, that is cost us thousands of lives, and protracted the war for montba. Tbe ii/iws sunk like lead into the hearts of our soldiers, but sent a thrill of hopu and exclamations of joy throughout the rebel Camps. WHAT DKMOCRATIC MISREPRESENTATIONS

COST.

Every one of these enormous lies—that I have enumerated—cost the nation not less than twenty thousand lives aud $200,000,000. They made it necessary to raise new armies, to create new loans, to impose further taxes, and to lay new and heavy burdens upon the people, already taxed and tried as no other nation had ever been. If you. would fully comprehend tbe work of the Democratic politi cians ol tbe North, you must read the costly and bloody, record of 1863, 18G4 and 1865. Now that we are in possesion of the archieves of the rebel government, and now that the rebel leaders are free to tell the story of the rebellion, wo know that the war could not have extended beyond the year 1862 but for the cooperation of the Northern Democracy, and so threatening and formidable was their treason that from the beginning of 1863 to the end of the war, tho Government was compelled to retain in the Northern States from 40,000 to 100,000 men tu prevent them from breaking out into open rebellion. From the beginning of 1863 until the final surrender of the rebellion it lived entirely upon the hopes and delusions of the Democratic leaders of the North. WHAT THE DEMOCRATIC POLITICIANS DID

TO MAKE THEIR PROPHECIES COME TRUE. It must be said, however, in vindication of thes men that they labored assiduously to make good their promises and to achieve the success of tho rebellion. Tliey conspired to overturn State governments they discouraged recruiting and organized resistance to the laws. They did all in their power to destroy the credit of the government by enhancing the price of gold and thus making our currency and stocks comparatively worthless. But notwithstanding they did all this, yet they failed at every point, and tho Suuthern poople by their credulity and misplaced confidence were brought to dishonor and ruin. Every promise made to them wt broken every hope blighted and every prospoct turned into darkness. John Morgan, in full faith that thousands of men would rally to his standard, crossed the Ohio river into Indiana, but the emmissaries who invited him upon our soil proved but delusive guides to the prison door, and the secret hordes of the Sons ot Liberty who were to swell the ranks of his armies—to save themselves—were compelled to join tho ranks of his adversaries. Truly the Democratic leaders of Uio North have bce.i the worst enemies of tbe South, They first seduced them into rebellion they ihoti induced them to con^ tinue It until their blood and substance wcro wasted, and when they eouid hoid out no lunger and the war end'd, their fatal influence and interference did not cease, for whou the Southern people submitted thsujselve3 to the government and were disposed to accept the situation,those evil counselors again appeared and advised them to fubmit to no terms oi reconstruction to accept no conditions that they had lost no rights by rebellion, arid wera entitled to immediate representation in Congress just as if there had been no war. They turther urged them into flagrant disregard of the authority of Con ijrees. and to threaten the North »vith another rebellion if these demands wero not acceded to. And when the moderate and conservative proposition of the constitutional amendment was offered as a basis of settlement and reconstruction,they urged them contemptously to reject it, which they did. And what was the.re suit? They brought upon them universal suffrage, and have compelled them to go upon their knees and beg the votes of the men whom they were wont to drive to labor with the whip. Aud now, wbilo the men of the South are proposing to accept the last act of reconstruction, and yield obedience to the legislation of Congress, they are-again urging that it is unconstitutional and wicked, and begging for its rejection. And what if they again succeed? They will inevitably bring upon them the general confiscation of their estates and punishment only visited on the incorrigible and the obstinately rebellious. And hence I repeat the declaration that tho Democratic leaders at the North are, and for years have been, tho most deadly enemies of the Southern people. They have betrayed tbem in war, and betrayed them in peace, and have fed them upon falsehoods and delusions until they have brought them to the very door of destruction.

The Democratic party are utterly opposed to reconstruction except upon terms that will return the rebels unconditionally to power, and give them ten Democratic rebel States. Unless this can be done, they prefer to have the contest renewed, to have anarchy supervene, hoping that something may turn up by which the government may pass into their hands, or their condition be otherwise improved.— About tbo true inteiests of the Southern people they are as indifferent as they ar# to the E-quiomux in Walrussia, and regard them simply as the means to an end, and as instruments by which they can improve their own condition. Many men in that organization wish to dissolve it and form new alliances but the old lead

ers and hacks, whose history is identified with the rebellion, and from whose garments the stains of treason can never be washed, know that from any new organi. zation tbey would be carefully excludad aa men whose presence boded pestilence and disaster, ani thus they cling desperately to the wreck of the old party as the only means to prevent them from going to the bottom forever. The revival of tbe Democratic party would be the triumph of the rebellion, and it would then conquer in peace after it had failed in war.— But you may as well talk of reviving tbe Confederate Government, of resurrecting the rebel dead from a thousand battlefields, where they have been buried by their Northern loaders. A party covered with tbe blood of murdered thousands, linked to the atrocities of a fiendish civil war, pursued by tbe cries of the widow aud orphan, and of the vast multitude whose homes have been made desolate, bas no destiny but death, and should ask not for office, not forgiveness, but only burial from human sight. ISSUES OF THE DAY SPRINGING OUT OP

THK WAR.

Some Democratic speakers say they will not discuss tbe war, but confine themselves to living issues, leaving

To the charges made against the Re» publican party by Judge Thurman, shall not 6top to reply. They are mostly from the stereotyped edition of 1864 and 1866, and are as devoid of merit now as they wero thou. It does not lie in tbe .nouth of the party of tbe rebellion to complain that the country might have been saved on cheaper terms, or that proper economy was not practiced in putting the rebellion down. Tbo defense of tbo Republican party is found in tbe fact that to-day we have a Govern^ ment arid a Union preserved that to day wc have a nation more powerful and respocted than ever before that to-dat we have a country full of prosperity, and with bright and gratifying prospects for the future. We may safely challenge the history of tho world to show a political organization that accomplished half so much for the preservation aud glory of tho nation iri so short a time and its career is not yet ended. Its work will not be done untii equal rights, harmony, and prosperity shall reiga throughout tbe land, and the last lingering representative of a treasonable Democracy ha3 been driven from power.

THE TRUE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.

Hut notwithstanding the extreme poverty of the Judge's spoech,it must co£ be supposed that the so-called Democrat ic party is not in favor of anything. It bas platform down deep in the hearts of its leaders a platform which they would cxccute to tho letter if they bad the power.

This platform has not been formally drawn out in resolutions, or proclaimed by conventions but it breathes through all their speeches, pervades their literature, and is found openly or covertly in every column of their newspapers. It is the platform of desperation, of miDgled hate and revonge, and an uuconoiierable attach men to tho abuses and errors of the past. And the chief planks may be described in it as follows

The repudiation of the National Debt. The restoration of slavery, or, if that can not be done, payment by tbe nation for the slaves.

Pensioning tho soldiers,widows and orphans of the Confederate army. Recognition of the right of secession.

And the unconditional return of rebels to political power. ESSE D. BRIGHT SPEAKS FOR THE D*.

MOCRACY OF KENTUCKY.

The Hon. Jesse D. Bright, just elected to the Legislature of Kentucky, long a Senator fiom Indiana, and the leader of his party, and always a bold and frank politician, in a recent speech at CaProlton, as reported in the Cincinnati Ga~ zette, made the following declaration

He startod off by saying he had always been a States rights Democrat. He de« nounced Mr. Lincoln, Douglas and Andy Johnson in the most bitter terms, said that the Democratic Senators from the South did wrong in vacating their seats in tbe beginning ot the war said Mr. Lincoln had no power under the Constitution to call out any troops was opposed to paying the public debt that Kentucky ought not to pay another dollar until her

,- ,«..• ^^..iwwuniMWJiw-

uthe

past

with the dead past.'' They would be glad to have us leave out tbe war and forget tho part they bore iu it. But this is im« possible. Every issue of tbe day is the offspring of I he war, and you can not un derstand it without a knowledge of the war, and its legislation. With the Democratic party, as a political organization we have no compromise to make. It sought the life ol the nation, and no good can ever mo out ol it. A good measure in its hands would turn to a curse. Upon its gar mans is the blood of our fathers, husbands and brothers who perished in -^•pressing a rebellion it had fomented and maintained

Wnue tbe peoplo groan under heavy taxes while the latoer mourns his son lying in his sunken grave in the South while the widow in her loneliness and desolation, weeps for her husband, who perished miserably at Anderson ville, tht crimes of tbo Democratic party can never be iorgotten or forgiven, I do not intend to pul.iate thb crimes of the rebel leaders in thu South, but I can not in conscience ray that their guilt exceeds that of the Democratic leaders in the North who in svgated them to rebellion, encouraged them in persistence, and by every argument and invcctive excited and kept alive iheirjpassions against the Government

JUDGE THURMAN'S SPEECH.

I road with care th« speech of Judge Tburman, the Democratie candidate for Governor, made at Waverly on the 5th of August, on the opening of the campaign. I took it for granted that the standard bearer of his party would unfold its principles and policy, and mark out the field upon which he proposed to fight the battle. But the chiefly noticeable thing about, the speech is, that it proposes nothing, presents no policy, offers no plan of redemption by which tho Nation may bo saved. The poverty of the speech however, is but the poverty of the party which it represents, and it is somewhat remarkable that a party which has nothing to propose, and thereby admits itself to be utterly helpless and incapable, should have courage to ask the people to put the olSces into their hands. The substance of tbe speech may be presented in a few brief propositions 1. That the Republican party of the North forced the South into rebellion, and is responsible for the war. 2. That the Constitution declares that Congress shall consist of the Senators and Representatives of all the States, and that as ten rebel States are unrepresented, Congress is a fragmentary and unconstitutional body. Hence all the legislation during the war and since is unconstitutional and void. Hence when the Senators and Representatives from the rebel States withdrew from their seats in 1861, they left Congress a fragmentary and unconstitutional body, and thereby constitu tionally broke up the Government, and every effort since made to keep it alive ha3 been clearly unconstitutional. So you see, my friande, to what strange uses a good constitution may be put. It is true that the Constitution provides that a majority of the members ot each House shall constitute a quorum to do business but as this is in conflict with the Judge's theory, he very properly ignored it. 3. That emancipation has everywhere, and especially in the West Indies, been a failure, a folly and a crime that the ne» groes are an inferior, indolent, worthless race, and that negro suffrage portends the direst calamities tithe nation. And this bill of fare presents the starveling fast to which the Democracy of Ohio are invited to sit down. DEFENSE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

Representatives were admitted, and that if the South ever regained her rights it would be by tbe sworn and said if that was treason, theGovern ment might make the inost of it

favor of returning

every slave to his original master' was in favor of a law in Kentucky that every one who lost anything in Kentucky during tb* war, or by the war, should be paid, and that the General Government should refund it to Kentucky. Thus spoke Jesse D. Bright, and who can deny that he uttered tbe hope, tbe wish, the purpose of the so-called Democracy of Ohio.

THE BLACK CHANNEL 07 REPUDIATION.

The black cloud of repudiation is already above the horizon, its bosom charged with the livid lightnings of dishonor and destruction, ana it is only waiting for a breeze, a Democratic breeze, to spread it over the laud.

The Democratic leaders of the North intend to make their final and desperate stand for existence and power upon that question. They will appeal to the basest passions of the people, to their cupidity, to thoir selfishness, to the satanic temptation of exemption from taxes, to the poor against the rich, and to labor against capital. They have profound faith in tho passions and vices of the people, but none io their patriotism and virtues. They believe in utter depravity, and upon that found their last hope for life and power.

This was the terrible mistake they made throughout tbe war. They believed that the tarmer to 6ave his taxes, tbe capitalist his income, the wife her husband, and the father "his son, wou resist tne revenue officers, the draft law, abaudon the war, and resign the government to dissolution. But in all this they were gloriously mistaken. Th estimate they had formed of human nature, weak us it is, was entirely too low The trial to which the people were sub jected developed their noblest qualities and tbey gave not only their treasure, but their blood to save the country and would have given more, nay, all. And when hereafier, they shall be invited upon the basest considerations, to bring dishonor upon themselves, aad eternal reproach upon the nation, not to save their blood but only their money, they will spurn tbe invitation with infinite scorn, and drive the tempters from their presence as Christ did the money changers from th« temple.

One of the latest forms in which repudiation has shown its horrid front, is the proposition to pay off the whole uational debt in greenbacks. Said a very prominent Democratic speaker tbe other day, "W« must pay the national debt, everyr dollar of it, but we must pay it in greenbacks.' I will not stop to discuss the breach of faith. I will not stop to consider what would be the effect upon the currency and Ifusiness of the country to issue a thousand millions of greenbacks. If the greenbacks are to be redeemed, then tbe body of the debt is not paid—only another Iorm of obligation given for it. If the "greenbaoks" are not to be redeemed, then the whole debt is repudiated. It is very absurd to talk about paying a debt by giving another obligation for it which is not to be paid. And I notice this proposition as a weak device of tbe enemy by which they approach direct repudiation.

Let me urge upon the repudiators, how ever, that their efforts to repudiate be made against the bonds directly, and not through the medium irredeemable green backs. It is true, to repudiate the bonds would destroy the national honor, and place the Government before the world

exercise political rights Can you with self-respect, with a decent regard to the opinions of mankind rwfuse to ptecute^i this State thw* immortal wncijMB of eqttai

r|glus

the mightiest swindler in history it is true that no American would then dare to show his face in Europe, and it would be regarded as Indecent, to speak the name of our country in society. But the mon ey loss, in that case, would fall chiefly on the bondholders at first. Whereas if the debt is paid off in irredeemable greenbacks, tbe loss to the bondholders would be the smallest part. The whole currency would become worthless the business of tbe country destroyed, and the laboring classes and the poor would be by far the greatest sufferers. A party is utterly lost to shame which deliberately proposes tue cation's dishonor, and has but one duty to perform—which is to die.

UNION SOLDIERS TO BE DISHONORED.

A result that would inevitably flow from tbe success of the so-called Democracy would be the degradation of the Union soldier, and the elevation to honor and power of the rebel soldier. The Democracy of the North and the rebels of the south can affiliate only upon that condi tion. Not only would Southern rebels impose this as a condition upon their Northern allies but it would be cheerfully accepted as consonant with their sympathies, and consistent with their course. The Democracy of Ohio are in full accord with the Democracy in Kentucky, and the news of the late Kentucky election was reeeived as "glad tidings ot great joy," as a "rich morsel of victory," and rejoiced over in gushing adjectives and flaming bead lines by every Demo cratie orator and newspaper in the State.

In that election, except in a lew localities, rebel soldiers and sympathizers wer* chosen to every important office, and the fact that a candidate had been in the Union army, or sympathized with the Union cause, was the sure harbinger of deleat.-— Tbe Democratic candidates were pubii jly supported upon the ground that they had served in the rebel army or sustained ihrebel cause. And not only do the Democracy of Kentucky exclude the Union soldier from office, but thoy exclude him from society proscribe him in his business, inflict on him a thousand nnnoyaii ces, and many of them proclaim that he shall leave thu State, that tbey will make it too hot to bold him. And as tho Do mocracy of Kentucky treat the Union soldier, so will the democracy of Ohio should they got the power. It is tbe war cry of that party, that it is not sectional, that it i3 every where tho same. As it is in Kentucky in Ohio.

It is true that there are some tneu in Ohio who were good soldiers during tho war, wto are now acting with that party. But their position is one of humiliation to themselves, and commisseration and sorrow with their friends. In the Democratic party they are tolerated only not loved or forgiven. When put forward for office, they are not standard-bearers, but "decoy ducks" to allure faithful sol. diers into rebel camps and when they can not longer be profiublv used, will be cast aside as dishonorable things for the fact of having borne arms against the re bellion is the mortal Bin for which there is no Democratic forgiveness.

In Ohio, where the Democracy have no power, they sometimes nominate soldiers for office, but in Kentucky, where they have tbe power, they would not nominate one for the humble office of "fence viewer." Let the Union soldier therefore tuke heed that he be not deluded by false pretenses, and delivered over by shameful strategem into the hands of his adversa« ries. Let bim ever remember that the rebels and their allies will never love him, never forgive him, and will only tolerate bim where they must. IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE—THK NORTH MUST

BB CONSISTENT.

The question of impartial suffrage is now submitted to the people of Ohio. It is proposed to allow the colored man to vete upon like terms and conditions with the white man. After the great events which have transpired, the great changes which have taken place, this can hardly be regarded as an open question. The people of the North, through Congress, have conferred upon the colored men of the South the right of suffrage, who but yesterday were slaves, the most of whom are wholly uneducated, who have grown up in States where it was a felony to teach them to read, and made them politically equal to the whites. And shall they now refuse to do equal justice to the small number of colored people in thetr midst who are better educated, far more intelligent, far'better qualified every way to

andj equal just» wjplfeh

vou nve asserted ahd enforoed in other States? You who nave squared your faith "by the Declaration of Independence, who have proclaimed to the world the equal rights of men, will not,

am sure, stultify

yourselves by refusing to the colored men of Ohio, that impartial suffrage to which, by the example of your action in the South, they are so fully entitled.

If yrou shall refuse, you will then stand naked before your enemies. It will then be hissed scornfully into your faces, that your "immortal principle of equal rights" is only for Southern consumption, and that the radicalism oi Ohio is but a cheat and a sham.

But let us consider this Bubject briefly, independent of all questions of consistency or policy. We admit that God has created all men equal. We do not mean equal in physical or mental powers—equal in stature, color or appearance but equal in their rights.

Now, where two races are living togeth er in-the same State, and the right to choose all public officers t«» make the laws and execute them, is confided to one race exclusively, will you tell me that all are equal?

And will you toll me by what

right one raco exercises absolute govern ment over tho other Wo admit that God has endowed men with certain inalienable rights that amon- thtse is the right to live, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Wo call these divin«, or, if you please, natural rights. If we have these rights have we not a divine or natural right to protect ourselves in their enj yment? Can there oea right which we have not the right to protect The right of self-defense is said to be the first law of nature, and it may be exoroisod oy your hands or by a wev pon, by your friends. The law of nature does not point out how it shall be done, wnether by the hands or by a weapon, but certainly embraces the use of the adequate means whatever tbey may be. It would be very absurd to say that self-preserva tion is the fi.st law of nature, but that the law does not give the use of the means of preservation. It is not less absurd to say that men have a divine right to life and liberty, but have no divine right to pro toct themselves in their enjoyment. Can you conceive of a RIGHT which another man has a KTQHT to take away, and which you have no RIGHT to defend If it be admitted that men have a divine or natural right to life and liberty, then must it not be admitted that they have a divine or natural right to protect themselves in their enjoyment? And if it be admitted that men have a natural right to protect themselves in the enjoyment of life and liberty, that right must carry with it the use of the necessary or adequate means' If your liberty is invaded by violence or w*r, you may repel force by force- But if it is trampled upon by unjust constitu tions or unequal laws, by what means can you be protected in its enjoyments answer by the right of suffrage only, or the right of revolution.

In this country the only means by which a man can protect himself against tbe enactment of unequal or oppressive law is to have a voice in making them or can secure the protection of the laws is to have a voice in the selection of the officers by whom they are to be execu' tod.

It is true that if a man is disfranchised tho justico or magnanimity of his neigh bors, or of another race may protect him in his rights, but that it is a precarious security, and furnishes no reason for depriving him of the power to protect him self. And now

ask you what power

the colored people of Ohio have to pro tect themselves in thoir live3, liberty and property.

They have no voice in making the laws, or choosing the officers by whom thep are to bo executed. Those in au thority may make oppressive statutes against them, or deny to them the pro tection of those already made, as in Ken tucky, and they have no means of redress Their natural rights may all be struct down, and, in themselves, they have no power to prevent it, except by force of arms, for which they would be punished as criminals. In a Republican form of government, tbe ballot is the only means short of revolution, by which rights can be asserted, abuses corrected or protection secured, and whoever is de prived of it is at the mercy of his neigh bors.

M. Pendleton lately said that the whte people of Ohio would protect the colored in the enjoyment of all their rights. But that is the old argument in favor 6f slavery, when it was urged that the good ard kind m&sters would take caro of the slaves and do better for them than they could do for tnem selves. If Mr. feadleton were to be disfranchised by the Constitution of Ouio, it is probable he would be protect ed in his other rights, but this would would not repair the wrong or soothe his lacerated feelings. If the colored men of Onio are enfranchised, their votes will bo sought after with as much avidity as an equal number of whito votes, and they will bo treated with a kindness and consideration they never beforo enjoyed

No party could propose to enact an un j'ist law against tbem, or fail to give them protection except under the penalty of having all their votes cast against them at the next election and we know how effective is the prospect of such a penalty.

In the rebel States, the late act of Congross enfranchising tho freedmen has al ready given to them a protection and con sideration which could not be secured by the whoiu military power of the United States, and exhibits conclusively the in fluence and power of the ballot.

Tho recognition of the principle Icon tend for does not conflict with the right to excludo aliens, minors, insane persons, and criminals from tho ballot box, nor does it necessarily conflict with that principle of representation which is more or less recognized in cvexy elective system, whereby from the ties of affection, blcod and community of interest, the husband is assum ed to represent the wile, and the father his family. But this principle of representation could not without absurdity, be carried $o 1 fir as to assume that where one raco is separated from another by color, condition aud prejudice, it could represent the interests, feelings and wants of that other at the' ballot-box.

I know it is often said that the right of suffrage is not a natural right, and may be withheld from any man, class or race, without a violation of their natural rights, liut I respectfully submit that tills makes the whole theory of natural rights mockery. For if in a republican form of government, where suffrage is the only means of protecting natural rights, it can be justly withheld lrom a whole race, then that race have natural rights, but have no right to use the mvans by which they may be protected, which is absurd.

Not less absurd than to say that the constitution confers the power upon Congress to make war, but withholds tbe means to execute the power. It is true that no principle in government can be carried to all its conclusion?, but must bo subject to practical limitations.

Every member of society must yield up some portion of his abitract rights for the common good, but this yielding should be uniform. It would be an abuse of the dootrine, if society required one race to yield all means of sell protection. And to say that society may require one race to submit itself absolutely to the governffient of another, is to assert the principle of slavery pure and simple.

But

may beBaid that the principle

advocate would give the right of suffrage to women. Tnut

do deny, but say broad

ly and practically that there is a vast difference between denying the right of sufIrage to women who are reprouen ted at the ballot-box by

their

husbands, fathers

and brothers, and all the adult males ~of their race, and the denial of it to a whole

SiSiiPf

i.z-r

race, both males and females, which is not represented at tho b|U)ot-bo§ by any bodjfand Has has Do mlas ij] lic&n:Government of prttectln the enjoviront ofUite, JiberUfcai pertjlt' -SSKM* *8k- sSr

a cepub itself in

PENDLETON'S ARGUMENT

In discussing this subject Mr. Pendleton said: "But I would not give tbem political power. They belong to a different race. They have difiercnt blood and bones, »Dd organisation. Tbey have different tastes and habits, and capacities. It is not merely A difference of climate or sun, or birth, or education, or color. It is an inherent and radioal difference of race of blood, of nature, of intellect, of capacity, which no training Can efface no associations, or habits, or discipline can extinguish. God made them different, man cannot make tbem tbe same or equal.''

Now, here is a statement, which if ad mitted to be true, proves nothing iti favor of his policy of disfranchisement. Does it afford any reason why this race, so widely separated from the other, shoula be disfranchised and governed absolutely by the other

Does it not on the contrary prove that tho white race, separated by so great diversity from the colored, cannot represent their interests and wants at the ballotbox, and that the colored should have the right to vote for thoir own.-protection

If Mr. Pendleton means' to suy that, in consequenca of this difference in race, the colored man has no natural right td lt.%, liberty and property, no'fightthat man is bound to respect, then wo can ui. derstaod him but if he stops snort of. ttjat there is nothing in his argument.

Again Mr. Pendleton says: "And all the teaching of history, aid all the observation of our experience iihat the eomnbingling of the blood of the wuite and the black races injures both.— Go into the Southern States, where circumstances have been favorable to this amalgamation go into our cities, where affection has sought to establish tho happiness of the hybrid offspring, and you will see that every animal is more developed, every moral quality more depressed, eveiry physical indrinity more exaggerated than cither of tbe pure race.- ."

The argument that Mr. Pendleton intends to make by this is that tho enfran chisoment of the colored race would contribute to amalgamation aud the com mingling of biood. He says "Circumstances have been favorable to this amalgamation in the Southern States." Win does he phrase it so delicately? Why does he not say that slavery was favorable to amalgamation? Why does he not say that wherever slavery existed wherever the negro was degraded and lieipiess de nied all rights that a white-man was bound to respect, amalgamation existed and flourished on a large' scale? and why does ho not say that,, ith a Northern States where tho negro is protected in the marriage relation aud treated a9 a man, amalgamation is almost ,whpUy unknowu

In Massachusetts whero the colored man has en joyed, every ^.©oliticaLjugiit fur more than thirty years, it is .Said a case has not occurred for many ytfars. And in this great Siate of Ohio, I will venture

franchise the colored raco. Give tbem sell respect, make them feel that they are men and women before the law aud beforo the world, and you will thhs have almost perfect security against tbo evils of amalgamation.

To withhold suffrage from tho colored race isvto violate other luujiiviaeiital principles of our Government. We say tbathe "Government exists only by tho con sent of the governed," and here is a race that has never consented, and has no means to consent or dissent. Wo say that "taxation and representation should go together," and here is a race that is taxed but not represented.

But more than all this, tho colored man has helped to fight your battjti, and has mingled his blood with yours on many a field he has been—patriotic and loyal, whue thousands of whites in your midst have been disloyal he has paid taxes a id helped to bear $1$ ^Jur^e^ off $( State he has shown intellect and cepaoi.ty he has displaced Bntar^riae aM vlulof and why shoulj he not .-yote?-,- The, answer is prejudice,"pWjudifcb --whfc^i&-ever strongest in the weakest breast.

To that unfortunate class of the people who have no politics but hatred to the negro, and who live in dearly fear,-ol amalgamation, and that if he has' equai rights given to him he will become their superior socially, intellectually and,politically, I-tender my protohticf'sympathies. Their case is beyond tbe reach of human aid/ and all that fae can do is to smooth their passage to that bourne whe're they are not married or given in marriage, and where they wijl be safe from the social dangers to$lf£ch thfey fcfre expiSuJ§ hire.

RECONSTRUCTION.

When the war ended in tho spring of 1865 nine of the rebel States were lett without governments of any kind. The officers composing the rebel State governments were either killed, captured, or had fled, and State authority, gf ?W1 kiud'sf}f&(j dUftpp&ttQd. lhii,|ie«e4^&iQ<^oiexpressly provided for by the Constitution of the United States, which declares that the United Statesjhall guAran.ieeao each State a Rlpiibllcffh form'eft' gt^cfrnmoni. State governments had ceased to exist, and it was the and^ the right Qf-t^ie govefnnflfeat !f the United Spates Io*' redr* ganize new. o.nos upon .a. loyal Republican basis. Mr. Jounson recogmz-jd this condition of things and the pofrWrtot' the gov ernmentofthe United States, but assuui ed tho'right to initiate a., plan yf,eecpn sir&btfort himself

findof'ofidbnt

of 'Con

gress. This iif course was clearly..' without th» limits of his constitutional power, but it was declared by him at the. time, ani by Mr Seward, S,jcre,tar£ of Suite, t^itthiiio new governments would bev. prd&irfonal only, until they wero^anpyoiifail by Con*gress, and that tho who It# Easiness Would be submitted to Congre.-s far conaid. eration at the tiext/? Boa9iihV H'tU' thfPresident adhered to this purpose it is probable all would, h^ve gone well at last, and the present state of things wotfla not exist. But ,uufortUf\^ly ko iailyd tv submit his Woi£ io^OoIgrcis.l lib «^unled the right to •cd^nHfeeir mta&rfwconstitutions without the consent, of Congress. He received and treated their new governments as legal and republican,: ftrtd thus actually exercised the power of reconstruction Without the eahoiion of the pebple as expressed through thoir lvpre sentatives in Congress. The power to iorm the governments of nine States that had been in rebellion was too great to bo exercisfed by one man. Tba" Settlement we had to make witb rebels, uqd.ibe

"JSC~

adjustment of t^feir institutions ort a jbya} basis which wottld give security tor the futuro, was a matter of the greatest im pdrtance, in which.all the peoptb WeSre interested, upon which thev must be hoard through Congress. As tbe President hnd no power of himself to establish State Governments, and as they, were nev«ir sandtidned by Oongress, boy

Were unau

thorized add ilTegal, and ar^ in tbftt condition to-day. In the summer of 1866, Congress, still disposed to harmonize mat* ters with the President if possible, and to disturb as little as might bo tho existing state of things, submitted to rebel States for their acceptance an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, containing four conditions which were regarded as of vital importance to the future peace and security ot tile Republic, with the tacit understanding that if accepted and duly ratified they should constitute a basis of settlement and reconstruction. The effect of this would have been* to accept the existing reb«l tftate Governments and make them legal, sub-, ject to the condition*and restrictions contained in the amendment. The Northern States promptly 'ratified the amendment, but tbe people of the Soutn, acting under the vehement advice and persua-

sion of tbe Northern Democracy, reject- I A FAIR AND DELICATE

it scornfully and d^laredthey would

accept no terms bat tbe unconditional re I e-gnition of their State Governments I

dent and between the loyal people and I edge says that a more genial, wholesome tbe rebels, on tbe let of January, 1867.1 and effectual tonic and appetizer than In the meantime these State Govern- I Drake's Celebrated Plantation Bitters was oients had been in the possession of tbe never discovered. He recommends it for most violent and malignant rebels, Dyspepsia, for Liver Complaint, for Exwhose utterances ani influences were all I haustion, Weakness, for a want of Apptite disloyal and against submission to any I and for Mental Depression. It is an terms of reconstruction. Loyal men I agreeable stimulant, andir equally adaptboth white and black, were denied tbe I ed to young and old. Persons of sedentary protection of the laws, and a system of habits, like clergymen, lawyers, mer. hants murderous persecution instituted which and delicate females are particularly ben-

was intended to drive all white Union men from the S-utb and extirpate the last traces of loyal sentiment. The poor freedmen were driven from the humble homes andjfmurdered with the boldest impunity, and a reign of terror established which excited the horrors of the civilized world. The bloody riots of Memphis and Now Orleans, taking rank with the New York riols of 1863, will over be regard ed us among the greatest atrocities that havo occurred in a christian land. Durng tin the North wero jubilant. It habitually denied the existence of the crimes and outrages committed in the South, xnd when that was impossible sought to miti iCute tbem by laying tho blame upon tee R-.dicals, who wero slanderously chargcd vvith persecuting the harmless rebels by whom they wee surrounded.

It stimulated by every means iu its |xwer the Southern people to continued

PLE

Up to this time every plan of reconstruction had been based upon the white voting population, leaving to the decision of that population the question of en* tranohising the colored men. It was so in Lincoln's plan, in the Winter Davis bill,

Johnson's plan, and under the Consti national Amendment. All hopes of re construction upon that basis were gone. The whites, nineteen-twentieths of whom woro rebels under the Satanic influence of tho Noithtfa Democracy, continued dis loyal, hostile and perverse. A new plan 0 reconstruction was indispensable, and it must bo upon a totally different princi pie. Judgment of illegality and condom nation must be pronounced upon the President's policy and-workmanship. The power of the Administration to impede th« action of Congress and defeat a new plan of ^reconstruction must be neutralized. The Constitutional amendment must be ratified, and all State officers, as well as Jlembers of Congress, must be loyal and aole to take the ironclad oath.

But we must dig deeper. We must go down to the solid and immutable principles of tho Declaration of Independence, discarding all matter of expediency and compromise. We must lay the foundations of the new reconstruction upon the great principles of equal rights and equal justice. We must place tho ballot in the hands of i|Hjnen, without distinction of color, except such as have been disfranchised for treason or other crimes. And all this has been done. As it took us some time to find tbe right method to carry on the war, add. the rignt man to command our armies', so it has taken us some time to find out the right plan of reconstruction, but we have got it at last. We are not simply building from the ground up, but from tuo solid rock beneath the ground. The structure rises slowly but surely. No enduring and beautiful edifice was ever built in a day

Some delays there have been in the progress of the work, and others may be expected but they will be temporary.— No earthly power can defeat the enter prise. Tho Attorney General thrust in bis opinion just in time to enable Congress to meet and legislate its sophistries away. Gallant and glorious Phil. Sheridan has been removed, but be is succeed ed by Thomas, the iron soldier, who never lost a battle. Stanton, the greatest of war ministers in this or any other country, has been deposed, but his place is filled by Grant, the greatest soldier of the age and still the work goes bravely on. The Rebel States will rise from the ashes of tbe Rebellion with renewed life, Radical Republican States, purified by blood and fire, having slo igbed off the foul garments of a treasonable Democracy: and clothed in tbe habiliments of liberty, jus tice and loyalty, will take their places jo fully in the Union. And we will unite our hearts and our hands until the work is accomplished

Wb will not be diverted from our purpose or delayed by side issues until the great consummation is obtained. When the unity .of the republics has been restor ed when liberty and peace prevail throughout the land when the fangs of unrepentant rebels have been extracted and they have been rendered harmless the balance of their days', we shall have time to attend to subordinate affairs and will do it to the hearts' conteut of Democratic politicians. We shall then adjust all questi ins of finance, currency, banks, tariffs and taxation, and have much time left to attend to the Repudiators, the Bourbons, and the Rip Van Winkles of a decayed and expiring Democracy. I". THE SOLDIERS OF OHIO.

Soldiers of Ohio! You have won an imperishable name in the war

for

the

preservation of the Union. Your glori ous deeds and great names will forever form a orowu of glory for your State.— You wero among tbo first to rush to arms wbon your country cailcd, and did not lay them down until the last armed foe had fled the field. Side by bide with tbe soldiers from everv loyal State, you bore doWf"upon tbe rctel hosts with resistless valor, until flual and overwhelming victory crowned your arms. The great rebellion could not be subdued by the art of statesmanship. It could not be averted by fair words, plausible expedients, or even by abject submission in the North. It sprang into life clad in iron mail, and rully armed for strife most bloody, wicked at.d unnatural, and could be met only by the sword, wielded by men who wore resoivod not to survivo the ruin of their country. Tho struggle was long and desperate. You fought tbem at immenso disadvantage, in far off regions, through mountain, wilderness and swamp, where every rock, and gorge and morass was a fastness for hidden enemies. You fought iuua unknown country, against disease, hunger artil tbe heats of a sultry clime, where it hud been said that tbe white men from the North could not look and live

But thanks to tho favor of divine Providenco you triumphed over every obstaclo and enemy, and werd permittod to return to your beloved homes, while thousands of yourcomrades who fell gloriously sleep quietly in the soil they rescued from traitr hands. Ono of

your

MASON

ft fr Jhs*

companions, of

wh we are all proud, the gallant Hayes, has been placed in nomination for the office of Governor. He bears the same standard now he bore aloft in tho field. It represents tbe same cause now it did then, and is beset by tho same onemies. I appeal to you to again rally to that standard. Let there be no desertion, no straggling, no feigning of sickness, no muttered discontents, aud with resistless force aad unbroken front defeat at the ballot box the insidious foe who would wrest lrom your grasp the fruits an| laurels of your blood bought victories.

HAMLIN

SKIN,

8Very blemi3b

eflted by its use.

tree from

'th

and^ admission of their Representatives metic Lotion. dwlw into'Congress And thus tbe issue was made up between Congress and tbe Presi-1 A GENTLEMAN of great medical knowl-

rewardofan oc

us®

of -Palmers Vegetable

MIGNOLIA WATER.—A

C09

delightful toil

et article—superior to Cologne and at half the prico.

MORE VALUABLE

THAN

NOTES.—How

period the Democratic party of I as new Treasury Notes and much more

TREASURY

that old cynic, Sam John-

s6n, would have relelled through Webster's massive new Unabridged I How he would have gloated over its magnificent letter-press and its illustrations, beautiful

valuable to tbe student. The Merriams have incurred a fabulous expense in having tho whole work rewritten, reset, recast and republished. It is not a mere revision, but a reconstruction. To insure excellence in typography, it comes lrom the Riverside Press, which is all that need be said about its mechanical execution.— It is a marvelous specimen of lsarning, labor, research, and taste. It is by far the

lisobcdionce, to increased hatred of the greatest literary work of Ihe age.—Baltic Government, and to tbe coutemptu^ defiance and rejection of all terms that might be offered. NEW RECONSTRUCTION ON A NEW PRINCI

more American. dwlt

NEW ADVERTISEMENTS

utfiotf pacific

HliLROAO CO.

THEIR FIRST MOLT0AG£ BONDS

As an Investment.

Tbe rapid progress of the Uciou Pacific Railroaj, MOW bmldlQg west Jroiu Omaha, Kobraaka, and ormiug, with IU western counections, an unbroken liue across the continent, attract! attention io the value of tbe First Mortgage Bonda which the Company now offer to the pnblic. Tbe flist question atked by prudent Investors is, "Are the*e bond* secure?" Next, "Are they a profitable investment?" to reply in brief: 1st. Tl.e early completion of the wholo grest line Io the Pacific is as certain as any Idtuie business ev*nt Ctu be. The Government graut of over twenty million acr of land aud fifty million dollars in its owu bonds practically guaranties it. Oue fourth of tho work is already done, and tbe tr«ck contluues to be laiifat the rate of two mile* a day. 2d. 'J be Union Pacific lUilroad bauds are issued upon what promises to be oue of the most proStable lines of railroad in the country. For many years it mast b» tba only line connecting the Atlantic and Pacific and being without competition, it can n.uit.t..kin remunerative rities. 3d. 426miles of this :oad a finished and full equipped with drpois, locomotives, cars, ic., aud two trains are daily running each way. the ma terials for the remaining 9i nlies to the eastern

D»se of the Kochy Mountains are ou band, and is under contract to be done ia September. 4tli. The net oatning* of tbe sections already finished are BF.VF.BAL TIMES OBSATER than the gold lnt«re»t upon the First Mortgage Bonds npon such sections, und if not another mile oi the road woe built, the pait already completed would notouly pay interest and expenses, tut be profitable to ttt Company 6tb. The Cni^n Pacific Railroad bonds can lesncd only as the road progresses, and therefore can never be in the market unless they represent a BOSA FIDIS property.

Thoir amouc is st'ictly limited by law a sun equal to what is granted by the U. 8. Gorernment, and for which it takes a SECOND lieu as its securit). This ura^uat upon the fit st 617 miles west from Omaha Is only (16,000 per mile. 7th. Tbe fact that the U. 8. Government considers a second lieu upou the road a goad in vestment, and that some of the shrewdest railroad bnihlera of the country have already paid in five million dollars upon the stock (which is to them a third lien,) may well issplre coafltii-Dce in a first .ien.

Sth. Although it is not claimed that there can be any tetter sesnriUea tha^ Governments, there ire parties who consider a first mortgage upou such a property as th.s ths veiy best security in the world, and who sell th-ir Gorernmenu to reinvest in these bends—thus seeming a greater interest.

Sth. As the Uoion Pacific Uailraad bonds are offered for ihe present at 90 cents on the duliar and accrutd interest, the/ are the cheapest in the market, being more than 15 per cent, less than V. ti. Stocks. 10th. At the current rate ef premium on gold t»»ey pay

Over Nine Per C&it, Interest. The daily subscriptions are aiteady laigu,«nd they will cou*inue to be receiveu iu Mew Yoik by the

Continental National Bank, No. 7, Kassau St., Clark, Dcdge Co., Baukurs, 51 Wall Sc., John J. iucoA Son, Bankers, No. 33 Wall St., *nd by BANKS AND BANKER* genorally throughout the Uuited States, -f whom maps and ~escripUve pamphlets iniy bo obtained. They will also be sent by uiai from th Compuny'a Office, No. 20 Nassau Streat, Ne«r York, on application. Subscriber* will select thoir own Agents in whom they bare eoufidence, who alonn will be respouxlbln to thutn for the safe delivery of tho bonds.

JOHN J. CISCO. Treasurer,

maj30Jw3m-TND col Ins XEW YOBK.

WANTED.

GEflTS WANTED for JBar-

Work (JOLT out) I# TH* WMTERN SNRFTFT ANP TIREITOBISB from ihe AUKAiiiNiU tb Piciric an from be LAKES t.- tbo ut'Lr It baa 7/4 octavo pA.es ood 240 Duo engraving*, showing *11 ih6 olj-cu ot Historic and N*t«-rni inter etiu tbe VNJT West appended is RC«*IA AMKHJCA A BO i/.r tbo BIB I

Mala

LOOKIN* GL4*3. »Ub 17*»

reflecting picture# tteli'a cheap HISTORY of tbf* REBELLION, i'or our eleg&ut 32 page SPECIMEN boos, witb engravings, pag §tteims of our be*' works, malt a 4 me cost to ua) to Henry Howe, ]ll

St., Cincinnati, O. ultwCt

VTTANTED, AGENTS.—(Male VV

or Femae)—Can clear $* per week at thoir own me, in a light and honorable bu*inrs». Any parson having a tew hours daily to spend will find this a good paying business. *ddnsi, sejdiog two 'tamps for lull pirtiecUis. E. K. Lock wood, Detroit, Michigan. »u2Jubiw«

TJISTKAY NOTICE.JCj ly John It-ctor, lining in

Taken up

.. jn H^rrUon towu-

jip, Vigo county ladiana, on the »th day of August, 1807, two e«tray hurs»s In the act of escapiug from their owner or owue f, to-wit One chejout torrel ll#rse, 7 yea-a old three while i.. i, l!isiil le marks appraised at 5'5 Also, rnl Mtrrt-I Horse, 6 years old, with star in tlif forehead, with saddle-mar's. Apj-'als^d at ®W), ty ilton A. Howard and Tboman t. W«1U.

Witness my hand and se*l, this Wih day of August, 1867, h. B. DKNEH1K, J. P.

A DMLNIST-RATOK'S NOTICE JLY_ Tbe undoI signed bat this day bsen apO'Utjd Administrator of tbe estate o/ Oliver l»hkWfQQco dec ased. Tue estate is prebAbly iu•u.vent. FRANCIS A. LAWRKNCJC.

Persona having claims ag&enst, rr owin« saiit estate, wili call npou my Attorneys, Uosford, Brown Si Bondinot.

AugwSw

VTOTICE.—The J. 1 rick Korgau, late of

Estate of Pat-

Vigo Cocniy, ha* de

clared insolvent, aud will be settled accordingly. KBENLZ^K PAUDOOK, Sc*tt A Day, Atiys. Administrator.

Aug *2S, 1867.}*«lt

have, through their

great improvement!*, succeeded in manu facturing tbe most perfect Cabinet Organs in the world. This result has only been attained bjr intense study, long experience persevering experiments, and large pecuniary expenditures but the succes«ful result is a enumerating reward for all their pntient efforts, aud they now offer instruments that cannot be rivalled in excel* leuce.—Botton Pott* dwlw.

A N O O

How Lost! how Restored

Jntt fMiliihii, in a nlvoiop*. Pric*, six c*nU. A LKCrUttJC ON THB NATURAL TitlCATM»NT, and lUdical Ouie ol spermatorrhea*, or Semiual Wtaku ts, Involuntary i.i»sions, S.:xn. al l#ebl.lty, and Impedime nts to dfarrtagv, generalij Nortou»ne»s Consumption, IC, iiepsy, aud Kits, Mental aud Physical Incapacity, re-ulting from Self Abus *c., oy KOBT.J. CVLVKKWKLL,!£. l., author or tho ''Orwin Book," Ac. '*A Boon to Thousands of Snffercrs.1'

Sent uuder s«*], in a plaiu envelope, tu any addie**, postpaid, un recvipt tlx crnts, or t*i postage stamps, to CM A3. J. (J KL1NK A LXI., Ill Bowery, New York, Post OflLe hjx 4580.

Also I»r, Oulrerwell's "Marriage tiuiiie," prico 86 mats. dw3m ins