Terre Haute Daily Gazette, Volume 1, Number 41, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 19 July 1870 — Page 2

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TUESDAY, JULY 19, 1S70.

HUGHES vs. THE GAZETTE. A few days ago the Sheriff of Vigo county served upon the owners of this paper the following summons

THE STATE OF INDIANA To THE SHERIFF OF VIOO COUNTY: You are commanded to

James

summons

N. Hudson, Christopher

Robert

Brown and

Hughes, it will be seen, was on the scent lively—had an interview with his intended victim—sounded him and found that Carpenter was for tho amendment, and that it would not be safe to approach hisn with a bribe. To make a virtue of necessity, Hughes then told Carpenter how ho had been approached, and asked him to oxposo it. Carpenter laughed in Hughes' face and left him. How the distinguished ex- Judge of the Court of Claims construed that "laugh," we are not informed. At any rate we would he delighted to have I Senator Carpenter's version of that inter view.

This, in a nutshell, means that Hughes was to have $5,000 if ho could securo Carpenter's vote against the Bingham amendment. Ho accepted tho proposition—saw C.—was repulsed by the Senator, and, we expect, lost tho §5,000. Porter was the middle man between Avery and Hughes and had the Judgo succeeded in securing Carpenter's vote, the money would, of course, liavo been divided between them What he was to bribe Carpentor with is not quite clear, hut we suppose tho other !$a,000 of the §10,000, which Avery was willing to give.

Honest laboring men, who bear the bur hens of your Government from the most patriotic motives, what think you of the case above related? Did you know before that this was tho way the legislation of the National Government was procured? Did you know that Senators were bought in vho market, just as Judge Hughes intended to buy Senator Carpenter? Did you know thai Washington was filled brim full of just such rings as the one exposed by this report, and that tho great mass of the legislation of Congress is eflected and procured in this way If you have not yet lound it out, it is because tho papers vou patronize and read do not give you an" insight into the corruption ancl bribery which is controlling all the great interests of the country, and which is now master of tho situation at Washington.

Whereby the plaintiff is damaged to the amount of ten thousand dollars, for which amount he demands judgment and for other proper relief. [Signed,] J. P. BAIRP, Atty.for

Mollis

M. Rose to appear in the Circuit Court ol Vigo County, on the

first

term thereof, to

Hughes,

day of the next

answer

the complaint of

and of this summons make

due return. Witness, the Clerk, and the Seal of the Court, this 4th day of June, 1870.

MARTIN IIOI.UXGKR, Clerk.

JXO. P. BAIRD, P. P. I hereby certify this to be a true copy of the original summons, in my possession this 2d day of July, 1870.

W. H. STF.WART, Sheriff.

This summons is based upon the following complaint, now on file in the office of the Clerk of the Vigo Circuit Court:

[Endorsement.]

No. 31G2

VIGO CIRCUIT COUP, r,

September term, 1870. James Hughes vs.

Robert X. Hudson, Christopher Brown, Louis M. Rose. Complaint.

Filed Juno 4th, 1870. MARTIN HOLLINOKR, Clerk. The Clerk will issue process herein immediately.

J. P. BAIRD,'P//T'.S Attorney.

COUNTY S'cl I* CIRCUIT COURT, IGO VWUXIA. *, I

September Term, 1870!

James Hughes complains of Robert N. Hudson, Christopher Brown and Louis M. Rose, and says that the defendant on the 28th day of May, 1870, published in a newspaper called the "Terre Hauto Saturday Evening Gazette," of and concerning tho said plaintiff a certain false, malicious, scandalous and defamatory libel, in certain parts of which libel there were and is contained among other things the following false, scandalous, malicious and defamatory matter of and concerning the plaintiff, that is to say: "CORRUPTION AT .WASHINGTON."

In order that our readers may have a more distinct idea how tho votes of their Representatives at Washington are bought and sold, and how "rings" are formed and how they work, we submit a few extracts from the report of the Senate Judiciary Committee, made on the 19th inst. It will ho recollected that Senator Trumbull stands at the head of the Committee, ono of the most incorruptible, and one of the ablest men in that body."

According to the evidence before the Committee, tho triggers were set, and they Avere pulled as follows: "James Hughes, formerly a Judge of the Court of Claims, and ex-Member of Congress from Indiana, testified that on tho evening of Monday, March 21st, while engaged in conversation with two gentlemen, Lewis Porter, Assistant Postmaster of Washington City, asked to have some privato conversation with him in an adjoining room. Tho door being closed, Porter said ho wanted to talk business, and asked Hughes if ho could control the vote of Senator Carpenter. Ho told him that ho did not think he could, but had no doubt he could ascertain how Carpenter was going to vote upon any question of importance. Porter then said that ten thousand dollars in railroad bonds, indorsed by the State of Georgia or Governor of Georgia, could be put up to securo Carpenter's vote against the Bincham amendment. Hughes told him that he could not approach Senator Carpenter with any such proposition, but ho had no doubt he could ascertain how ho would vote. "An engagement was then made to meet each other at tho Capitol tho next day, Porter having stated that his bonds were not in tho city, that a man would leave for New York noxt evening, who could get them and bring them. The persons present when Porter called, wore Joshua Hill, of Georgia, and a friend.

Next morning he saw Carpenter at tho Capitol, who told him that ho was for tho Bingham amendment and against tho bill. Ho then told Carpenter of the proposition made to him and asked him to expose it. j\lr. Carpenter laughed, and replied that he had done nothing in the matter, and did not propone to that in the present state of public feeling he did not desire the notoriety of having it known that any person had held him so cheap as even to suppose that he could he bought. Hughes communicated to Porter tho sido of the question Carpenter would take, and there the matter dropped between them, until the evening when tho subpoena was served, when Porter came to his houso again, and wanted to know whether ho was bound to tell tho conversation that occurred between them. Hughes advised him to tell all the circumstances, as ho intended to himself."

riff.

And this complaint is based upon the following- editorial article, which appeared in the Saturday Evening Gazette," on the 2Sth day of May, 1870

CORRUPTION AT WASHINGTON. In order that our readers may have a more distinct idea how the votes of their representatives at Washington are bought and sold, and how "rings" are formed and how they work, we submit a few extracts from the report of the Senate Judiciary Committee, made on the 19th inst It will be recollected that Senator Trumbull stands at the head of this committee, one of the mo9t incorruptible, and one of the ablest men in that body.

The bill for the admission of the State of Georgia, as it passed the Senate, was characteristic of all the extreme measures of the extreme men of that body. When this bill went to the House, it added to it ^what is known as the Bingham amendment, making it more liberal in its provisions and guaranteeing to the people of

Georgia some of the rights of which the bill in its original form was robbing them. This bill, with the Bingham amendment attached, going back to the Senate, the effort of the extreme men from the State of Georgia—whose hired emissaries throng the lobbies at Washington—was to defeat

it.

Claims,

They organize

their ring pick out the men

who

When askod what Judge Hughes was to have a fee of five thousand dollars for, the witness stated that he was first to ascertain how Mr. Carpenter would vote, and then look over the question, ascertain the situation, and render such aid as he could to secure the defeat of the Bingham amendment. The witness expected to control the disjjosition of the £5,000 of the 810,000.

This, in a nutshell, means that Hughes was to have $5,000 if he could secure Senator Carpenter's vote against the Bingham amendment—he accepted the proposition—saw C.—was repulsed by the Senator, and, we expect, lost the $5,000. Porter was the middle man between Avery and Hughes, and had the Judge succeeded in securing Carpenter's vote, the money would, of course, have been divided between them. What he was to bribe Carpenter with is not quite clear, but we suppose the other $5,000 of the $10,000 which Avery was willing to give.

The next important witness was Col. Forney, editor of the Chronicle, a paper which seeks to be the organ of the Administration. Whether it is or not, we do not know, but if it has been so regarded, the President should at once disclaim it. This editor of two papers,, one in Philadelphia and the other at Washington, and an ex-Secretary of the IT. S. Senate, testifies as follows:

Ho could not tell tho exact amount paid him by Bullock sinco March 1 it might be §1,500 or it might be §3,000. The committee then asked him to furnish his books, showing the charges. He declined to do so, whereupon ho was ordered to produce his books. He departed and returned in an hour, asking leave to appear by council, which was declined, and he was again ordered to produce his books. After another hour's absence, he returned with a book containing the items charged to Bullock, amounting to §4,008.75, charged and paid since February 10, 1870, for pamphlets and publications in the paper. Tho publications were speeches and documents in regard to Georgia, ctiarged twen ty-five cents, and sometimes fifty cents a line, and for frequent extra editions ot the Chronicle, by five thousand at a time. One item was a supplement containing a speech of Senator Morton, and extracts from Southern Senators' speeches, making fourteen columns, for which the charge was $1,113, and $250 for five thousand extra copies of that day's paper, making $1,463. Forney had no knowledge of other printers' charges, but charged his own, and, as he thought, the usual prices. The articles did not appear as advertisements, but were really such, and were so charged.

Polkinhorn and Bailey, printers, testified to the usual prices for printin pamphlets in Washington:, which turne out to be about onc-fiftli or one-sixth of Forney's charges to Bollock.

How corrupt this man is,, is plainly apparent from his testimony- He sold the columns of his paper, and all of his own I .UeU?e

tliis

they

I have reasons to suppose can bebought, and commence their nefarious work. According to the evidence before the committee, the triggers were set, and they were pulled as follows "James Hughes, formerly a Judge of the Court of

and ex-member of Con

gress from Indiana, testified that on the evening of Monday, March 21, while engaged in conversation with two gentlemen, Lewis Porter, Assistant Postmaster of Washington City, asked to have some private conversation with him in an adjoining room. The door being closed, Por-

ter said he wanted to talk business, and asked Hughes if he could control the vote of Senator Carpenter. He told him that he did not think he could, but had no doubt ho could ascertain how Carpenter was going to vote upon any question of importance. Porter then said that ten thousand dollars in railroad bonds, indorsed by the State of Georgia, or Governor of Georgia, could be put up to secure Carpenter's vote against the Bingham amendment. Hughes told him that he could not approach Senator Carpenter with any such proposition, but he had no doubt he could ascertain how he would vote.

An engagement was then made to meet eacli other at tho Capitol the noxt day, Porter having stated that his bonds were not in the city, that a man would leave for Now York next evening, who could get them and bring them. The persons present when Porter called, were Joshua Hill, of Georgia, and a friend.

Next morning: he saw Carpenter at the Capitol, who told him that he was for the Bingham amendment, and against tho bill. He then told Carpenter of the proposition made to him, and asked him to expose it. Mr. Carpenter laughed, and replied that he had done nothing in the matter, and did not propose to that in the present state of public feeling he did not desire the notoriety of having it known that any person had held him so cheap as even to suppose that he could be bought. Hughes communicated to Porter the side of the question Carpenter would take, and there tho matter dropped between them, until the evening when the suoprcna was served, when Porter came to his house again, and wanted to know whether he was bound to tell the conversation that had occurred between them. Hughes advised him to tell all the circumstances, as he intended to himself."

Hughes, it will be seen, was on the scent lively—had an interview with liis intended victim—sounded him and found that Carpenter was for the amendment, and that it would not be safe to approach him with a bribe. To make a virtue of necessity, Hughes then told Carpenter how he had been approached, and asked him to expose it. Carpenter laughed in Hughes' face, and left him. How the distinguished ex-Judge of the Court of Claims, construed that "laugh," we are not informed. At any rate we would be delighted to have Senator Carpenter's version of that interview.

Lewis Porter, Assistant Postmaster at Washington, was next put on the stand, and testified as follows:

He stated that P. J. Avery, who was connected with railroads in Georgia, had spoken to him in regard to the subject of the Bingham amendment, and on one occasion, at his room in the pos office, remarked that it was worth ten thousand dollars to him (Avery) to have that amendment defeated. Avery took out a list of Senators, and lie and the witness went over it, to mark their different positions on tho question. Acting on his intimation, tho witness went to Judge Hughes, who had been his council in some matters, to see whether he could aid in defeating tho Bingham amendment. He went to Hughes, and he wanted him to ascertain how Senator Carpenter would vote on that question, and said to Judge Hughes that if he could render any aid in tho matter he could have same fees. Judge Hughes said that his relations with Senator Carpenter were very friendly, and he could ascertain how ho felt. He told Judgo Hughes, substantially, that ho could have about five thousand dollars if ho could render any aid. The witness felt authorized to make this offer from what Mr. Avery had said to him, and expected to get the money from Avery. The witness met Judge Hughes tho next day, .when Hughes told him that Carpenter would voio for the amendment, and there the thing dropped.

corrupt ring of Southern

yis s, who have for months, yea, years, been hanging Mound the halls of Congress, debauching

it3 membe and

misrepresenting the condition of Southern States, so that the

necessary legislation might be had, and their own wicked and ambitious personal designs accomplished. To all of these schemes Forney has lent all of his influence, and the corrupt, dirty, dog now admits, in order that there might be some little palliation for his rascality, that although the articles appeared in his paper as editorials, they were paid for as advertisements. Those publications, says this venerable scoundrel, were "speeches and documents in regard to Georgia," and for which he received twenty-five cents, and sometimes "fifty cents a line." We suppose when he finished a small lie about the condition of the State of Georgia, he received from this patriotic ring only twenty-five cents per line, but when he fabricated to his full ability, and sacri. ficed several hundred loyal citizens to the fury of the rebel element in that region, giving the names of all the murdered, and the time and place where the assas. sinations took place, then he demanded, and received fifty cents per line. It is now stated that the ring paid him $30,000 for the influence he thus exerted, and the lies he told.

The next witness is Governor Bullock. We believe he is the present Governor of Georgia, if this sovereign State has a Governor and is not still governed by the military power, for indeed, things change so fast, and States are organized and then disorganized so rapidly by Congressional interference, that we fail to keep the run of the matter. But at any rate, Governor B. testifies and says: "That he had used $14,500 in Washington, in March and April. He had paid $4,000 to the Chronicle office, $500 to the Globe office, for printing had advanced $1,400 to colored members of the Georgia Lcgisla ture, who came to Washington, and the rest he had used in his private affairs. It was his own private money. It had not been used to affect legislation. He never examined Forney's bills, but paid them as presented, without inquiry or question. Had made no agreement as to price, but sent to the Chronicle anything he wanted published." We suppose the $1,400 advanced by this incorruptible official to pay the expenses of the trip of the "colored members of the Georgia Legislature to Washington," was to operate on the philanthropic mind of Senator Sumner and others of his peculiar proclivities. They were let loose in the lobbies—told their tales of terrible oppression—eat good dinners at Willard's Hotel—drank wine at the Governor's expense—and did generally, all they could to defeat the Bingham amendment.

We will stop any further quotations from this report. We are already disgusted with the corruption which it discloses, and our desire that the action of this most corrupt Congress shall 'not be hid from the readers of the

A bill is now pending in the House of Representatives to give away, to a thieving company of land sharks, millions upon millions of acres of land, and our own Representative from this district, Hon. D. W. Voorliees, is found voting steadily for the measure. Protests of the people arc sent against this corrupt measure, and they are disregarded and laughed at. Thus the great public domain, which ought to be free to all who desire to make homes upon it—the rich bottom lands of the Far West, which belong to the people, and were intended by the "Almighty for tha people, and to make homes for a race of free and independent men, is endeavored to be legislated into the hands of, and controled by a set of corrupt shysters, who, to build up colossal fortunes for themselves, will sell this very land to the poor emigrant, and thus make merchandise out of that which, by every principle of right and justice, should be free to all who will cultivate and improve it.

Most such things continue and the people remain passive, while they are despoiled of their inherited rights

AVe shall make our defence to this suit when the proper time arrives, and it shall be such as will be entirely consistent with our own personal honor. We shall take care, too, that it shall be so made as not to place in jeopardy the independence of the press. Such transactions need ventilation, and perhaps it is well that this should be done before a jury of twelve competent men. At all events, having beenj without our own consent, so placed as to make it necessary that we should appeal to such a tribunal, we shall do so without any doubt as to the result.

Dogs and the Dog-Days.

The horrible disease that Homer speaks of in dogs, and Aristotle discredits in men, is more talked of at this season than any other. Whether more or less prevalent in hot weather, it is certain that, as the thermometer rises it is more widely discussed and although much of the talk consists in refutation of the "popular prejudice" that connects the frequent oc curreuce of liydraphobia with the dog days, there is room for a suspicion that the opponents of that theory did not believe in their own assertion, but are whistling, as boys do in grave-yards, to keep up their courage. The truth is that, let the statistics be what they may, the public have a greater dread of mad dogs in July and August than in any other months. It is also the fact that the greatest number of unequivocal cases of the disease declare themselves at these times of the year—that is during October and November—which lead to the inference that it was incurred at midsummer. Common belief often turns out to be right, while scientific arguments are not always infallible and it is quite probable that this is the case in regard to the season for hydrophobia. VU

JUDGE WILSON,

the

most un-

INTO NO

GAZETTE

creases daily. Honest laboring men, who bear the burdens of your Government from the most patriotic motives, what think you about the case above related? Did you know before, that this was the way the legislation of the National Government was procured Did you know that Senators were bought in the market, just as Judge Hughes intended to buy Senator Carpenter Did you know that Washington was filled brim full of just such rings as the one exposed by this report, and that the great mass of the legislation of Congress is effected and procured in this way? If you have not yet found it out, it is because the papers you patronize and read, do not give you an insight into the corruption and bribery which is controling* all the great interests of the country, and which is now master of the situation at Washington.

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AND A-—

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O N S

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