Terre Haute Daily Gazette, Volume 1, Number 105, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 30 September 1870 — Page 2

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FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1870.

Yieo

the

President Colfax's Speech Wigwam. We give below the important parts of Mr. Colfax's speceh at the Wigwam last evening. The audience assembled to hear him, was the largest that has met in the Wigwam during the canvass. He spoke witlr great fluency, and to the de"light of his audience. It will be seen, by a careful reading of the speech, that he spoke right to the point, and gave some heavy blows to the Democratic party, as well as a glorious vindication of the

Republican party. But few men are able to crowd so much in so short a space as Mr. Colfax, and but few men are more in sympathy with his audience when he speaks to them. It is no disparagement to other gentlemen who have spoken here, to say, that

110

speech delivered

during this canvass, gave better satisfaction than this effort of our ice Piesident. PLEDGES OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

Returning now to my subject, I say I come before you to-day to vindicate both the administration and the Congress from the attacks made upon them by their enemies, and to prove to you, by figures as well as argument, that they both deserve the confidence of the American people. Your own long continued friendship and partiality, for the past twenty years, renders it an unusual duty for me to address you in a canvass like this, without being at the same time a candidate for your suffrages, and, as it is well known to many of you that I intend that the present term shall close my connection with public life and public duties, I might perhaps have felt at liberty to avoid this labor. But it is to me a duty both of pleasure and of gratitude —a labor of love and justice—to give you the reasons for the faith I have so confidently expressed in the preceding sentence, and to prove to you that the confidence reposed by the majority of the people in 1868, in the election of a Republican President and a Republican Congress, has not been misplaced.

The pledges of tiie nation made by the Republicans in that contest, embodied in the platform, and the letters of accept

ance

of their nominees, can be summed up as follows 1. Equal civil and political rights to all under our national authoiity, whether native-born or naturalized, and the protection of the humblest and weakest us faithfully as the richest and most powerful. 2. The condemnation of all forms and plans of direct or indirect repudiation as a national crime and the maintenance untarnished, in the utmost good faith, of national honor, and national credit, as regards our debt, the cost of our national existence. 8. Taxation to be equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will per mit. 4. The debt, having been contracted for the preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption, reducing the rate of interest thereon as soon as it can be honestly done. 5. The Government to be administered according to the strictest economy, and "the corruptions so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson," to be radically reformed.

I was reading recently a speech of Senator Hendricks, in which he said that you ought not to hold the Democratic party responsible for Andrew Johnson that the Republican party elected ii IV Why, my distinguished friend, for he is mv "friend personally, though we differ politically, has forgotten when the Na tional Convention of 13'JS of the Democratic party assembled together, one of the things they put conspicuously in their platform was a staight out endorsement of the administration of Andrew Johnson, whom they had seduced from allegiance to tire party which elevated him to power and, besides that, they gave him in that convention sixty-five votes as the Democratic nominee for President, and he would have been nominated for President if he had only gotten votes enough but he "did not get enough. I think this is a pretty good Democratic record. If they were to endorse me thus, I should feel somewhat alarmed, and should ask what evil thing I had done that they thus praised me

G. The European doctrine of "once a subject always a subject" to be resisted at every hazard by the United States, as at war with our notional honor and independence. 7. The bounties and pensions provided by law for the soldiers and sailors who imperilled their lives for their country, and for the widows and orphans of the gallant dead, to be ever considered as sacred obligations. 8. Foreign emigration, adding so largely to" the wealth, development, recov\rces, and increase of power of thisrejfirtrfic, to be fostered by a policy which shall be just, as well as liberal. 9. Sympathy with all oppressed people throughout the world struggling for their rifrhts.* 10. Amnesty to all, however hostile in the past, "who frankly and honestly cooperate in restoring concord to the South on the basis of impartial justice and equal rights." 11. The great principles of the Declaration of Independence, as the foundation of truly Democratic Government, to be made a living reality on every inch of American soil. 12. "Let us have peace," because, in the language of General Grant, "peace, and universal prosperity, its sequence, with economy of administration, will lighten the burden of taxation, while it constantly reduces the national debt."

These were the pledges on which the support and confidence of the nation were asked. They were written on all our banners. They were proclaimed by all our speakers. They were elaborated by all our presses. It is a joyous duty forme to show you that they have been redeemed, more faithfully and literally than any pledges ever before made by any party in any caDvass.

HOW THEY ARE REDEEMED.

I shall group together, in one paragraph, a few brief allusions to several of the above points, as I desire to speak with more fulness on others. And I need, therefore, only say that the naturalization treaties with foreign nations, by the cordial vote of every Republican Senator of a largely Republican Senate (as well as their opponents) has settled forever and for the first time in our history absolutely settled it, that every foreigner naturalized in our courts is to be regarded as an American citizen, abroad as well as at home, and to be protected bv that citizenship while law abiding even in the land of his birth, in war or in peace—that our pension obligations have been more than fulfilled, the mode of paying them to the pensioner improved by more frequent payments than ever known in the history of our pension laws, by payments to them direct and at their homes, as never before, the Treasury bearing all the expense and by humane provisions for artificial limbs for crippled soldiers and sailors every five years, or the money commutation therefor, unknown as this lias been in all previous administrations %—and that the thousands of all parties, Who have been, by a two-thirds vote of a two-thirds Republican Congress, relieved from political disability on the basis above stated, is a sufficent voucher of

Congressional willingness to abolish these disabilities «as rapidly "as the spirit of disloyalty dies out."

DEMOCRATIC EXTRAVAGANCE VS. REPUBLICAN ECONOMY.

We are told by our political opponents that the Democratic party must be restored to power in order to have retrenchment and reform in every branch of the Governmeut, and to have justice and protection for all citizens. We have two illustrations of the results of Democratic rule,and its effects in achieving these desirable ends. Mr. Buchanan's administration, the last Democratic administration in our history is one, and New York City, with its immense Democratic majority, its undisguised corruptions, its flagrant expenditurdMps oppressive and increasing taxation, its numberless and unpunished murders and outrages, is the other illustration. In these two, behold the entertainmentto which our opponents invite us.

In the last Democratic administration, we have their model of national rule. Commencing with $17,000,000 in the Treasury, and, by the exhibit of July, 1857, a debt, not yet due, of but $27,000,000, yet by the next fiscal year this cash on hand had been spent, and the debt on July 1, 1S58, had been increased to $41,000,000. Another year passes by, and, on July 1, 1859, the debt (and all this increase was in time of peace), had swollen to $58,000,000. Another year increased it to $65,000,000, and when our last Democratic President surrendered the White House to his successor, he gave with it a debt of nearly $70,000,000 as a legacy, and a shattered* credit that had been paying at the rate of 12 per cent, interest per year for small loans to pay current expenses. The expenditures, too, of that administration, at gold rates, and before the enhancement of prices of supplies, labor, etc., caused by the war, were, during its four

years,

$82,000,000,

$83,000,000, $77,090,000 and SS5,000,000 respectively, ail average'of $82,000,000 per year. Deducting $14,000,000 as the average appropriation then for postal service (from $3.-500,000 to $6,000,000 of which were paid out of the Treasury, and the rest paid by postages), $2,750,000 per year as the average of interest on the public debt it created, and $1,000,000 yearly for pensions and expenses of. Pehsion Office and it leaves an average of over $64,000,000 in gold for the ordinary current expenses of administering a ..government for a population avefagihg, during his term, about 29,000,000 of people, or about two dollars and a quarter apiece in gold.

Let us now look at the appropriations for the service of the present fiscal year, exclusive of the interest on the national debt, made by a Republican Congress lor a Republican administration, and a population of over 40,000,000. They are as follows Legislative, Executive and Judicial $17,821,824 GO Cclicicucy 4,4^)f552 13 Consular and Diplomatic 1,1)48,847 00 Postoffl.«e HP. Army 29,320,36* 22 Forti'floalions 1,25)4,750 00

1 1 1

3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Indians i!,0(34,551 30 Sundry civil expenditures !3,: S3,!J7: 04 Supplemental delicsency, 1S71 l,9b9,!)o!i *o Miscellaneous items o,loo,16a lo

Total ....SI j7,851,131 04

Following the deductions I have made from Mr. Buchanan's Democratic expenses, we have first to take off the $30,000,000 for pensions, and the $422,000 expenses of Pension Office, a direct result off he war against the nation, which I need scarcely say, was not inaugurated by Republicans. Next the Post Office appropriation, which I deducted from the Democratic expenditures, but which as the department informed us recently, will be almost, if not entirely, reimbursed this .year by postages. No River and Harbor bill Was passed under Buchanan's administration, and, in any fair comparison, that, too, must bo deducted. The Internal Revenue system, was a necessity growing out of the war and its debt, and its total

appropriation,

inolu-

-printing of Trcaaury notes, is

$8,325,000. The Patent Office, until within a .year or so, paid its own expenses out of its receipts, without appropriation by Congress. Now as the constitution doubtless intended, its receipts go into the Treasury, and $500,000 were appropriated out of these receipts for the expenses, an item unknown under the old system. Saying nothing of the other deficiencies, to be found in the above l.st, in the six and a half millions, $385,000 were appropriated to pay up balances of reconstruction expenses, growing, of course, out of the war. For the present census $1,200,00J was appropriated by acts of April 20, and July 15, 1870. In Mr. Buchanan's last year, $1,000,000 was appropriated for this purpose, which helped to swell that year's aggregate to $85,000,000. As I have averaged all his expenditures amongst four years, making but $250,000 per year for the "census service of 1860, averaging the present census appropriations of General Grant's term, would make but $300,000 properly chargeable to each year, in the contrast between the two administrations. For the maintenance and improvement of our national Cemeteries, mainly in the South, where our dead soldiers are buried, $300,000 was appropriated by the law "of July 15, 1870, certainly a war item. The appropriations adjudged against the United States by international commissions—$475,000 to the Hudson's Bay Company in full for vastly larger claim pending since the Oregon treaty, and $57,000 to the foreign government of Peru in the Montauban case, are not items of "current, ordinary annual expenses,"' nor was General Grant responsible for either of them. Tlie three millions appropriated for Post Offices in New York and Boston, and the mint building at San Francisco, were forced on the country by the utter inadequacy of the present buildings, and are for perma nent structures, not to be annually renewed or paid for. And so also were the the $1,976,000 appropriated for new buildings, or improvements on those already built, for Custom House, Postal and Revenue offices at the State Capitals and larger cities, such as St. Louis, New Orleans Charleston, Mobile, Baltimore, Richmond, Savannah, and Petersburg, in the South and Chicago, Cairo. St. Paul, Portland, Des Moines, Springfield, Madison, Bangor and Omaha, in the North.

Deducting these items, as not properly included in the "current, ordinary, annual expenses of administering the Gov e.inment," but without deducting the millionsof deficiencies in the above list of appropriations, more properly chargeable to the last fiscal year than this, and there is left out eighty millionsof dollars for over forty millions of people,an average of but $2 each in paper, and at our present prices as compared with the $2 25 each in gold and at the low prices ruling before the war, which was the cost of our last Democratic administration. Other deductions jnight properly have been made, such as $200,000 for the coast survey of Alaska, $70,000 for the one and a half year's salary of the nine new Circuit Judges, rendered necessary, in the opin ion of all parties, by the vast increase of Supreme Court business $30,000 for the ship canal survey at Tehuantepec— $515,000 f(.r a legacy from the la=t administration of the Corlies claim *$100 000 expenses of the Secretary of the Treasury, defending suits relative to the seizure of abandoned property, cotton &c.—a million and quarter for strengthening our fortifications at the most important points—the increase in Indian appropriations from two or three millions to six, from the constantly increasing pressure of the settlements, and the absolute necessity of feeding the destitute, whose hunting grounds have been destroyed by railroads or emigration, and the many millions of increase in our army expenses, from the two thousand miles of frontier and greater population it has to protect, and the increase in the pay of the soldier since 1864 to $16 per month, with proportionate increase in the pay of the officers, due to the increased cost of living. I am glad, however, to stfite that the reduction in the

number of officers and soldiers now going on by law will reduce our army expenses some four millions after this year.

I have not made these latter deductions in the contrast I have drawn of the expenses of the two administrations, because I wished to include in that only the indisputable but adding these as could justly be done, to the others, it would reduce the national expenses properly chargeable to the present administration, to $1.75 each in paper,

COMPARATIVE SUMMARY.

When Mr. Dawes loft Washington last March to speak in New Hampshire, President Grant .said to him, "Tell the people of New Hampshire that, during my administration, there shall be no ascending scale of public expenditures, but wherever and whenever the closest scrutiny shall disclose the possibility of cut ting off a dollar it shall be done." Our President, though maligned by those opposed to you, and those who did not love him through the war, and do not love him yet, when elevated by a great people to the chief magistracy of the nation has redeemed that pledge to the letter Let the following figures of the govern ment expenses show how it has been done. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 18G8, (President Johnson's last full vear,) $367,000,000. For the year ending June 30, 1S69, (eight months Johnson and four months Grant), $321,000,000. For the year ending June 30, 1870, (all Grant's), $292,000,000. All these include interest on the Public Debt. Appropriations for the year ending June 30, 18 *"1, $158,000,000. Add interest on reduced debt, which last year was $128,000,000, but will not now reach $118,000,000 for the year. Total $270,000,000, or one hundred millions less than Johnson's last full year.

This retrenchment can be shown even more clearly by the following official figures from the Treasury Department: Total expenditures, not including interest for 18 months, lrom September 1, 18G7, to March 1, 1869 (Johnson's) $328,765,689 from March 1, 1869, to September 1, 1870, (Grant's) $245,912,629. Decrease of expenditures $82,853,060. During Johnson's last 18 months, he paid of interest on our debt $211,211,916. During Grant's first 18 months, he paid of interest $193,421,155. Reduction of interest, $17,800,561. Total decrease in 18 months $100,653,621.

THE NATIONAL DEBT.

Our uttermost good faith—to quote these striking words—was to be main tained all plans of repudiation, direct or indirect, to be frowned upon and the rate of iufcorosit to

our

about

$1.50 in gold, for our forty millions of people, as compared with the $2.25 each in gold, in far cheaper times of the last administration the Democratic party favored this nation with. I

doubt

whether

the people will rush to their arms this fall, or embrace their candidates, or seek to moor their ship of State in such a haven of Democratic reform.

I have not been able to obtain the aggregate amount of expenditures of the Democracy-ruled city of New York for a later fiscal year than 18G7. But, in that year, the cost of governing the one million of people in that city, including pay of officers, police, interest on debt, and State taxes, but without any army or navy, or pension list, or Indians (except the Tammany chiefs) to provide for, was $23,220,295, not quite twenty-four millions of dollars. I trust, if these chiefs are ever to obtain power, they will not expect to pay out, for governing forty millions ot people, at the same proportion^ it costs them to govern one million in New York City, which would aggregate nine hundred and sixty millions per year. But, without charging that they would, I submit that before they can expect the people to credit their pledges of retrenchment and reform, they should give us some specimens of its working in that overwhelming Democratic city of theirs.

bo reduced

whenever

it can be honestly brought about. These were our pledges as to the debt, and right nobly have they been redeemed. To every appeal for popularity's sake, to every proposition that was not marked by the niostscrupulous integrity, to all plans for compelling an exchange of securities by any one, to any device for saving money in any other way than through an honest, straightforward improvement of our credit by paying off our bonds at their market price, Republican Adminis tration and Congress responded, emphat ically, No. One act of national bad faith to a single national creditor would so-.ta)nt our credit that should foreign or domestic war again come, we would relathat it was not only a crime but a

costly one to the nation. To borrow mouey, to put armies quickly into the field, to maintain national existence, to repel invasion, spotless credit is priceless in its value, and we intend that the pa tional arm shall not be weakened by any impairing of that credit, by the slightest stain on our national faith.

PRESERVATION OF PEACE.

Nothing thrilled-and rejoiced*tlieheart of the country more than the last four words of General Grant's letter of acceptance, "Let us have peace." The nation longed for peace. It had realized, alas how sadly, what war meant—that warwas carnage and desolation, death and destruction, widowhood and orphanage, vast debt and heavy taxes—and itlongecl for peace—peace at home and peace abroad—peace throughout the South— though the old virus still manifests itself in too many localities—yet I rejoice that there is a marked improvement in that region generally, from 1868, then there were 190 unpunished murderers of Union men in Texas, and over 200 in Louisiana, and when the electoral votes of Louisiana and Georgia were carried for the Democracy by the most bold and shameless intimidation of both white and colored Republican voters. And the President has preserved us from entangling complications and antagonisms abroad. While frankly stating in his message his sympathy with the people of Cuba struggling for independence, he refused to step outside the limitations of international law by which we are restricted, and showed all foreign powers by our conduct what should have been theirs when this nation was embroiled in civil strife. Criticised severely as he was for this conduct, by those whose absence of ex ecutive responsibility gave them opportunity for expressing their sentiments more freely, yet the sober judgment of the people has long since thoroughly ap proved his course. A single step outside of what we have been insisting for years was the duty of neutrals in such struggle, if it had happened to embroil us with Spain or any other nation that would have hastened to become her ally against us, and more war, more bloodshed, more debt, more taxes, more derangement of business, higher premium on gold, and the checking of the work of national development, would have taught us then, if we did not know it before, that the course of the President was an "exceeding better way." So, too, when the great European war broke out the President issued his proclamation of neutrality. Not that we did not have our "sympathies" in this struggle as in the other. But there is a neutrality of action which difler from a neutrality of feeling. And •we could not forget that, when our national life vms in peril, there was a Napoleon who invited other nations to help him crush it out, while there was a William and a Bismark who expressed their hopes for our triumph, and a German people who, alone of all other nations in Europe, purchased our bonds, and joined with us in the risk as to their ultimate value.

THE DEMOCRATIC JIECOED.

But I have noticed recently, as a last card of our opponents, the preparation by their National Democratic Committee of sample cards of goods, with the amount of their cost in gold in European nations, under their cheap wages of labor, and their price here in currency, under

American wages of labor. It is hard to see what they expect to gain by this. If they mean that this disparity could be remedied by cheaper wages for labor here, it might explain why, when Senator Stewart, of Nevada, and other distinguished Republicans, sought to pass a bill at the last session prohibiting the importation, under contract, of servile labor, and strengthening the law passed by the Republican Congress of 1862, which was intended to prevent the coolie system of slavery in this country, prominent Democratic Senators talked against time day after day, condemning its details, and finding fault with its provisions, as not satisfactory to them, until at last the great pressure of the annual appropriation bills caused it to be postponed until the next session. I wiil not assume that their object was to seek to manufacture political capital for the canvass out of it but I do say that their unwillingness' to co-oper-ate in a reasonable bill that could have been passed, and their prolonged and antagonizing speeches, when time was so valuable, and in a body where no previous question existed to stop an inter minable debate, caused the postponement for the session of the bill I have re ferred to. As to the value to the country of adequately remunerated labor I have already spoken, and need not repeat the argument.

Whatever the object of this election device may be, I have one comprehensive answer to make to it. That for every dollar the nation has to pay for interest on the public debt, for every dollar of taxation, internal and external, over the ordinary and economical expenses of the Government, a Democratic Rebellion is responsible. I do not deny that there are, and were, many patriotic men in side the Democratic party. It is not my habit to arraign them, sweepingly and en masse, as their last National Demo cratic platform arraigned all of us guilty of "corruption and extravagance exceeding anything known in history," and "unparalleled oppression and tyranny and that if we won in that national contest they would "meet a subjugated ancl conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the constitution!" But no matter what good men may still remain in its ranks, I speak of the Democratic party, its organization, its inspiration, its leadership and its history. That is known of all men and can not be denied. Three points in illustration of its responsibility as a party, for the rebellion, and the pro longed conflict to suppress it, can never be argued away: 1. Every State which rebelled had a Democratic Governor. Every Executiv officer of the Confederacy was a Demo crat—its President, Vice-President, Sec retary of State, Secretary of the Navy Secretary of the Treasury and Postmas ter General, without an exception. Ev ery leading commander of its armies was

Democrat. Lee, Beauregard, Wade

Hampton, Stonewall Jackson, Pember ton, ex-Vice President Breckecridge, Sid ney Johnson, Hood, and all. Of only the Republican parly can it be said, that not a single one ever signed an ordinan of secession, or fired on our flag, or shot down its defenders 2. The administration in power, which could have crushed it in its inception, but did not, was Democratic. Its President, Buchanan, gave it aid and comfort by proclaiming in his message of December, 1860, that "the Constitution has not delegated to Congress, or any other department of the Government, the power to coerce a State into submission, which is attempting to withdraw or has naturally withdrawn from the Confederacy,"as he called the United States and that "the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it (the Union) by force." It was a Democratic Secretary of War who emptied the Northern arsenals of guns and tilled Southern arsenals with them, thus arming the South, and also disarming the North. It was a Democratic Secretary of the Navy who scattered our navy to the ends of the earth. It was a Democratic Secretary of the Treasury who stabbed our national credit in that dark hour, as he hoped, to its death. 3. Every man who in the North shouted "No coercion"—every one who predicted that the rebellion could not be suppressed, every one who deno'uiced all measures devised for its overthrow, every one who stigmatized the brave soldiers as Loncoln-hirelings, every one who demanded at the very crisis of the war an immediate cessation of hostilities and insisted that the war was a failure, as resolved on in the National Democratic platlorm of 1864, every one who branded the faithful Lincoln as a Nero or Caligula, was a Democrat in good and regular standing with' his party.

Nor can it be forgotten that when Jeff Davis denounced Congressional confiscation, whifl? the Confederacy were confiscatingUnion mens property, these were Democrats who echoed that denunciation when Jeff Davis indulged his wrathful expletives at the employment of colored soldiers to help put down his treason, these were Democrats who echoed his invective when Jeff Davis anathematized the Emancipation, these were Democrats who repeated his invectives. Thus, instead of a thoroughly united North, which could have crushed the conspiracy in a year, we had a divided North and for this prolonged war, with its terrible losses in blood and treasure, those who acted as I have stated were responsible.

For our iebt, therefore, and our taxes, they have a solemn responsibility, and cannot escape it. No show cards, no sophistries, can relieve them from it and while taxes remain, every stamp you put on a deed or a mortgage is a sticking plaster to reirund you of a Democratic rebellion—Democratic in its origin and officers—Democratic in all the aid and sympathy it received in the North—and sorrowed over, when it was crushed by our gallant armies, only by Democrats.

In fact, for thd last twenty years it has seemed impossible for this Democratic organization, as a party, to get on the right side of any issue, new or old. When border ruffians drove the people of Kansas from their polls, and by fraudulent votes elected a pro-slavery Legislature, and finally sought to impose a hateful constitution, establishing slavery there on a people who almost unanimously denounced the Democratic party, which championed this wickedness? When the Dred Scott decision, intended to make slavery national and all powerful, was proclaimed, they cordially endorsed it. All through the war, every measure to strengthen the nation's arm and »weaken the enemy's, whether confiscation or emancipation, or colored soldiers, etc., "was, in their opinion, all wrong or unconstitutional, and fit only to be denounced. When the war closed, and the question came up whether the insurgent States should be restored to the rule of the very men who had used their executive, legislative and judicial powers to organize the rebellion and to raise its armies, or whether every effort should be made, on the contrary, to organize them on a basis loyal to the Union, the Democratic party, instinctively insisted on the former. When "tax bills _and draft laws became a necessity to the preservation of the national existence, they warred upon, all their details as wicked and tyrannical.- When the interest on the natiohal debt could only be honestly lessened by showing the world that our national credit would be sacredly maintained at the highest point by all parties, their speakers and presses denounced those who had lent us money as if they were swindlers, and in every possible way sought to poison the public mind against them. When our afeenbacks, whose ultimate value they had formerly discredited, were rising in value toward gold, they clamored for issues of hundreds or thousands of millions more, to verify their unfulfilled proph[CONCLUDED ON THIRD PAGE.]

FOSTER BROTHERS.

fki

any kind until our stock arrives.

At rates that will enable us to

have

Li-

:ffg XT N O

Black Silk Yelvets and Furs

THEY ARE VERY CHEAP THIS YEAR.

The higli-priced stores have piles of these goods carried over from last year, that would he dear tit cost, and which are in great danger of being moth eaten.

BUY aBnbir HEW €}©01s.

We have just been notified by our senior partners, residing in New York, that they have just secured a very large stockt

E E S A S I S

SWEEP ASIDE ALL OPPOSITION!

Yast Quantities of Dress Goods Arriving!

OUE STOCK ALWAYS THE CHEAPEST!

Wc have extraordinary facilities for buying the most Stylish Fashionable Goods, because of the Senior members of our firm residing in lcw York. Every. Novelty of the Season is immediately Purchased, iand sent to us as soon as it appears in the market. We

"Grand Openings of New Goods"

Almost every day of the week. Our competitors, who visit Jfew Torlc only once in a season, and then jnst at its opening, when goods are always the highest, have to buy large quantities of all the same style and patterns, and are not, therefore, able, as wc are, to give to the public every new thing that appears as the season progresses.

We have no last Winter's Stock of Goods to work oil* at high FASHIOXABL.E and DESIRABLE. prices. Everything NEW, Avoid old stock, it is dear at any price, always the cheapest and best.

ELEOMT LOES! I OF DBE^ GOODS

Rich colors and fine qualities in London Cords, 30c. Yery elegant Dagmar Cloths, double width, 35c. Australian Crepe Cloths* worth 75c, for 4©c. French Poil dc Chevres, 25c, 30c and 35c—very cheap. Elegant lines of Alpacas, all colors, 33c, 25c, 30c and 35c. large assortment French Empress Cloths at the same prices we sell them for in our New York Stores.

Merinos at lower prices than they have been offered i^t ten years. Black and colored Silks, from $1 up. You can save 35 per cent by buying your Silks of us.

Big lot of heavy Fall Shawls, worth $5, for $3# Balmoral Skirts, just received, only 75c. ladies' and Gents' Underwear, at old prices. 'Good quality of Carpets, 30c—another lot of these Goods have arrived. ''. 'Good Unbleached Muslin, 6c and 7c a yard.

Best Unbleached Muslin made, 12 l-2c. High-priced stores charge 1G S-3c and 18c. 4+

Big lot of Prints, 6c, 7c and 8c. sHeavy Jeans, 30c. Tickings, Demings, Hickories, Table Linens and Cassiniercs, very low.

Good Wool Blankets, $2 a pair. All Wool Red Flannel, 20c, worth 30c. Dayton Carpet Wrap reduced t^SSc a pound.

O S E

I- S*Vvi 3

Li *,Ji

Buy not a dollars' worth of Winter GoodM until you hare i" f' .•*- Examined our Prices.

Buy new goods, for they arc

[NEW l'ORK CITY STORE, Opera

124 MAO ST., TERRE HAUTE, BD.

rnjm*

286 BLEECKEK ST., KEW YORK CITY. .. ,r

O E S

167 EIGHTH AVEHTUE, NEW TOBK CITY.

House Block,

y,, .if/-" -I ..W jw- V'1 •j *. dfe

j, -nv it mJ»i

-V--' r-K-J

94 COLUMBIA ST., FORT WAYtfE, OD.

WESTERN LANDS.

Homestead and Pre-emption.

Istatement,plainlyaprinted

HAVE compiled full, concise and complete for the information of persons, intending to take up a Homestead or Pre-Emption in this poetry of the "West, tin bracing Iowa, Dakota, and Nebraska and ofhei W sections. It explains how to proceed to secure 160 acres of Rich Farming Land for Nothing, six months before you leave your home, in the most healthful climate* in short it contains just such instiuctions as are needed by those intending to make allome and Fort imp in flip Free Lands of the West. I will send one ol these printed Guides to any person for 25 cents. The information alone, which, it gives is worth 85 to anybody. Men who came here two and three years ago, and took a farm, are to-day ir.« dependent.

To YOUNG MEN.

This country is being crossed with numerous Railroads from every direction to Sioux City, Iowa. Six Railroads will be made to this city within one year. One is already in operation connecting us with Chicago and the U. P. Rail, road and two more will be completed before spring, connecting us with Dubuque and Mc« Gregor, direct. Three more will be completed within a year, connecting us direct with St Paul, Minn., Yankton, Dakota, and Columbus Nebraska, on the U. P. Railroad. The Missour River gives us the

Mountain Trade. Tr us it wil

be seen that no section of country offers such unprecedented advantages for business, specu« lation and making a fortune, for the country if being populated, and towns and cities are beinfc built, and fortunes made almost beyond belief. Every man who takes a homestead now will have a railroad market at his own door, And any enterprising young man with a small capital can establish himself in a permanent paying business, if he selects the right location and right branch of trade. Eighteen years residenc* in the western country, and a large portion of the time employed as a Mercantile Agent in thi* country, has made me familiar with all th« branches of business and the best locations in this country. For one dollar remitted to me I will give truthful and definite answers to all questions on this subject desired by such persons. Tell them the best place to locate, and what business is overcrowded and what branch is neglected. Address,

DANIEL SCOTT,

S. C. Commissioner of Emigration,

7dly Box 1K5, Sioux CITY, Iowa

REFRIGERATOR

DON'T WASTE MONEY On a poorly made, IMPERFECT, UNVENTILATFD ICE CHEST

OF FOREIGN MAKE,

When, for the same, or less price, you can pro cure one of

JOSEPH W. WAYKE'S

Celebrrted Patent Self-Ventilating

AMERICAN REFRIGERATORS,

WHICH

are the only ones that have stooc the test of time,several thousand of then having gone into successful use during the past seven years, while the various other patents that have, from time to time, been introduced in competition with them, have invariablj failed. The largest, most varied, and best as sortment in the West, at the salesroom ot

Joseph TV. Wayne,

Manufacturer of

Patent .Refrigerators, Improved Beer an« Ale Coolers, and Ice Chests Of all kinds,

SSi WEST FIFTH ST., ld(im CINICNNAT.

BELTING.

JOSIAH GATES & SOUS,

Manufacturers or

Oak Tanned Leather Belting Hose.

Lacc Leather of Superior Quality, and dealers^in all kinds ot

MANUFACTURERS'

Fire Department Supplies,

pros. 4 & 6 DUTTON STREET,

ldGm Lowell, Massachusetts

RUBBER GOODS.

INDIA RUBBER GOODS.

MACHINE BELTING, ENGINE AND HYDRANT HOSE, Steam Packing, Boots and Shoes, Clothing, Carriage and Nursery Cloths, Druggists' Goods, Combs, Syringes, Breast Pumps, Nipples, Stationery Articles, Elastic Bands, Pen and Pencil Cases, Rulers, Inks, &c. Piano Covers, Door Mats, Balls and Toys, and every other article made of India Rubber.

All kinds of goods made to order for mechanical and manufactured purposes. All goods sold at manufacturing prices.

BART & HICKCOX,

Agents lor all the Principal Manufacturers, ld6m 49 West Fourth st:, Cincinnati

DISTILLERS.

WALSH, BROOKS & KELLOGG,

Successors to

SAMUEL M. MURPHY & CO., CINCINNATI ?".} DISTILLERY, OFFICE A STORES, S. W. cor. Kilgour and and. 19 West Second

East Pearl sts. Distl

street.

lers ot

Cologne Spirits, Alcohol & Domestic Liquors and dealers in

Pure Bourbon and Rye Whiskies. ldtini

LOCKS.

CORNELIUS, WALSH & SON,

Manufacturers and dealers in

CABINET & TRUNK LOCKS,

TRAVELING BAG FRAMES & TRUNK HARDWARE, Hamilton street, Corner Railroad Avenue, Idly NEWARK, N..

BRASS worn & EDWARDS,

BRUtf

v.'

Manufacturers of

PLUMBERS' BRASS WORK

Of every description, and superior

CAST ALE PUMPS A

And dealer in

PLUMBERS' MATERIALS,

B®"Corporations and Gas Companies supplied Idly NEWARK, N. J.

BELTING.

CBAFTON & KNIGHT,

Manufacturers of

Best Oak Tanned Stretched Leather Belts.

Also, Page18 Patent Lacing, 37 Front st., Harding's Block Idy Worcester, Mass,

WRENCHES.

A. G. COES CO.,

(Successors to L. fc A. G. Coes,)

W O E S E A S S

Manufacturers of the Genuine

«?OES SCREW WRENCHES* With A. G. Coes' Patent Lock Fender. Established in.

S39

VARNISHES.

ESTABLISHED, 1836.

JOHN I. FITZGERALD,

(Late D. Price & Fitz-Gerald,) '-ri'T Manufacturers of IMPROVED COPAL TARNISHES,

Idly- »,).• HJSVVABKI TSfJ