Terre Haute Daily Gazette, Volume 2, Number 273, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 18 April 1872 — Page 2
R. N.HNDSON.
Of Howard county. For Treasurer of State, MAJOR JOHN D. GLOVER,
Of Lawrence county.
For Reporter of Supreme Court, COL. JAMES B. BLACK, of Marion county.
For Clerk of Supreme Court, CHARLES SCROLL, Of Clark county.
Por
Superintendent of Public Instruction, BENJAMIN W. SMITH, Of Marion county.
For Attorney General, JAMES P. DENNY, Of Knox county.
THURSDAY, APIUL 18, 18712.
THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT.
Ureat Speech of Carl ScJiurz ai Cooper Institute, New York City. Senator Sehurz was received with prolonged cheering, and spoke as follows:
This is not the first time that I stand upon this platform. I stood here in 1800, when Abraham Lincoln was our Republican candidate for the Presidency, and when we breasted the onset of the slave power with the battle cry, "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Men!" 1 stood here in 18G2, when.the word "Emancipation'' was lirst thrown by a multitude of patriotic citizens into the confusing fluctuations of the civil war. I stood here in ]S(i4, when Abraham Lincoln was again our standard bearer, and when the integrity of the Republic aud the abolition of slavery were to be fixed as the aim aud result of the great conflict. I stood here in 1868, when the product of the civil war was to be summed up, when the great settlement of the equality of rights was prepared, and when the words, "Let us iiave peace!" was taken up by the people as a promise that from the bitterness of civil strife we were to return to a policy of good government, reconciliation and concord. And recently I stood here, advocating a thorough reform of the civil service, the abolition of the corrupting and demoralizing influences of the patronage and of partisan rule, and the purification of republican government.
And now I stand here again, not as one who has renounced any of the great principles and policies he ever advocated, but as one who has resolved to continue their advocacy and defense with as much fidelity and energy as ever as one who in that advocacy was wholly in earnest before, is wholly iu earnest now, and will continue to be so without regard to tlio opposition he will have to encounter, whether it come from friend or foe.
A MANLY PROTEST.
And just because I always was in earnest, aud am in earnest now just because I am sincerely devoted to the cause I fought for, I now stand here to raise my protest against the perversion which the victories of that cause have suffered my protest against the partisan bigotry which subordinates the public welfare to personal and party interests my protest against that slavish submission to party dictation aud discipline, which, for party ends, strives to stifle the voice of truth, and to whitewash abuses and wrongs, instead of honestly exposiugand correcting them my protest against the infatuated wantonness of power recklessly overriding the laws of the land for selfish ends my protest against the growth of personal government'in this Republic, which threatens to convert the public powers into personal property to subju gate the conscience of the people, and to convert the noble pride of the republican citizen into the submissive spirit of the subject my protest against the deceptions which are practiced upon a confiding people to make appear right what is wrong, pure what is corrupt, noble and jatriotic what is mean ami selfish. I raise that protest in the mime of the great cause you and I, as Republicans, have so long fought for in the nnmeoi honest and constitutional government which is to protect ourselves and
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IlKPUBLICAN STATE TICKET. ft For Governor,
GEN. THOMAS M. BROWNE, Of Randolph county. For Lieutenant Governor,
LEONIDAS M. SEXTON. Of Rush county. For Congressman at Large,
GODLOVE S. ORTH, Of Tippecanoe county. For Secretary of State,
W. W. CURRY, Of Vigo county. For Auditor of State, COL. JAMES A. WILD MAN
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HUDSON HUo^f settlement will stand, and any at-
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Our
children in their rights and best interests in tbe name of that public morality which must be cultivated as the life ekmentof free institutions in the name of the Great American Republic which we want to be the guiding star of mankind in its struggles for liberty aud higher civilization.
I started out in political life with the Republican party I never belonged to any other, and worked faithfully iu its ranks with honest zeal at least, if not with efficiency. I never desiied to leave it as long as it remained true to the best principles it professed, and as long as its policy, its measures and its conduct could be defended in good faith. If I am proud of anything, it is not of the position I have reached, and of the honors I have achieved, but it is of the consciousness that, whenever I endeavored to exercise an influence upon public opinion, I have never said anythiug which I did not honestly believe to be true. And if I fiud myself now iu conflict with the c^fiicial leaders of the Republican party, it is because I can not abandon that "controlling rule of my public life without betraying my duty to the American people. For this reason I stand here, to appeal with you to an honest and eulightened public opinion. We have emerged from a great civil war. Seven years ago this month, after long and bloody struggles, the flag of the Republic floated victoriously over the last stronghold of the rebellion. Armed resistance to the National Government, ina largely organized form, ceased. Au important period iu the development of our national life closed, aud a new one commenced.
PROBLEMS OF AMERICAN POLITICS.
Each period of our history has its own peculiar problem to solve, to which political parties must apply their energies to maintain the moral basis of their existence and to preserve the integrity of the Republic. To this all other interests and objects became for the time being subordinate. That problem was successfully solved.
When the rebellion was overcome, we entered upon anew field of action. New problems confronted us. In the first place, we had to settle the logical and legitimate results of the war in such a manner as to protect them against the danger of reactionary attempts. That settlement, also, was successfully effected partly by extraordinary measures. Jt was embodied so firmly in the Constijtton of the coontiy a* to form an ineu»
to subvefsive
=i"^ faikfc*»*tTl1nfl.rm snirit of fchft f»pn-
QUESTIONS THAT DEMAND SETTLEMENT.
The whole question of economic reform demands an elaborate consideration for which I shall not nowjaave opportunity. I shall merely state my conviction that not only in continued political disabilities, not only in the tendency to disregard constitutional limitations, not only in the abuses of patronage, but also iu our methods of taxation the needs and habits of the war have left behind them grave evils, prominent among them the practice of adjusting taxes, not with sole regard to the needs of the whole people, but with intent to secure special advantage to importunate interests. The broad principle laid down in the ca*II for the Cincinnati Convention, that needless burdens shall not be imposed upon the people, aud a genuine tariff reform in accordance with that principle, will rid our system of taxation of mauy of its greatest abuses, and a refusal to recognize this principle will not satisfy the demands of public welfare or public opinion. Accustomed to look only at the ends.to be accomplished, and to care little about the dangerous means employed, the habits of war insensibly insinuated themselves into the practices of peace.
Look at the young men who were from 10 to 17 years old when the war broke out they are now from 21 to 28, constituting one full third of our voting population. What school have they gone through They have scarcely ever seen or heard anything of the Constitutional restraints of power. What they have heard and seen was only bold assumption aud strong exercise of Governmental authority. They were taught to believe in its necessity, to submit to it, to justify it, to aid it. That is the only tradition and experience under which they nave grown up.
Such were the duties imposing themselves upon the partv in power after the close of the war—duties wo/thy of the highest ambition of any organization of patriotic men. They could be appreciated and fulfilled only if the great objects to be accomplished stood to those in authority above the allurements of power and the seduction of selfish party interest. If those duties were not appreciated and fulfilled, it becomes patriotic citizens to look for means by which their appreciation and fulfillment can be secured without regard to mere party interest. And in this spirit I speak to you, for the great interests of the republic have always been to me something higher than party allegiance. All were to bring about true peace founded upon reconciliation, a return of that cordiality of feeling which alone can hold this nation permanently together. This great object could not be accomplished by mere means of force. It demanded a policy rising above all narrow-minded resentments a policy dictated by something higher than partisan spirit.
THE DUTY OF AMNESTY.
There was a justification for restrictive measures as long as the legitimate re: suits of the war were not constitutionally assured. Then that justification ceased, and we, the victors in the great civil conflict, were called upon by all considerations of patriotism and political wisdom to make the Southern people feel that in all our measures of war and policy we had been guided by the necessities of the State and not by feelings of resentment or vindictiveness that we desired to be to them not haughty con querors but sincere and well-meaning friends that they might see in the flag of the Republic not tbe symbol of defeat and degradation, but the symbol of rights aud protection equally guaranteed to them as to all others that they might feel once more the pride and patriotic inspirations of full American citizenship.
A general amnesty (the removal of political disabilities) was demanded, not as a measure of mere sentimental generosity, but as a measure of the plainest political wisdom.- Years have elapsed since the results of the war were fortified with iuipregnable constitutional guarantess, and the general amnesty has not been granted yet. Down to this very day a large and influential class of citizens in the South are still told that the public interest, as it is administered by popular self-government, is no business of theirs, and that this great republic is no republic of equal rights for them down to this very day the jealousy of the races is still nourished by the fact that many, and by no means theunworthjest, white men are depraved of political rights and privileges which the black man, the late slave, enjoys: down to this very day the work of the adventurer and demagogue, who speculates upon .the ignorance of his followers, is facilitated, corruption, robbery and demoralization are fostered, the return of good aud honest government is impeded, a cheerful and general acceptance and successful development of the new order of things is prevented in the Sduth by the narrowminded policy which excludes from public employment and repels from friendly co-operation a large class of men who have so great au interest in an houest and successful administration of the public affairs.
PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSES CONCERNING AMNESTY.
It is true the President, in his last message, said a good word for amnesty. But we find his most trusted and powerful friends, his loudest spokesmen, throwing every possible obstacle iu its way, and we have to hear yet of the first instance vvheii the most outspokeu enemy of this most necessary measure was therefore treated and considered as an opponent of the Admiuistration. And on every possible occasion the old battle cries of the civil war are revived by them as th« watch wards of our present political contests old prejudices and presentments are kept alive as a stock of political capital, to be used for party advantage, and all this to secure tbe re-election of the same President who appeared in political life as a candidate for the highest honors of the Republic with the faintest promise of peace on iiis lips, and whose word for amnesty is this day drowned by the vociferous protests of his most zealous friends.
Are we thus to palter in a double sense with the highest iuterests of the Republic? Is this measure of peace and reconciliation to become the subject of thimble-rigging jugglery, playing the game, "Now you see it, and now you do not?" Is this the manner in which we are to bind to us with new bonds of cordiality the late enemies whom we want
saa
'yjSW^IiCT^-^now
.^TWTNnw
iane spirit of the cen
sensible men agree that
tempt to overthrow it will inevitably result in disastrous failure. Thus the basis of a new order of things was firmly and securely laid. It remained to clear away the rubbish and to develop that new order of things, iu accordance with the requirements of truly free institutions to obliterate the differences and animosities of the past to revive a healthy national spirit, and the consciousness of belonging together, among all classes of our population, so as to reinstate a free public opinion, instead of force, as the controlling power in our Government to restore the.rule of sound constitutional principles to reanimate the popular respect for the law, to crush corruption wherever it may appear to raise the standard of morality in our political life to secure a genuine reform of our system of taxation, so that its burdens shall be adjusted to principles of justice and equality. Iu one word, to preserve this Government not only as a republic in form and name, but in spirit aud essence, au I in its elevating and ennobling influence upou the character of the people, as well as their material prosperity.
*am Can
Tendship aud con-
inis worthy of the great Reparty of which we were so
proud Not those who think as I do can be parties to such a mocking performance. We want an honest aud straightforward policy and if those who shape the conduct of the party will not give it, then our duty as honest men commands us to seek it where it can be found.
The close of the civil war imposed another duty upon us. Republican government, and the free institutions upou which it rests, find their strongest bulwark in constitutional principles and forms faithfully maintained and religiously observed. No republic can stand, no popular liberty, no personal right, is secure wh«i the powers of government are left without restraint to the whims of those wield them. I admit that in times of extreme public danger an extraordinary exercise of power may be necessary, as the Romans put the Repulic in the hands of a Dictator when the enemies were at their gates. It will soon create the habit "of arbitrary assumptions of power on one side, and the habit of thoughtless acquiescence in arbitrary assumptions on the other. It is thus that Republics are undermined and perish in the demoralization of popular sentiment.
Look at our recent history aud the present condition of our affairs. While the civil war was raging, we were naturally inclined, nay, naturally anxious, to strengthen the bauds of the government, that it might save the life of the republic. Iu a vigorous display and energetic employment of power the loyal people saw their salvation. I shall not find fault here with the means which were employed to attain that end. They rested upou the plea of imperative public necessity. THE MISTAKE OF THE ADMINISTRATION.
But those who conducted the Government fell into the habit of accomplishing what they thought best, with the
strong hand of power, aud of interpreting the powers they wanted in the Constitution, when the words of that charter did not willingly yield them. However good those ends may have been, the means were full of danger. The people became accustomed to look ouly at the ends to be accomplished, and to think little about the dangerous meaus employed. The abuses of the war insensibly insinuated themselves into the practices of peace. Now look around you look at the young men who were from ten to seventeen years old when the war began, And who. are now from twentyone to twenty-eight, constituting one full third part of our voting population. Consider what school those young men have gone through. They have scarcely ever seen or heard anything of the constitutional restraint of power. What they have heard and seen was only a bold assumption, and strong exercise of governmental authority. They were taught to believe in its necessity—to submit to it, to justify it, to aid it. Why, gentlemen, the Constitution of tbeUnited States became hardly know to them by name. That is only traditiou and experience under which they have grown up, aud now they are taking an active part in the control of our Government. Is not the mere statement of this undeniable fact sufficient to fill with apprehension Uie heart of every friend ot constitutional government and of popular liberty in this country? It was my fervent hope that the party in power, when peace was restored and the legitimate results of the war were firmly secured by constitutional guarantees,would appreciate its tremendous responsibility in this respect that it would comprehend its great duty just because the habit of arbitrary assumption of power on one side aad of easy acquiescence on the other bad grown up in times of great public danger, to stem that pernicious tendency with the most conscientious care that, instead of continuing the practice of construing powers into the Constitution beyond its clear meaning, it would strenuously insist upon a conscientious observance of its restrictions that instead of permitting any arbitrary assumption or exercise of authority, it would, with a watchful eye, see to a faithful and strict compliance with the laws of the land in every branch of the Government.
Has this duty been fulfilled? We have witnessed things of the most alarming nature. We have seen legal enactments passed, glaringly putting the most essential guarantees of the rights and liberty of the citizen at the mercy of the central power. We have heard them justified on the ground that the objects to be attained were good, regardless of the fact that the employment of unconstitutioual and arbitrary means as a system to correct evils may be worse in its consequences than the evils themselves, and that the overthrow of the free institutions always almost begins by tbe assumption of arbitrary authority on the ground that existing evils call for it. We have a law in force to-day, which, had it been on. the statute before the war, might, by a liberal construction such as we have so frequently seen in our days, have put every anti-slavery organization, as an unlawful conspiracy, at the mercy of a pro-slavery government.
ABUSES OF POWER.
We see officers of the Government using their power with a disregard of the laws defining their authority, as if power were a law unto itself, and-we see them do it with impunity. In your own midst you have seen private rights scandalously interfered with by public officials, as if they recognized no authority but their own pleasure. We have seen the Presi dent of the United States himself in his anxious desire to annex Santo Domingo, which scarcely anybody wanted but he, give orders to the navy to commit acts of war should the ruler of that country be interfered with either by a foreign power or by his.,own subjects, and this even after the treaty of annexation had been solemnly! rejected by the Senate— thus clearly usurping the war-making power which the Constitution vests in Congress. We have thus seen an act committed- which, if raised to the dignity of a precedent to serve as an authoritative rule of constitutional construction, will virtually place the war-making power in the hands of the President, and make the peace of the country a mere plaything for the ambition or arbitrary pleasure of one man. And we see these things, before which the statesmen of the best times of th:s Republic would have stood aghast, not ouly done with impunity, but justified aud whitewashed in the halls of Congress, and by a servile press and more than that, we see the re-election of the Executive who committed so glaring an act of usurpation vociferously demanded by eager partisans, who thus strive to stamp that subversion of one of the most essential principles of our constitutional government, as a valid precedent for all time, with the sanction of popular approval. What is the doctrine thus practically taught? That the central power may do as it pleases, and that the Constitution and laws are to be construed in accordance with its acts.
Nay, worse than that, we are told that the people do not caroabout such things, and that those who- raise their protest them must be set down as captious faultfinders and disappointed sore-heads. Well, if it is true that large numbers of people do not care about the observance ot tbe laws, and the maintenance of those constitutional principles.which form the bulwark of their rights and liberties if it is trne that the great Republican party is controlled by influences which "are ready to sacrifice the sanctity of the laws and the Constitution to party advantage, then, I say, it is high time that those who do care should rise up with a patriotic determination to defend the laws, and the Constitution, not only against arbitrary assumption, but also against equally dangerous indifference. [CONTINUED ON THIRD PAGE.] ,(T
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.''-4 -A ibji. Dealers in
a
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A A E E S E E
Between the two Railroads. -•,..- Terre Hante, IodUnik
just been received and placed on sale.
1
34^
•'$ '-At
r"ti'usK
,\ *U 'Ti.
GOODS.
ANOTHER STEP FORWARD!
"Xew Occasions Teach New Duties!"
THEORIES OF BUSINESS, ALIKE WITH THEORIES OF GOVERNMENT, MUST CHANGE WITH THE DEMANDS OF THE HOUR.
The Nineteenth Century is by Nature Revolutionary.
THE TOMBSTONES OF OUR FATHERS ARE NOT W HITE ENOUGH FOR THE DEAD OF 1872.
WE TAKE NO TIMID COUNSEL.
EXPANSION AND PROGRESS TIIE MOTTO.
We are Now Opening our Sixth Store at Grand Rapids, Mich.
And as this will increase our combined business about two hundred thousand dollars a year, we shall be able to buy and sell goods still cheaper this Spring than ever before. We are olten asked, do we intend ultimately to monopolize all tbe principal points of Indiana and Michigan. Our answer is always in the spirit that
AO MAN KNOW ETH HIS DESTINY."
In this young and growing country a firm that is true that the interests of the people, and breaks loose from the old damaging Western custom of "High Prices and Big Profits," and throwing itself upon the bosom of the loving^ earnest, wideawake people of the West, distributes its.merchandise fairly, honestly and cheaply we say any firm thus pushing forward, cannot tell where such a great mercantile reformation will carry it. Its members must only be true to every duty of the present, have faith in the times in which they live, and leave the rest to the development of a.people and a nation that cannot be matched the broad world over.
The More Stores we Hare the Cheaper we Can Buy and Sell Our Goods.
Large Arrivals of New Goods!
For the next sifcty days we shall be constantly anjl almost daily receiving large lots of new Spring Goods. As fast as they are put upon the market every novelty of the season will be at once bought by our New York partners and added to our stock here,
OUR SALES OF 1RESS GOODS EXORHOUS!
OCR STOCK THE MOST ATTRACTIVE IN TOWN!
PRETTIEST GOODS.
LARGEST ASSORTMENT.
All our best Merrimack, Sprague, Cocheco and other best makes of Prints, 10c a yard. Common Prints, 6c. Fast Colored Prints, 8c.
Immense stocks of Tickings, Denims, Striped Shirtings, Checks, Table Linens, Cassimeres, Balmoral and Boulevard Skirts, Fancy Goods, &c. Coats' Cotton, 5c. Clark's Cotton, same price. Dexter's Tidy Cotton, 5c a ball.
French woven Corsets, 50c. Good common Corsets, 25c.
VARDEN" Goods in Different Materials.
Elegant Display in Wool, Cloth, Paisley and Broche Shawls!
JK
O S E O E S
Great New York Dry Goods Store,
NORTH SIDE OF MAIN STREET, TERRE HAUTE, INP.
CARPETS.
HIGH-PRICED CARPET MEN,
TICKETS FOB SILT T.AI4E
We are bound to do the Carpet Trade. We can undersell you 20 per cent. We hare large capital and the very best credit. We are buying five pieces of carpets to your one. It costs us nothing to sell carpets. It costs you 20 per cent.
You stand no chance at all of competing with us. You must bow to the inevitable and give to us the lead.
During the past year and nine months we have bent our energies ehiefly to tli development of our Dry Goods business. Having put that beyond the reach of al competitors, we now turn our attention to the Carpet Trade, and we start out with th assertion that in a very short time we shall be soiling a larger amount of carpets than is sold by any retail firm in the
settles it. Everybody knows it will be done, and
State of Indiana. When we propose to do a thing tha
We do Propose to do the Carpet Trade!
Our Carpet Room is oven our Dry Goods Store, and so costs us nothing for rent It is twenty feet wide and one hundred feet long, and is crowded with a magnificent stock of goods. Thousands of yards and thousands of dollars worth of new CAR PETS, OIL CLOTHS, MATTINGS, &C., in elegant styles, for the Spring trade, hay
LOWEST PRICES! "-NEWEST STYLES! F• BEST ASSORTMENT
Lot of good yard-wide Carpet at 17c.Lot of better yard-wide Carpet at 20c, 25c and 28c. *:,f 5,000 yards of "very heavy yard-wide Carpets at 30c and 35c.
One lot of yard-wide Ingrain Carpets at 50c. All-wool Ingraips at 60c, 65c, 70c and 75c. 'n\ Finer qualities of all-wool Ingrains at 90c, $1.00 and 1.15.
Celebrated makes of "Extra-Super" Ingrains at 1.20, 1.25 and 1.30. sm^Best qualities of "Super-Extra Supers" at 1.25 and 1.30. $71 Imperial three-ply Tapestry Ingrains at 1.35.
Best English Brussels Carpets from 1.20 up. Heavy yard-wide Oil Cloth, 50c worth 65c. Mattings, Rugs, &c., at equally low rates. We warn the public against shoddy makes of Carpets, pushed off on customers as "Family Carpets", "Hand-loom" Carpets, Ac. "Hand-loom" Carpets are rag carpets. You could make a fine, smooth, pretty Ingrain or Brussels Carpet on a "hand-loom" about as easy as you could make a watch with a sledge hammer. "Hand-loom," whe
applied to any other kind than rag carpet, simply means SHODDY—a carpet to whic no manufacturer will put his name. If you wish only good "Power-loom Carpets
the lowest prices, buy them out of our New Stock. ',
ySr-t
O S E O E S I
1
JS ,iis .«,»• ... i.
GREAT N. Y. CITY DRY GOODS ASD CARPET STORK
Mjprlli Side Mala Street,
Terre
Hftlllfi InrtlaMB.
strsnrsss carps.
PEOFESSIOUAL.
STEPHEN J. YOUNfcf, M. 1). Office at No. 12 South Fifth St.,
Opposite St. Joseph's Catholic Church,
Gr
TERRE HAUTE, IND.
Prompt attention paid to all professional CRils, day or night. ftbln
JO All A U1KPKB,
Attorneys and Collecting Agents,
Terre Haute, Indiana.
Ba. Office, No. 66 Ohio Street, south side.
J. II. BLAKE,
ATTOB^EY AT LAW
Aud Notary Public.
Office, on Ohio Street, bet. Third & Fourth Terre Hante, Indiana.
HOTELS.
A O S E
Foot of Main Street, TERRE HAUTE, INDIANA.
Free Buss to and from all trains. J. M. DAVIS, proprietor.
TERRE HAUTE HOUSE
Cor. of Main and Seventh Streets,
TERRE HAUTE, IND.
E. P. HUSTOST, Manager, JACOB BTJTZ. GEO. C. BTJTZ.
NATIONAL HOUSE,
Corner of Sixth and Main Streets,
1ERRE-HAUTE, INDIANA, JACOB BTJTZ, Proprietor. This House has been thoroughly refurnished
LEATHER
JOHN H. O'BOYLE, Dealer in
Leather, Hides, Oil and Findings. NO. 178 MAIN STREET,
Terre Haute, Indiana.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
XGTbalSH
Ladies' & Gents' Fashionable
BOOTS
&
MADEShoe
SSEOSS,
to order. Shop at O'Boyle Bros. Hoot and Store, Main street, Terre llauto ndiana.
CHANGE.
A CHANGE!
O. F. FROBB
Successor to
W E I S S
aufid3m.
LIQUORS.
A. II'DOUALD,
Dealer in
Copper Distilled Whisky,
AND PURE WINES,
No. 9 fourth Street, bet. Main and Oliio Pure French Brandies for Medical pur poses.
PAINTING.
WM. S. MELTON,
PAINTER,
Cor. 6th, La Fayette and Locust sts., TERRE HAUTE, IND. THE OLD RELIABLE
BARK &YEAKLE
Honse and Sign Painters,
CORY'S &EW BUILDING,
Fifth Street, between Main and Ohio
GUNSMITH.
JOHN AKffiSTROiyu,
Gunsmith, Stencil Cutter,
Saw Filer and Locksmith, THIRD STREET, NORTH OF MAIN,
Terre Hante, Indiana.
CLOTHING-.
•J. EBLANGEB,
Wholesale and Retail Dealer in
MENS', YOUTHS' AND BOYS' CLOTHING, And Gents' Furnishing Goods,
:1
OPERA HOUSE, Terre Haute, Indiana.
GROCERIES.
ULI MAK & €OX,
WHOLESALE
Grocers and Liquor Dealers,
Cor* of Main and Fifth Sis., Terre Haute, Ind.
K. W. R1PPETOE,
Groceries and Provisions,
,^To. 155 Main Street,
Terre Hante, Indiana.
WEST & ALLEHf,
DEALERS IK
Groceries, Queens ware, Provision?,
AND
COUNTRY PRODUCE,
No. 75 Main /Street, bet. Eighth and Ninth Terre Hante, Indiana.
FEED STORE.
XAlBtSSAN, Dealer in Flour, Feed, Baled Hay, Corn Oats, and all kinds of seeds,
NORTH THIRD ST., NEAR MAIN TERRE HAUTE, IND.
FF,KT
deUvered in all parts of the city lree charge
ldBm
GAS FITTER.
A. BliiACO.,
GAS AO STEAM FITTER,
OHIO STREET,
Bet. Stb and 6th, iTerre Hante, Ind.