Terre Haute Daily Gazette, Volume 3, Number 97, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 23 September 1872 — Page 2
£11 ft-£
proprietor s. I. M. BOSE.
HUDSON ROSE, B. N. HnDSON.. =^7^THFiFfHST., near Main.
LiberaTKeputolicaii and Democratic Reform Ticket.
For Prpsident In 1S72,
iriMMCi: OBEIXKV
OF NEW YOKK.
For
Vice
l'rcsi!fti(,
B. (iBATZ BKOWX,
OF MISSOURI.
For Governor,
THOMAS A. IFESHSICKS. For Lieutenant Governor, JOHX R. CRAVESS.
For Congressman-at-Large—two to be elected, JOHN a. WILLIAMS, MICHAEL C. KEKR.
For Secretary of State, OWEN M. EDDY. For Treasurer of State,
JAMES B. RYAN. For Auditor of State, JOHN B. STOLL.
For Superintendent of Public Instruction, MILTON B. HOPKINS. For Attorney Geueral,
BAYLESS W. HANNA. For Clerk of t-lie Supreme Court, EDWARD PRICE. For Reporter of the Supreme Couit,
JOHN C. ROBINSON. Elector. Sixth District.
WILLIAM E. MCLEAN, of Vigo.
For Congress,
DANIEL W.VOORIIEE.-
For Judge of the Circuit Court. CHAMBERS Y. PATTERSON, of Vigo. For Prosecutor of tl»e Circuit Court,
JOHN C. BRIGGS, ol Vigo.
For Judge of the Common Pleas Court, JOHN T. SCOTT, of Vigo. For Prosecutor of the Common Pleas Court,
GEORGE W. COLLINGS, ol Parke.
For State Senator, RICHARD DUNNIGAN. For Representatives, GRAFTON F. COOKKRLY,
ISAIAH DONIiAM. For County Clerlr, MARTIN HOLLINUER.
For Sheriff.
JOHN C. KESTER. For Treasurer, JAMES M. SANIvEY. For Real Estate Appraiser,
GEORGE W. A RICO. For County Commissioners, first District—JAMES H. KELLY. Ket'ond District—LOUIS SEEBURGER.
For Criminal Court. Prosecutor, SANT. C. DAVIS. For Coroner,
CI1A RLES ERSTME E R. For Surveyor. ROBERT ALLEN.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 28,1872.
INDIANA LIBERALS.
Address of the Liberal Republican Executive Committee to the Liberal Republicans of Indiana.
The Liberal Republican party of Indiana never having had a mass or delegate convention in the State, the Executive Committee have thought it advisable to issue this address to stale the reason of our position toward the Republican party, and, in brief, show what we, as a party, are proposing what we are doing, and how we are succeeding.
In the beginning of the discussion that has resulted in this surprising revolution in American politico, many earnest, lifelong Republicans gravely objected to the renomination of General Grant. Some of these did not, lour years ago, believe in making a man President who had simply the reputation of a military man, without opportunity to learn the difficult .science of statesmanship, and for this had opposed his lirst nomination. They were overruled for the stated reason that the people wanted still further honor the man who had "saved the nation," as the expression was. General Grant? could be easily elected by the Republican party, and if that party did not,nominate him there was great danger that the Democratic party would take him up, and thus coma into power. lie had always been a Democrat, voting with the party when voting at all, and had shown no more intention of acting with the Republican party than had thousands of Democrats \vtiO fought the war through successfully, and then came home to take their places in their party. Bo, under this fear, he was nominated and elected President by the Republican party.
No man eveif went to the Presidency with such a prospect as had Gen. Grant. He was as acceptable to all parties, North and SouttT, and white and colored, as any man who could have been elected. Theapeople knew little of him personally. He $iad waged the war successfully, though with dreadful losses. He had Ueeh quiet and modest in his victories, lowing a true magnanimity toward his ^defeated foe. In his report to President
Johnson, upon the condition of the South, he had been so fair and generous, so apparently ready to give the smitten people a chance in civil life, that they looked upon him with as great favor as was possible. In that report he used this language—which few of tho-e now urging his re-election will believe true even now: "lam satisfied that the
mass
of think
ing men of the South accept the present situation of affairs in good faith. The questions which have heretofore divided the sentiments of the people of the two sections—slavery and Suite's rights or the right of the Slate to secede from the Union—they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal— arms—that man can resort to.
"My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern States are anxious to return to self-gov-ernment within the Union as soon as posxible that, while reconstructing,they want aud require protection from the Government that they are in earnest in wishing to do what thev think is required by the Government not humiliating to them as citizens, nn.l that, if such a course be pointed out, they would pursue it in good faith. It is to lie regretted that there can not be a greater commingling, at this time, between the citizens of the two sections, and particularly of those intrusted ith the law-making power.'
Tne people of the South believed that the man who thus knew them would be fair to them, and they trusted him. The people of the North looked with confidence to him to establish a purer public system, to carry method and economy into every department, to elevate the tone of public life which the latter years of President Johnson had sadly lowered. He was first of all to organize an Administration free from politicians. No man was to be called to official position for persoual considerations, or for partisan service. The stern test of fitness was to be applied, and by it every man was to oe measured. The secresy with which the new President made up his Cabinet
W-af
pleasing. It seemed to
il"e ^"-ibhe still greater confidence that he would manage affairs safely aud HL.8! Mnge, ,'-!ecl
U)
the public good.
Indeed the whole country vvas satisfied with General Grant as President when lie was inaugurated, March 4,18G9. Party feeling had all died away. It was hoped and believed that his famous words: "1/et us have peace" were coming to rioh fruition.
We need not recount the slow steps by which General Grant, as President, trifled with and lost his great opportunity. The unpleasaut story is too well known. The opportunity was only finally lost when it came to be known that a Senatorial ring of unscrupulous men was in reality President: that they might do as seemed pleasing to them in the matter of
would give a I vored measures, and keep discreet lover his' lamentable weakness. The country well knows who these men are, and will call them one by one to a stern account. The extent of the management of this Senatorial cabal is well shown in an incident given by General
Farnsworth, a Republican Congressman, of Illinois. He did not understand a clause in one of the President's messages, and called on him to know what he meant by it. I do not know," said the I President, "Morton put that in."
This ring is far more culpable than the President they so wholly control. Much of the intense dissatisfaction of the people is owing to this censurable conclave. Kad they, who were practiced politicians, exerted their influence for abetter order of things, and showed the President wherein he was failing, there would have been little reason for the picseut opposition. But they simply desired to u.-e tiie President to their purposes, and his inexperience made him an easy victim. Many will vote against Grant, that they may rid the nation of this overwhelming control. They deeply regret that the fame of Grant, the successful soldier, should he tarnished by the administration of Grant, the incapable President. The fair promises of inauguration day had all proven delusive, and it became not only very desirable, but very necessary that there should be a change.
Many months before the time for the first State convention that would nominate candidates for President and Vice President, this condition began to be pretty well understood. Those at the front, in watching the public interest, first saw this condition and raised the alarm. They saw that the renomination of Grant was unwise and dangerous He was leading the Republican party to commit suicide.
A still larger number than at first did not want a military man for President. Experience convinced them of the unwisdom of such a selection. A large party was opposed to any renomination. The rule of one term is to tiiem inflexibly demanded before any of the great reforms in government administration can be effected. It seems almost more than reasonable to expect a man not to use his official patronage to keep himself in the Presidential chair, if he is elligible to a second term. If he will not himself use his power to renominate himself, those immediately about him—whose prominence and livelihood depend upon his reelection will so use the power they can control, and the evil is the same. Beside these two strong objections to Geueral Grant, which would apply with equal force to any military candidate for reelection, there were other graver reasons why there should bo a change in the Administration. Many of these objections were gathered with crushing force b3TSenatorSumner. The way that arraigument was answered by abuse of the Senator has been the key-note of the canvass. From that time the truth of what is said is not to be investigated. Other objections which arc tersely expressed in the preamble of the Cincinnati Platform were felt and freely mentioned.
Hardly had these objections been uttered when the entire force of the Administration was turned to the work of securing a renomination in spite at them. The Senatorial aud other riu^ saw that their life depended on a renomination. They sent their fear alonjg the line of office holders until the vast army was aroused and put to servicesvEvery official was clamorous for a,-renomina-tion, each one trying to gfein greater prominence by his activity/^They would hear no man who spoke out of harmony with them. WJheiv the Indianapolis Journal, then au independent Republican newspaper Jwisely said to these overzealous members of the party that they were injuring the President, the advice was contena^tuously disregarded. The conventiorf in Indiana came early, and by dint oi: skillful working was made to endorse General Grant and put him in ^j^ufliniuation. Thus began the work which was rapidly completed as the States met in convention. When the whole was finished the renominating officials exultantly said that "the people" bad done it all The people, said they, had renominated President Graut because of his good conduct, aud for the reason that a President faithful during one term should be renominated.
We in Indiana, have a short and conclusive answer to this, which every man knows is true. If Geueral Grant was not nominated by his appointees in office, but by the people for the reasons mentioned, why was it that Schuyler Colfax was not also renominated? All men admit that General Graut has made mistakes and could not carry the full strength of his party. All men knew that Mr. Colfax made almost no mistakes, that he has given perfect satisfaction to both friends and opponents in his difficult position, aud that he could hold every Republican vote if free from damaging alliance, and draw many others. But though this be true, Schuyler Colfax was not renominated. In that statement in an answer to all that can be said to make Grant's renomination a reward tor faithful service, and not the work of his office holders.
When the result became undeniably apparent, as it was long before the Cin cinnati Convention, the more thoughtful and independent Republicans begau to turn to Cincinnati. What they did there is now history known to all men.
We have but to do with the partludi ana bore. The day before the convention assembled the Liberal Republicans of Indiana who went to Cincinnati, numbering about 300, met in mass conveti tion, appointed delegates and did the usual work of a State Convention.
The most notab!e thing the delegates did was the most notable event of the convention. Indiana secured the nomination of Horace Greeley by changing twenty-seven votes to him on the fifth ballot. This began the stampede that settled the contest. We mention this matter because the published report of this convention erroneously shows that the only chauge was to Adams. We should retain our honors.
After the convention adjourned if was many weeks before it. was known how the nomination was received over the State. It has steadily grown in favor until now every county is actively at work with a force of Liberals, until indeed there is a Liberal Republican party in Indiana with a definite aim, au organized method and successful progress.
We have thought this recital necessary, as it recalls much that may have been forgotten in the hurry of tiie time, and makes public certain matters not before noted.
What, then, is the purpose and hope of our party? It can not better be expressed than in the ringing
platform
What are we doing? From the day the convention adjourned Liberalism has been constantly increasing in strength and moral power. There has been no sudden outbreak of enthusiasm no great conversions in a day. The day. The ,,lv,v,v.v „uwlC(,tt growth has been steady and reliable, as a the history of the union a shock child coming to manhood. A move- ilization.
appointments and patronage, if they-ment full of such gravity as this does' We believe this prayerful hope
colid support to all his fa- I not quickest affect the class of commu-j find rich fruition in the election ofHorand keen discreet silence I nity that goes ofT in a blaze of enthusi-1 ace Qreeley. N() man a 1 tli i-s and so
asm without knowing why. This movement appealed to the thoughtful and brave of the Republican party. Slowly they recognized its full import and accepted its mission. We have gained so quietly that our opponents have been able to solace themselves with the hope that there was no growth. There has been no refluent wave no backward step. Every motion has been forward.
The State Central Committee appointed at Cincinnati, having no central headquarters, was unable to take more than local action. When the Executive Committee was appointed, some weeks ago, its first work was to find who were Liberal Republicans and where they were.
rlhe
generous assistance of our
Democratic friends all over the State, enabled the committee to get into communication with Liberals in a short time. In this way the strength of the Liberal Republicans was ascertained. From every part of the State we have the most gratifying returns. Our mo.-t sanguine hopes were more than realized. We had read so often in Grant papers that there were no Liberal Republicans in particular named localities that we began to credit the story. But careful investigation has shown us that our strength has been greatly underestimated even by ourselves. Men had thought the matter out for themselves, without urging from any source—without consultation, without knowing who or how many wouid bo with them. They are the best citizens in their localities for honesty, industry and intelligence. It has been almost the sole work of the committee to thus ascertain and
develop our strength.
This has been mainly done by correspondence we have bad speakers and documents doing their work, but we have learned more from the letters of our friends and been able to accomplish more in this way than in any other. In answer, then, to the query, what are we doing? we say that we have been and are putting the party upon a fooling to feel its strength.
While this was being done we should, perhaps allude to the extraordinary course of the opposition, our old co-woikers and friends. From the first they have carried on the canvas3 with a coarseness and vituperation unequalled. No words were strong enough to express their wrath with us. In the press, on the stump, and tjven in what should be friendly conversation, they have poured upon us such storms of abuse, of slander, of ridicule, of foul charges and insinuation, that it required no little moral cour age to stand out and be known as a Liberal Republican. We have yet to hear the first speech or read the first paper that has treated us with decency. The candidates who would like our votes, and who can not be elected without., thena, have been loudest in this alusiv4'deluge.
Not unnaturally this had tyl apparent effect. Men disliked to declare them selves Liberal RepuWW€ans when it seemed to be an invitation to abuse. No man likes this, and few will endure it if it can be avoidedi Many men, and the number includes not a few who would have continued true to the old party but for this^course, determined that they would vote against any party that could do nothing better than to abuse its opponents. These did not and do not always declare themselves but they will be fcund voting a ticket that will surprise the party of abuse. We have no doubt that it will be found that for every man now published, known as a Liberal Republican, there will be three who are to the public unknown, who will vote with us. The instinctive love of fair play that is most powerful in the American people was awakened and very many will vote with us who began by coudeming the managers and speakers of the old party. Their vicious tactics have been of powerful assistance to us. We are stronger thousauds for it. It is not to be wondered at that men who are trying to fan into the old flame all the bitterness of the war, who have showed such animosity and vindictiveness that their party has fairly won the name of the party of hate, should wholly rely upon scurility and abuse. This is a refuge of weakness and confession.
In fiue contrast to the course of abuse and epithet of the opposition we point with pride to our own course. Biding their time to answer the abusive torrent the Liberal Republicans of Indiana have disregarded all efforts to drive them to the use of a similar method. They have endeavored quietly to show to the world that the principles they profess are patriotic and demauded by the best interests of the country. That this great movement was begun in good faith, and that it could accomplish all that it professed and the need of the nation for peace and fraternization was here to be met that a pure civil service reform, which is so urgently demanded, may be accomplished on the Cincinnati platform. This temperate course has been of itself an argument for Liberalism, when contrasted with the violence and intolerance of the opposition. As the party that lives only by reviving old animosities and fanning into activity the almost forgotten bitterness of the war, may naturally be expected to speak to those who oppose it in angry and intemperate speech, so naturally we have used simply the force of honest statement and quiet demonstration. The Liberal Republicans may well congratulate them elves on the methofi aud tone of their canvass.
The Executive Committee have worked unceasingly to develop and assist Liberal Republicanism. We have had to feel our way slowly, learning with caution upon whom to trust. In all the arduous labors of the campaign we have had the heartiest and most valuable assistance from the Democratic State Central Committee, and from Democrats in all parts of the State. Knowing as we do how lavishly money was used to beguile Democrats iuto what had become known as the Bourbon movement at Louisville, the sole object of which when revealed, was theelection of general Grant knowing how they scorued the shameless treachery that would put money in their hands at the price of their country's peace, we give them all honor. Nothing basso convinced the world of the honesty and good faith of the Democratic party in its sublime unselfishness and devoted patriotism as the disgraceful failure of this hopeful plan of the Administration.
The Democratic party deserve honor for the noble way iti which it has met this
crisis.
In accepting the candidates
and platform of the Liberal liepublican party at Cincinnati they were but true to the ancient and honored traditions of the party. The watchword of the party under its wisest leaders has been "The Constitution as
it
of
our convention, and the matchless letter ofour candidate. These documents are already historic. Every section of the platform is clear and explicit, with oue interpretation North and thesame South,with the East and the We6t reading it alike. It is a platform that recognizes the fact that the world moves, and that certain questions.which have long been foremost in political discussion have been forever settled. With slavery dead, the whole field is changed. With the war over, it and its bitter animosities should alike be removed from politics. These vital facts our platform recognizes. We point with pride to it, and pledge ourselves to its faithful execution, if Horace Greeley is elected upon it. We say then that it is our purpose to carry out the Cincinnati platform.
is aud the Union as it
was." They return to that when they say to-day "the Constitution as it is" though amended without our voice, "it is still the Constitution and we reverence it." Who does not join them in the prayer for "the Union as it was?" The one prayer most earnestly in the hearts of the American people is for Peace and Fraternization—not the mocl ing peace that comes with half the people in chains, not the peace of the brutal warrior made by murderous soli ude, but a true, a restful, a lasting, a prosperous peace, in which the nation would fetl the strength of a reunited people. "The Union as it was," when the blood and passion of the war are forgotten, and the sunny South, freed from the blight of slavery, shall bloom forth our pride and prosperity.
One section does not want the other "pinned to it by bayonets." We hold each other only by "Those mild arms ol truth ana love."
We want no such union as that of Ireland to England, held by an armament in the face of the solemn protest of one bloody outbreak after another, making iv
may
'^0rr
fully embodies the grand words of the heroic Lincoln, "with malice toward none, with charity for all"—written as they are in the hearts of the people—as Horace Greeley. Under his firm and benignant administration we will begin to enjoy that longed-for peace denied us for seven delusive years.
A little time yet remains in which we may present the truth and merit of this great struggle. There are still many doubtful men who ought to vote with us. Let us give every hour that we have to the cause. The nation is watching Indiana. As she aud her sister States, Ohio and Pennsylvania, vote in October, so in all probability will the country vote in November. Let us do our part nobly. A noble cause demands every effort. If we but achieve the same results that our brethren in North Carolina, Vermont and Maine have done, our victory will be complete. The ratio of reduction of the Grant vote in those
JNJ3W
li TTTT fcTJ
States
will, if achieved here, give us a triumphon victory. We send this as our last greeting before the election. We expect every man to do his duty. JOHN A. FINCIT,
Chairman.
Indianapolis, Sept. 20, 1872.
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DRY GOODS.
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 16,
WE SHALL INAUGURATE OUR
FIBST GREAT FALL SALE!
AT THAT TIME WiviSH ALL OFFER SOME
E A O I A A A I IS &
Let no one wait until tlie goods here advertised are all sold, and then say we do not sell as we advertise. Here is music for
MONDAY, 16.
To be continued until we run out of the goods advertised.
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20 pieces of beautiful Japanese Poplins, 22 cents. Silk and Linen Japanese Poplins, only 50 cents. Splendid lines of Dress Goods, 20, 25, 30 and 35 cents.
A TV ELEGANT STOCK OF SHAWLS.
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GREAT N. Y. CITY DRY GOODS AND CARPET STORE,
Worth Side of Main Street. Terre Haute. Indiana.
DBST GOODS.
A NEW EPOCH IN THE TRADE!
Retirement from the Retail Dry Goods Business
OF ONE OF THE
OLDEST AND LARGEST HOUSES IN THE CITY!
We, in common with most of our citizens, have recently been surprised by the
decision of Messrs. Tuell, Ripley & Deming to go out of the retail trade in order to
engage exclusively in the wholesale dry goods business. The retirement from '-e
retail trade of this old-established and successful firm
Will Place New Responsibilities Upon (Js.
We accept them cheerfully. This community have always found us ready to
extend our business aud to add new attractions to our establishment as rapidly as
the necessities of the town have required. In fact, we have always felt disposed to
keep in advance of the actual requirements of the situation, for we are not of the
number of those "doubting Thomases" who prognosticate a snail's pace growth for
our city. We believe in Terre Haute and in her destiny. We place no bounds for
her future growth and greatness. Her enterprise i.s marvelous, her opportunities
unmeasured. Ho if wo are ahead of her actual requirements to-day, we know that
we will not be to morrow. We have some grand projects in our head, to be worked
nut among you in the future. Every month of every year we .shall seek to add
something to the attractiveness and comp'eteness of our establishment, until we
shali be'able to present tv our citizens the most, inviting, extensive and thorough
metropolitan dry goods store to be found in the State.
As Messrs. Tuell, Ripley & Doming have decided, to retire from the retail trade,
we especially invite any of their former customers to make their purchases of us in
the future, promising them pleasant and honorable treatment, and the lowest
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THE FALL
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BT7SX2TESS CARDS.
PROFESSIONAL.
STEPHEN J. YOUNG, M. I) Office at No. 12 South Fifth St.,
Opposite St. Joseph's Catholic Church,
TERRE HAUTE, IJtl).
tta. Prompt attention paid to ah professional calls day or night. feblO
JOAB fc HARPER,
Attorneys aud Collecting Agents,
Terrc Hnnte, Indiana.
US, Office, No 66 Ohio Street, south side.
J. II.
BLAKE,
ATTOItSTEY AT Id AW A lid Notary Public.
Office, on Ohio Street, bet. Third rf- Fourth
Terrc Han to, Indiana.
HOTELS.
KAltil' HO IT SIS, Foot of Main Street,
TESRE HAITTE, ISD1AXA.
K®" Free Buss to and from all trains. J. M. DAVIS, Proprietor.
RATHER.
JOIOT If.
Dealer in
Leather, Hides,
Oil and Find:"
NO. 178 MAIN STBEET.,
Terre Hante, Indiana.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
A.G.BA&CHT
Ladies' & Gents' FasMoi!aS]
BOOTS
MADE
to order. Shop at O'Boyle JJros. Bool and Shoe Store, Alain street, Terre Haute ndiana.
CHANGS.
A CHA'SrC* jE
O. F' FKOKB
^accessor to
W E I S S
auSdSni.
LiaUORS.
A.
Dealer in
Copper Distilled Whisky,
AKD I'lSii! WISES,
Jfo. 9 fourth Street, liet. Slain tuxl Ohio
Pure French Brandies for Medicni pur poses.
PAOTIN&.
wa. S. MKLTON,
PAINTER,
Cor. Gtli, La Fayette and Locust dts..
TERRE HAUTE, IND.
THE OLD RELIABLE
KAKIS & TOSAKJLIS
House and Sign Painters,
CORY'S NEW BUILDING,
Fifth Street, between Main niul Ohio
GUNSMITH,
JOM AISMfcTROIS*,},
Ounsmitli, Stencil Cutter, Saw Filer and Locksmith,
THIRD STREET, NORTH OF MAIN,
Terre Haute, IiKlfannl
QBOOEBIES.
HUI.MAW & COX,
WHOLESALE
Grocers and Liquor Dealers, Cor. of Main and Fifth Sis.,
Terre llaute, Inl
15. W. RIPPETOE,
Groceries and Provisions, ]*o. 155 Main Street,
Terre Haute, Indiana.
WEST & A1.I.EW,
D2ALEKSIN
Groceries, Queens ware, Provisions,
AND
COUNTRY PRODUCE,
No. 75 Main Street, bet. Eighth and Ninth
Terr- JFaute, Indiana.
CLOTHING.
.J.
EBT^ANGER,
Wholesale nnd Kef.nil Pealer In
31KNS', YOUTHS' AND ROYS' CLOTHING, And Furnishing (»ood*.
OB»EKA HOUSE,
.J. A
Terre Hfiute. Jnoiuna.
.BURGAS
Dealer 1
(flour, Feed, Baled Hay, Corn OH.'K, a I.'I kinds of Seeds, NORTH THIRD ST., STEAK MAIN
TICKliK HAUTE, IXD.
C7EED delivered in all parts of the city 1 rcc charge Id fir
GASJFITTER.
OAS AND STEAM FITTER,
OHIO STSEK1',
Bet. 5th and 6t.li, T«rre Hante, Inil.
TOBACCOS, ETC.
BliASIIEAIiS, BROWN & TITUS, COMMISSION I1ERCHMTS
Wholesale Dealers in
Groceries and Manufactured Toliaccoa
AGENTSfor"Christian
R. J. Christian & Co.'s celebrated
brands of Comfort," Bright May Pine Apple Black Navy- and Cherry Brand Black Navy %, and other flue brands,
32 AND 34 MAIN STREET
dl4 Wornntttar. Moss.