Terre Haute Daily Gazette, Volume 3, Number 83, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 6 September 1872 — Page 1

1 1 O S O I E

(IT.OSK. DAILY MAILS. OTKW «•.* a. EastThrough...7:30a»ci II 15a. nn p. 5:15 p.ro 6:0Da. in Way...12:30 and 5:Jo p. in 6:00 a. in ...Cincinnati & Washington.. 5:15p.m 3:00 p. in «. 7:30 a. rn 3:00 p. Chicago 4:30 p. 6:00 a. ,7:00 a.m.

Rt. ijOiiiHaii'l West.

10:30 a. ILL ..Via Alton Railroad 4:30 p. TO 12:00 noon...Via Vandalia Railroad 4:K0 p. 3:10 p. Evansvilie and way 4:30 p. i:00 a. Through 7:30 a. 9:00 p. L., C. A S. W. R. 1:00 p. 9:00 a. E. T. H. & C. Railroad 4:30 p.

SEMI-WEEKLY MAILS.

Graysville via Prairieton, Prairie Creek and Thurman's Creek— Clones Tuesdays and Fridaysat 7 a. Opens Mondays and Thursdays at 6 p. Nelson—Closes Tuesdays & Saturdays at 11 a.

Opens Tuesdays & Saturdays at 10 a.m WEEKLY MAILS. aHoiivIUevifuRiley, Cookerly, Lewis, Coffee and

Hewesvllle—Closes Saturdays at 6 a. m. Opens Fridays at 4 p. m. Ashboro via Christy's Prairie—

ClosesSatnrdays at 1 p.m Opens Snturdays at 12

tieneral Delivery acd Call Boxes open from :i. m, to 7:30 m. Loek Boxes and Stamp Office open from 7 a. n. to 9 p. m.

Money Order and Register Office open from 7:H9 a. m. to 7 p. m. Office open on Sundays from 8 to 9 a. m.

No money order business transacted on Sunda vs. TJ. A. BURNF.TT. P. M.

FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 6,1872.

AT THE TEMPLE.

Attorney General liayless W. Presents the Case.

The iiiitliencc which last evening assembled at the Temple, to hear the Hon. Bayless W. Hanua, our able and brilliant Attorney General of State, discuss the political is.-ues of the day, was not so large as would have been the case had there not been such a demonstration on Tuesday evening. However, there was a fair attendance, and a fine body of the Escort Club conducted the distinguished speaker from his home to the Temple, he accompanied by* his accomplished lady, Mrs. Wilkinson andSsc'y Haveus, being snugly ensconsed in an elegant barrouche which made a magnificent appearance as the long line of torches on either side cast their beautiful brilliaucy upon it. The band marched in front, rendering some stirring selections, uutil the Temple was reached, wheu the muvsicians took their accustomed place and again played. When they had ceased, Mr. Benj. F. Haveus, Secretary of the Vigo Central Committee, came forward on the platform and said

REMARKS OF MR. HAVENS. MY FELLOW-CITIZENS I am glad to see so many of you here to-night, after having turned out so gallantly last Tuesday evening, and expecting another meeting during the week. This attendance is larger than I, for one, expected under such adverse circumstances. Mr. Hannahashad but about two days'notice that his services would be required here to-night and we have had less than that time to make preparations. Aud now I have the pleasure of introducing to ynu the Hon. Bayless W. Hanna, a life-long Democrat, an ardent supporter of (jlreeley, Hendricks and the national. tSLate and county tickets a mau who has made a gallant fight against corruption and fraud, aud the personal government of General Grant. [Cheers.] He has been all over the State and will bear witness as to what he has seen. I now have the honor of presenting to you, ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Hanna.

The audience arose and applauded their distinguished favorite enthusiastically, as he came forward. He said

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: Weary and worn out with much speaking, and traveling under the hot sun during the late heated term, I do not feel that I can interest you and do myself justice tonight but not knowing that I would have another opportunity from the State canvass aud business to address you, my neighbors and fellow-citizens, I reluctantly consented to do so this evening, on this short notice. Nobody appreciates the intelligence of a Terre Haute audience more than mys«lf. I know it is no ordinary presence into which I am called tonight. As I said, I have been traveling over the State every day, and addressing very large audiences every evening. But on no occasion have I felt more embarrassment than overcomes me here tonight. However, I am here to do the best I can to give you my views on the public questions, in the best way lean under all these adverse circumstances.

I stand before you, my fellow-citizens of Terre Haute, as one who in times past and now—I think you will agree with me—has been consistent as a Democrat. I have been a Democrat of the strictest sect of Democrats and from this standpoint I propose to address you, Liberals, Democrats, and those who may not even' adhere to our fortunes. If among my auditors thei"e be some who believe in General Grant's Administration and are seeking to promote his election, I am glad that you are hereto-night. It is not my desire to talk to you in any spirit of asperity but to talk to you kindly, as it becomes one of your neighbors, living in a common city aud having a common destiuy with you. I had the pleasure on two or three occasions during my rounds, to encounter the distinguished Senator of the Republican party, whom I believe, is acknowledged to be its leader in the State of Indiana. I have heard his arguments. The great burden of his trouble seems to be that he cannot understand how it is that the Democratic party and the Liberal element of the Republican party are now going forward in this great reform movement. He seems to think that there is an inconsistency about it. I have thought over those questions carefully and with sincere honesty, and I cannot see any inconsistency and it is my purpose now to show you how I conceive this qnestiou to be, that the Democrats of the country and the

Liberal element of the Republican party are seeking to promote the election of Horace Greeley to the

Presidency.

eral Government iu favor of

we are to-night

Hauun,

A Telling Speech.

I see

here in my audience some old men, whom I have known for years as Democrats, ami you will agree with me that the irreat burden of Democratic argument in years gone by has been that the Democratic organization as a parly was established upon the Federal Constitution. [Applause.) We claim that we have our origin from him who did the most to digest the great organic law of our government we claim to be strict constructionists of the Constitution. We claim that this was the foundation of the Democratic party. In the organization of the Government two great spirits represented by Alexander Hamilton on the one side and Thomas Jefferson on the other—inaugurates} di-? vision liues between political paFties. Hamilton was in favor of a strong Fed-*

(jeutration of all the powers gf tlje §tates

TERRE HAUTE

aud their relinquishment to the Federal Government. Thomas Jefferson, on the other hand, was the leader

aud

founder

oi the Democratic party and as such planted himself on the Federal

Constitu

tion in favor of giving it the strictest istruction in favor of obeying the Constitution, evtry line and letter aud word, as

the organic

law

the

Government.

Now, has anything transpired that makes it inconsistent with you or me, my old Democratic friends, in still sustaining the Federal

Constitution?

really ttie basis

Thin

of the coalition.

Here

as the

Demo

cratic party, still defending the Federal Constitution. The Liberal Republicans through their candidate, Horace Greeley, nominated at Cincinnati, in his letter of acceptance says that he is in favor of the same thing aud I have his letter here, which I cannot forego reading from for your benefit. He says:

The civil authority should be supreme over the military that the writ ol habeas corpus should be jealously upheld as the safeguard of personal freedom that the individual citizens should enjoy the largest lifcfcrty consistent with public order and that there shall be no Federal subversion of the internal polity of the several States and municipalities, but that each shall be left free to enforce the rights and promote the w« ll-baing of its inhabitants, by such means as the judgment of its people shall prescribe. [A voice—"Good."]

Mr. Greeley then says to the Democratic party: "I join hands with you on the great declaration of the Federal Constitution, which declares that the civil shall prevail over the military government." All he asks of us is the acceptance of the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution. What shall we, as Democrats, do. Can we adhere to auy part of that Constitution whatever, without accepting it all? Certainly not I once thought as Governor Morton, that 'to enfranchise 4,000,000 of people just emerging from barbarism," to u-e his own lau^uage, "was tom ike the strongest pro-slavery argument possible." But these amendments have been placed in the Constitution they are there now, and there is no power, either executive, legis lative or judicial, that can take them out of it, except in the regular way, and that is by counter-amendments to the Constitution, in which two-thirds of Congress must recommend and three-fourths of the States ratify. Therefore, stand to night where I have always stood where the Democratic party has stood from the time of Jefferson. [Applause.] We and the Liberal Republicans only join hands over the Constitution as amended. [Renewed applause.] And that is the ground of the coalition between the two parties.

Now, my fellow-citizens, if there be any of my friends and neighbors of the Democratic party who are silent and sullen to-night, I want to say this to you: I attended your State Convention, not as a delegate, it is true, but as a citizen. Many of you are disposed to blame those whom you call your leaders iu the Democratic party. There is no greater mistake than calling public men the leaders of your party they are but your followers. The people are the leaders of this great movement. They commenced this great revolution. But, as I was proceeding to say, I went to your State Convention. The first day that convention met, nobody could deny that there was a revolution there in the hearts of the people there was distress in the country. The people had looked to Congress in vain. They had eloquent counsellors and advocates iu Congress, who made three or four speeches a year, which we all liked to read but they were in the minority, and could not do you the good you desired. The people became restless, and took this matter into their own hands. It was a delegate couveution. The townships and counties were represented. They appointed delegates to the National Convention, and by the privilege of my friends, I chanced to be made one of these delegates from the State at large. I did uot go to the National Convention as your leader, however, but as your servant, bearing my authority from the people. I had no other authority. You told me what to do, aud I would have been an unfaithful servant, had I uot carried out your wishes in good faith. When I got there I witnessed a scene 1 uever expect to see repeated in a lifetime.

There were delegates from every State in the Uuion. Certain gentlemen asked me if I was in favor of the old Democratic two-thirds rule. I told them it was the best rule iu the world, and this would be the worst time in the world to abolish it. I said we .must adhere to this rule now above all other times. My notion, on that question, carried. We then went into the convention. Our first duty was to select a temporary Chairman. Thomas Jefferson Randolph was named. An old man arose from his seat in the Virginia delegation. The bloom'of eternity was then on his sunken temple, for he was a very old man, and in v^ry teeble health apparently. He has since gone to his rest. When I saw him, I turned to Bocock, and asked who he was. He answered that lie was a grandson of Thomas Jefferson. I had the honor to be one of the committee to escort him to the platform. He said after thirty ye^rs he had come forth for the first time to mingle among those with whom he had affiliated in former days. As I stood there and looked at this aged man, sprung from the loins of the mau who had founded the Democratic party, he who had written the Declaration of Independence, he who had done the most to digest the Federal Constitution, I thought, my Democratic friends, that our cause was safe. Such was the temporary Chairman of the National Democratic Convetition, of more than seven hundred delegates, all but thirty-nine of whom voted for the nomination of Horace Greeley as our nominee for the Presidency. [Applause.] Mr. Greeley's nomination at Cincinnati was not recommended or ratified at Baltimore, but he was nominated with a unanimity never before known iu a National Democratic Convention. [Cheers.]

So far as I am concerned as a Democrat, he is my nominee. I cau not stand up and say that my wisdom is above that of the great Democratic party in National Convention assembled. I would rather trust the united wisdom of my party than my owu feeble judgment, iuagreat issue like this. I come here to-night in my humble way to give the reason why I think Mr. Greeley should be sustained for theJPresitiency.

I know that there has been a convention held down at Louisville, adjourning to-day. )t has transpired what 1 always said of that convention was true. It was organized ami manipulated by Gra^t aud his friends and with their* money. Somehow or rather it turns up that Oliver P. Morton, the great bead of the Radical party in Indiana, found it necessary to be at Sew Albany, while Blant. Duncan held his convention at Louisville. By the way I know Duncan as the head and front of the Know-Nnoth-ing party of Kentucky, in days gone by. How it comes that he has got so much more Democratic virtue than the Democratic party, I don't know. [Laughter.] But, my fellow-citizens, you can see that this convention down there was all in the interests of Gen. Grant. That fact all pan see.

the

coo-

{pofty ii)

don't think there was any-

th§ ^yjjole CQjjvgjjtiQji that

did not intend to v^te for Grant before they went there, and my humble judg ment is that we shall defeat them all in the contest, which is now being waged in the country. [Cheers.]

As I said to you in the outset, I have been out over the State for several weeks and from what I have carefully observed and know, I believe if the election should take place now, Greeley and Hendricks would be elected by at least 20,000 [Great cheering.] There are but two ways todefeatus for our opponents know that they cannot do it fairly and openly The Chairman ot'Jthe Central Committee was going around asserting that he had money enough to carry the election, atid beat us. I do not know how they can do it honestly. We spend a little money with our torch-light processions, and that is about the only way I know of doing it fairly. Those two ways I referred to a while ago, are the importation of votes and the corruption of Election Boards and the stuffing of ballot-boxes These are their plaus, and they are known. Not long since I received letter from one of the first citizens of Chicago, a gentleman of the highest respectability, informing me that he had gotten a certain Federal office-holder, who was a little beside himself, to tell their secret. He said that four years ago, when Hendricks was beaten in the Gubernatorial race, 1,700 votes were import ed from Illinois, and $17,000 were sent over here from Chicago. He said fur ther, that they had "outcounted us in the State of Indiana." [Laughter.] Now we have got this thing pretty thoroughly guarded against, or will have before the election rolls around. Every man who is a voter, whether white or black, shall be known. We propose t» make a list of them in every township iu the State, and the list will be placed in the hands

a committee, who will

challenge those who are not

known,

but

believed to be lioh-votet's and where detected, they

shall be

placed under ar

rest and prosecuted to the utmost rigor of the law. But those who have the right to vote, whether white or black, shall enjoy that privilege. [Applause.]

Now let us consider the issues that bring us together to-night. What Is the great argument made as between the two candidates now before the country We have a very distinguished orator iu our city, one wnom we all know aud respect. I allude to my old neighbor, Col. Thompson. He has made several speeches in the State. He and Senator Morton seem to be drifting along in about the same channel and their argument seems to be this, to use Col. Thompson's own language substantially: Grant saved the life of the nation and therefore the people ought to re-elect him to the Presidency of, the Uuited States. Did Gen. Grant save the life of the nation, my fel-low-citizens? [A chorus of voices, "no."] Did Sherman and his gallant army, in their victorious "march to the sea," and to the rear of Lee, forcing the evacuation of .Richmond, and resulting iu the surrender of the army of Lee have nothing to do with saving the life of the nation? [Applause.] Did Meade, at Gettysburg, before the thundering guns of the enemy, have nothing to do with saving the nation Did Thomas, commanding the western army, down in front of Nashville in the battle of Franklin, one of the hardest fights of the war, have nothing to do with saving the life of the nation? And .yet I have not named the man who rises above them all

I allude to the gallant McPherson, [Cheers,] whose spirit went up to the clouds, from the black vapors of death around the works at Atlanta. Did he do nothing toward saving the life of the nation? [Great enthusiasm.] Did the hundreds of thousands of gallant soldiers, without epauletts on their shoulders, marching through storms aud under burning sun into the jaws of.death,amidst the shock of battle, contribute nothing towards saving the life of the nation. [Applause.] The very stones of Stone River, every one of which are stained with patriotic blood, cry out indignantly against these fellows who tell us that Grant saved the nation. I will tell you who saved the nation and put down the rebellion. It was the army and navy of the United States. [Great cheering.] General Grant did perform some distinguished services I would not pluck the poorest and most withered leaf from his chaplet of honors.

But, my fellow-citizens, has not the nation expressed its gratitudesufficiently toward him on account of his services He was educated iu the schools of the United States, at the expense of the Government. When the war came up he volunteered, like more than 500,000 others did, to go and defend the unity of the Government. He commenced his military career in the field as a Colonel he was then made a Brigadier General then p. Major General. He was honored further than that. The commission created for General Scott on account of his great services in the Mexican war, was dug up, and Grant was made Lieutenant General of the army of the United States—a life-time office. His salary was increased from about $14,000 to $17,500 per year. The honor heaped upon him did not stop here. There had been one in times gone by who had risen higher than any other American citizen the man who led the Continental army through the seven years' Revolutionary struggle, who when he had wrested this new world from a monarchy, refused the coronet of a King_pot only, but a salai-y for his services. Forliis great services and sacrifices he was made Com-mander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States(President). This honor, too, has been conferred upon General Grant, and now I hold that the American people have discharged the debt of gratitude they owed this man, Grant.

He has now served three years and a half as our President, and is a candidate for re-election. Therefore I shall have no more to say of General Grant but of President Grant I shall have much to say. [Great applause.] I propose to give you my reasons why I think he should uot be re-elected to the office of President of the United States.

Let us look and see how he has performed the functions of that high office while he has held it. What is the first thing be did as President? It was necessary for him to have a Secretary of State. There were great statesmen of the Republican party arouud him, such as Sumner and Trumbull, who would have honored the office once filled by the Marcy'sand Webster's of former years. Did he choose them? No he picks out a friend of his, an obscure politician of Illinois, Washburneby name. To him he give the great gift, simply that he might thus bring him into public notice, and give him respectability in order that he could appoint him minister to France, one of the most important of them all, it beiug understood between them that the appointment of the Secretary of State should be declined. [Laughter.]

Instead of selecting some distinguished statesman to fill the position of Secretary of the Treasury, he writes an order, for he had been in the habit of writing arbitrary orders so long that his recommendations to Congress were more like orders than anything else, that A. T. Stewart, a successful merchant prinee of New York, be appointed. Now Mr. Stewart could not be Secretary .of. the /Treasury because of a very wjse lawof Ctougress

prohibiting

importers

foreign articles

VOL. 3. TERRE HAUTE, IND.: FRIDAY ^TERNOON, SEPTEMBER 6, 1872~ NO. 83. fThc ^vetting (gazette

from holding that position. Mr. Grant was too ignorant to know this, or to arbitrary to observe it until forced to do so. That recommendation for appointment did pass the House, however, and went into the Senate for confirmation. It made some considerable headway there. But on one side of the Seriate sat a grave old man, who in times gone by has cobatted us. I allude to Charles Sumner, who arose and said this must not he aud A. T. Stewart vas llit made Secretary of the Treasury. And it transpired that Mr. Stewart Was one who subscribed in a very large amount for a certain valuable gift to General Grant. I don't say because he did that, Grant tried to give him that appointment but I do say that it. don't look well to the eyes of the American people. [Laughter and applause.] They are very suspicious about it.

A Secretary of theNavy must be had. Grant goes to work and turns up a mau named Borie. I heard Trumbull say that when he heard of the appointment he was in Washington and was talking to old Admiral Farragut, the gallant head of the American navy on the seas, whose ships had swept every hostile craft from American waters, from the Appomattox to the Mississippi. [Cheers.] He asked Farragut who Borie was. The old Admiral said he didn't know. [Laughter.] The head of the uavy did not know him. It, too, afterward transpired that he had subscribed money raised for the benefit of Geueral Grant. I don't say that Grant appointed him for that reason but it looks suspicious. [Applause.]

An Attorney Geueral must be had iu the Cabinet. There were distinguished lawyers in the Country, such men as Wm. M. Evarts, Caleb Cashing and, coming down to your own State, the preseut Governor of Indiana, a very excellent lawyer, who would have filled the position with distinction. Col. Thompson, of our own city, would have made^# most excellent, Attorney General. But Grant, goes down to Massachusetts and finds a fourth-rate lawyer named Hour, and sends his name iu and some how or othel'it afterward transpire^ that Hoar had made Grant a preseut of alavy library valued at S25,000. What Grant wants with a law library [laughter] I don't know, though he needed .it badly enough. At auy rate, he received it. Yet I do not say that Grant appointed Hoar because he gave him (G.) that present. [Renewed laughter.] However, as I said before, it don't look well.

Now, that is the way the present Administration commenced, my fellow-citi-Zens. And in this connection I will state that John Adams appointed but two relatives to office and though nobody questioned their fitness, Washington, Jefferson and Madison censured bim for it. They said it was a pernicious practice, and would lead to great abuses.

But now we have a President who is defeuded in the appointment of his owu and wife's relatives and their relatives to office. Mr. Voorhees gave you a partial list of their names and the positions they hold he knew of thera all. It is said of Alexander, that when he had conquered all the kuown nations, he sat down and wept because there were no more nations to conquer. have heard it said of Grant, that after he had appointed his brothers-in-laws and cousins, and those of his wife and theirs, he, too, wept because there were no more manufactured ready to appoint. [Prolonged laughter.] So odius aid these pernicious practice become, our distinguished fellow-citizen, Mr. Mack, the speaker of the House of Representative of your State, promised your people of this county, that be would get some condemnatory expression against the practices from the Legislature of the State, at least he would introduce a resolution to that effect. He drew up the following resolution, kuown as "House Joint Resolution, 14."

Mr. Hanna then read the resolution, which in substance resolves that any candidate for the Presidency who shall, after his nomination and before his election, receive any preseut exceeding in value $100, shall be deemed ineligible to hold the office. Or who shall, after his election, receive any such present, shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, subjecting him to impeachment.

Mr. Hanna then continued as follows There were but two who voted against that resolution in that body, of whatsoever party, and they were Butterworth and Wilson. Every other member of both parties voted for that resolution.

Mr. Heilman, Grant candidate for Congress in the Evansville District, was in the Legislature then and voted for that resolution, a resolution which holds Gen. Grant ineligible to the Presidency. Is there no inconsistency in Mr. Heilman's vote on that resolution and his present position as a supporter of Graut? If those were the facts a year ago are they not just as true now? I know that these gentlemen try to get out of this, and deny that Grant received presents as charged, and they try to get up a question of veracity between Mr. Hendricks and some one else. I know of two cases where Grant has received presents. His house on the sea shore is one. A. T. Stewart says that seven men subscribed $5,000 each, making $35,000, and Grant drew a check on the bank for the money since he became President!

And there is the case of Bowen, the Mayor of Washington City. He proposed to buy General Grant's house in Washington, given him by a number of friends. Grant said he would sell it. He called in his real estate agent, consulted with him and agreed to sell Bowen the property for $40,000. Some of Grant's friends found this out, and advised him not to sell. -He had already received $1,000, was to receive $9,000 more when the deed was executed and the other $30,000 in a period of years at an agreed rate of interest. Money had been paid on the contract and Bowen could have obtained possession of the

Sisposed.

roperty in the courts had he been so These friends of Grant told him that they would give him $65,000 for it, and he would not make the property over to Bowen, because he alleged that his wife would not sign the deed, a mere petticoat dodge. [Laughter.] Now, all this was nothing more than to disguise the giving of President Grant a present of $35,000. This petticoat excuse of the President for not keeping his contract with Bowen, reminds me of the caricatures on the escapade of Jeff. Davis in bis wife's habiliments. [Laughter and applause.] Though the charges I have already mentioned as preferred and established against Gen. Grant, are sufficient in themselves to render ineligible to the Presidency, there are other more serious ones.

Take bis appointment of relatives to office and the evil results. Mr. Voorhees told you about ail of them therefore I will only refer to Casey, Collector of Customs at New Orleans. He, of course, is Grant's brother-in-law, and a nice brother-in-law he is. [Laughter.] He broke up the Legislature of the State of Louisiana, taking members and lockiug them up in the Custom House. He went further than that be placed some of them in Government ships and run them out into the Mississippi river and he went further tbaa that he took the moneys of the Unite4 States Treasury and tried to bribe and corrupt' the Legist lature of a great and sovereign State.

These charges, though gross ones, have bie proven by Republican committees of investigation, aud have become apart of the history of the country, and still this man Casey, who did these disreputable things, is retained in his position as Collector of the port of New Orleans, though Senator Trumbull hurled his anathemas against it, and Sumner denounced it, aud Schur/j aud others decried it. They were at »iitt» denounced as sore-heads aud traitors to their party. Has Senator Sumner a sore head, my Republican friends? He has been sent to the Senate so often from a Republican State and by such a large majority that id he seen fit to remain with them and not raise up his voice against conuption hs could live and die on floor of the Uuited States Senate as did John Adams on the floor of the House. [Applause.] Senator Trumbull could have been returned to the Senate had he not denounced the injustice of the party in power. And Carl Schurz, the greatest of them all, the gladiator to the United States Senate,, who stands to-day at the head of great German element of the vast population of this country, who could hold offiice so long as the party should have remained in power. [Applause.] Are these great statesmen sorehead This is frail, miserable argument, my Grant friends. It was not because those gentlemen and hundreds of others throughout the country had sore heads that they denounced the acts of the Administration, but because their hearts were sore from looking on these great outrages. [Cheers.]

And then there is Austin Blair, of Michigan, the greatest war Governor of that great State. He was the head and front of the Republican party, and by that party elected to the House.

But I will pass oil and show you some of the frauds pracliced on the country, that brought about the rupture iu.the Republican party and the denunciation of the Administration party by old supporters, such as I have nam^d. I will illude to the St'cor claim first The Secors had a contract during the war to construct a couple of vessels. The vernmeut changed the plan of the boats before construction was completed, and the

Secors,

of course, claimed extra

moneys on account of delay In work and additional costs generally. A naval committee was appointed' to prepare specifications aud determine upou the extra cost. That committee, after having prepared the specifications, decided that the Secors should have $400,000 extra because of the change. After awhile the Secors claimed $115,000 more. Congress considered their'c^im and decided to allow them that amount,

and made an

appropriation accordingly. Jddge Trumbull, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, then had a clause inserted in that appropriation, prohibiting thepaymentof any more money out of the National Treasury to the Secors on that claim. There was a clear receipt expressed iu the law. Notwithstanding this fact, Secretary Robeson, of the Navy, estimated without authority of law that this man should receive the further amount of $93,000! This startling fact has gone before the world as the report of an investigating committee, and yet this man Robeson is retained as Secretary of the Navy of the United States. Do you want further testimony of this character. Take the Chorpenning claim. George Chorpenning had a contract with the Government to carry the mails between Santa Fe aud San Francisco. He claimed damages for certain losses he sustained, and an appropriation of $28,370 was made by Congress. This was in 1856. The claim then elept along until 1866, when another appropriation of $26,000 was asked *aud granted. That claim was then thought certainly settled, heard a gentlemen say that the first appropriation was amply sufficient. But he goes before the Court of Claims, and in his declaration lays claim to damage in the sum of $76,000. Lawyers never under-state the amount they expect to recover, but they often over-state. You all know how that is. The Court of Claims has no jurisdiction,holding that it has no jurisdiction overclaims for damages, but only for claims arising upon contracts, either excess or implied. Being thus thrown out of court with bis claim for damage, Chorpenning went into the Post Office Department, where he found a man named Earle, formerly a lawpartner of Postmaster General Creswell, holding a position under Creswell in the Post Office Department. About this time Earle resigning his postoffice position, and resuming the practice of law became Chorpening's attorney, and somehow or other in some mysterious manner, BO manipulated tbe matter that Creswell drew a warrant iu favor of Goe. Chorpening for the enormous sum of $443,000! [Sensation.] So the case stands thus. Here is a man who, in 1856, drew out of the Treasury $23,370| in 1866, $26,000 then failiug to get further appropriation, briugs suit, charging damages in declaration at $76,000, afterwards by the fraud of some person or persons procures a warrant on the Treasury in the sum of $443,000.

But the $443,000 was not paid out of the Treasuay. Dawes, of the House, discovered "the outrageous fraud and reported it to Mr. Trumbull, aud these gentlemen examined into the case carefully, and to prevent the claims being paid, got a law passed through both Houses of Congress in one day, prohibiting their payment and the payment of any more money to tjhorpening on that account. That law is there to-day, and Congress stands over the Postmaster General with a club, as it were, to prevent his defrauding the Government. [Great applause.] And right in the face of this fact, President Grant.persists iu keeping this fellow in the Cabinet. Is it possible under these circumstances that there are intelligent men in tavor of the re-election of such a President.

But this is not all there is to condemn in tbe Administration. Oh no, the half is not told yet. Cases of fraud are too numerous to mention but I will allude to some of the .more flagrant cases. There is the case'of Bullock. Now you have doubtless heard of this Bullock, [laughter] but you may not have heard all about him." Mr. Voorhees told you something about bim, but there iS more of his interesting history yet. [Renewed laughter.]

Before the war he was at the head of the Adams Express Co. During the war he was at the head of the Southern Express Co. At the do.'e of the war be was made Governor of Georgia by dishonest means. Mr. Voorhees has told you about his railroad schemes there, in part. When made Governor, there was one railroad iu Georgia. Of this he made one Foster Blodgett Superintendent a man, who during the war, was a rebel Colonel and a cruel one, but at its close became a Radical, and a very bitter oue. Well, Bullock and -Blodget were convivial fellows, and the former made the latter Superintendent of the only railroad in the State, and Bullock went into the Railroad stealing business on a gigantic scale. Som° ^f the members of the Legisla'n 'were' opposed to his schemes, and a man named Lewis Porter busied himself in getting special legislation to enable them to carry out their plaus. This fellow Porter, to get tbe desired legislation, offered to bribe Matt. CJSrpenter, now a Grant Senator at least Carpenter so testified before a committee. And he did many ofheF Mjings Of disgracefyl character,

And now comes Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, now a Liberal Republican, [cheers] Chairman of the Committee on Reconstruction, who says that when he observed a clause in one of President Grant's messages that he did not understand, he went to Grant and asked him what it meant. The President sat back in his chair, took the cigar from his mouth, aud finally drawled out, "Morton put that in!" [Great laughter.] Well, it was under this portion of his message that Congress acted when the legislation sought for by Porter in favor of Bullock's railroad stealing, was passed. Bills were passed for the building of two railroads, each to be built so many miles at so much per mile a stated number *of miles of each to be constructed before the bonds should be issued. But Bullock did not wait for this. He endorsed $6,000,000 of bonds, sold them for what they would bring, and fled first to New York, and thence to Canada, and is now a fugitive from justice, leaving the State debt of Georgia $50,000,003 from a very small item of indebtedness.

Then they tell us about the tariff. The various Grant speakers go obout the country bloviating about their judicious tariff policy, about taking the duties from sugar, coffee, and the necessaries, and placing them upon the luxuries.

The speaker stated that he had the free list befo'i'tf him aud would favor them with a few extracts, which he did, creating an infinite deal of merriment. The list consisted of a conglomeration of names which the laboring people had uever heard of, much less made use of, and the laboring men, he claimed, were the ones who ought to be benefitted.

After discussing the public lano question he continued

But there is another matter I have now in my mind, which tends to

greater

Eeen

show

that Grant's administration of the vernmrnt lias all tended to the interest

But a further measure has been resorted to to make this claim safe. They got afraid of the old law, and so they passed another. It is called the fundiug bill* The Secretary of the Treasury was authorized to refund $1,500,000,00, $200,000,000 of that amount to run ten years at 5 per cent., $300,000,000 to run fifteen years at 4$ per cent, and $1,000,000,000 to run thirty years at four per cent. So you see before tbe thing is settled it will cost the Government more than $3,000,000,000. Oue-half of one percent, is allowed for the expense of refunding $200,000,000 are already refunded. The amount allowed for that purpose you will see is $1,000,000. Then the Secretary is allowed by law to hold the $200,000,000 iu his hands three months. So altogether somebody steals more than $3,000,000 in refunding the first $200,000,000. By the time all is refunded you will see what a big steal it will be. [Cheers.] This is all done through the Syndicate—which is Jay Cooke & Co., bankers at Washington aud London. Syndicate! Oh, what mockery of the toiling millions But the worst of all is that the new bonds they issued, while they pay no tax during their continuance, are payable in coin upon maturity. So that for more than a half century these rich men will pay uo tax, and when you will have paid in .interest alone more than the full amount of the principal, you will still have the principal to pay, and that, too, in coin. No

wrong was ever attempted

upon any people. [Applause.] And now, my fellow-citizens, the whole question is, shall this Government continue to exist as our fathers, its founders, intended it should—a Government to be economically administered—a Government of law and not of physical force—a Government with a Magna Charta, which no power, whether Executive, Legislative, or Judicial, can disobey—a Government with no regal robe but liberty that we may have law, and law that we may have liberty—a Government whose oply diadem is the Federal Constitution, ornamented as it is with the

priceless

and equality, and above them all, written rtf rvnlsl tlfha nrivilaffft /\f tho

in letters of gold,

4,the

For the Liberal Republican I have the highest regard. I would crown him witli honor. He breaks away froiu^ party in tbe full tide of power a pow^f which for years has kuown no such thiug as limitation a power which has been able at pleasure to suspend the great writ of

ersonal liberty a power which

able to carry elections

States

time could

again. [Cheers.] The old Democratic party—how long and how well many of us have loved it. Inaugurated as it was by Jefferson made wise and conservative by Madison led on to victory by Jackson and now in this dark hour of the Nation's agony and trial, willing to support its ancient enemy, Horace Greedy. because he has become its ally and its friend in the great struggle of wrestling political power from the unholy hands of usurpation and injustice. [Great applause. From my earliest boyhood, I have loved the Democratic party. I even broke away from the household of my birth to espouse its principles, because they had become my convictions. I have loved it in the past, but I love it still more in the preseut hour. I have gone with it through the fire and flood of trial, sharing iu the pangs of its defeats and the honor of its triumphs. [Cheers.] Great as it ha* beeu in the past, for what it has already done it will become greater still for what it yet proposes to do—to lift itself up to its full height, higher than ever before, as it strikes the death blow to the tyrant who has preferred his own personal advancement, and the sordid hopes of partisan friends, to the peace, the welfare, the happiness and the perpetuity of the great Republic of the United States. [Prolonged cheers.] Old guard of the Democratic army, co to the front once more. Your friends are there and they must not be sacrificed when you standing here idle can no forward and save them. [Cheers.] Go to the front once more, drive back the enemy, establish the colors of victory upon every part of the field, and when the fight is all over, living you will he honored and when you are dead they will write upon your

loved his country, but h" loved his

capital and rings. Here is the tir.t law of Congress lie approved. It was approved in March, the first month of his inauguration. It is called a "Bill to Strengthen the Public Credit." More than $2,000.000,000of the national wealth of the country had been withdrawn from the base of taxation. It was held by the rich who could best afford to pay tax. But the law was so made that they had none to pay. The holders of these securities pay no tax on them now. The burdens of the laboring classes are increased just that much. These bonds were bought with currency, and by the terms of the law were made redeemable in currency. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, who wrote the law, said that was the understanding. And Morton, Mutlerand others, have said tbe same thing. The bondholders got uueasy and procured the passage of the law I have referred to, and whldb I now hold in my hands. Grant ought to have vetoed such an iniquity— but he approved it, and I am afraid this is the true secret of the munificent presents he secured. Just see what an iniquity it is. During the war gold was* mpted at one time at $2.80. At that timtf^with $3,507.77 in gold you could have boiwht $10,000 worth of five-twenty bonds, upon that sum six per cent, is paid to thfe holder—that is upon $10,000. And now^according to this measure, which Grant endosred, although only a little rising $3,000 was loaned to the Government, the Government says that when the day of s^tlgj ment comes, the loaner of $3,000 must paid $10,000. What defense can be made for such high handed injustice?

Others unchanged.

has

everywhere,

if not by reason, then by physical force a power which could

do away

tions and appoint

with

elec

Governors over

mighty

a power which

one

amend

the Constitu

tion of the United States

with

the same facility that it could enact laws—a power which could well nigh at onetime, with unmolested hand, have set a coronet of honor upon the heads of such as would labor to place the imperial crown upon the willing head of its President. Such is the Liberal Republican, and such are the temptations he has trampled down beneath his feet, that popular liberty may be rescued from the hand of corruption and despotism. [Great cheering.] Forty millions of disenthralled and happy people will shout in his honor when the battle has been fought and won. [Continued cheering,]

And now what shall I say of the Democratic portion of the mighty army in the field hefore me. Tbe Democratic party, thank God, is in this fight with all its courage and prowess. [Cheers.] Its battle-flag vender sets rpy be?irt on Are

tomb

stone, '"he loved his parry because

AMUSEMENTS,

E A O S E

Monday Eve., Sept. 16, '72.

TIIE

conn-

try more titan he loved his party." [Liy continued cheering.] The dim:il wilderness of Shur, and the hitter wateiy of M.-ira have lonr ijn ir portion—but we go now to the land of Kiiiu, where at the proini.-ei twelve W »lls of water, and bfueatn

fhe

toive

score and ten ptlm trees wili .-pread if last the fe.ist of our re.-t tui i^n and joicinsr. Amidst great applause and spirited cheering the meeting adjourned.

THE MARKETS BY TEJjEMKAI'H.

Chicago .Market.

CHICAGO, Sept. (i.

FLOUR—Moderate request and prices firm. WHEAT—Spring wheat more active but lower No. 1 sold at [email protected] No. 2 at $1.18£ cash, at $1.133^@L.17% seller September, at $1.15^@1.16% for October, and at $1.14%@1.15 seller this year No. 3 at

fl.12. CORN—Dull and weak freight room scarce, for cask No. 2 sold at 30%@37H'c.

OATH—Dull and Jc lower at '£%@24%c. RYE—Fair requost at 56c for No. 2, aud 4(J@47c for No. 3.

BARLEY—Steady at 64@64)^c for No. 2. HIGHWINES—Quiet and easier at 90e. CUT MEATS—Inactive and prices uoininal at 8jlc for short ribs and 834c for shoulders.

LARD—Quiet at 8%@9e. PORK—Inactive and sellers apart. CATTLE—Dull and nominal. HOGS—Dull and 20e lower sales at #4.40 @4.75.

Kcw York Market. NEW YORK, Sept. 6.

WHEAT—Dull red [email protected]. CORN—64@65e. OA.TS—46K@50c. PORK—$14.12. HOGS—Dull.

rHISKY—92K@93c.

LINSEED OIL—82C. GROCERIES—Steady.

Cincinnati Market.

CINCINNATI, September 6.

Market dull with the exception of bacon shoulderkr, which are y6c changes in^prltees.

lower. No

Market. ^TVERPOOI., Sept. (.

WHEAT—Winter declined 3d now lis. PORK—Advanced Is

now 5°,s (3d.

LARD—Declined 9d iiow

4ls.

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