The Greencastle Democrat, Greencastle, Putnam County, 2 November 1895 — Page 7

ALL 16 BEAUTIFUL Ob. God! how beautiful U earth. In sunbeam or In shade; Her forests with their waving arch; Her flowers that gem tho glade; Her hillocks white with fleecy flocke; Her Helds with grain that glow; Her sparkling streamlets, deep and broad That through the valleys Sow; Her crested wavee that clasp the shore. And lilt their anthems loud; Her mountains, with their solemn brows, That woo tho yielding cloud. Oh. God! bow, beautiful Is life Tbat Thou dost lend us here; Bo cheered with hopes that lino the cloud, And Joys that gem the tear; With cradle hymns of mothers young. And trend of youthful feet. That scarce In their elastic bound Bow down the grass flowers sweet With brightness round the pilgrim's staff Who at the setting sun Beholds the gulden gate thrown wide, And all his work well done. Hut If this earth, which changes mar, This life, to deith that leads. Are made so beautiful by Him, From whom all good proceeds. How glorious must that region be Where all the pure and blest, From every fear and sorrow free, Attain unbroken rest —Mrs. L. H. Sigourney. In N. Y. Ledger.

THE TWO CAPTAINS.

BY TO.H HALL.

“To the kinfv.” “To my kinp.” The toasts, though slightly different, were uttered simultaneously and a sinal 1 Class of rare old port was emptied in honor of each. The scene was tho broad veranda of a South Carolina plantation, not fifteen miles from the famous city of Charleston; tho time was the early autumn of 1781; while the characters were a young' captain of his majesty’s artillery, a portion of which was guarding the city of Charleston, and a young woman in perhaps her twenty-second year. A famous beauty was this Miss I’hoebe Poindexter, and a most captivating picture she made, in the eyes of the captain of artillery, as she sat thrumming the keys of her harpsichord, after replacing the empty wine glass on the table near her. The latter was a handsome young man, apparently thirty years of age, with n perfect air of good breeding and evidently of some graces, for he had just finished a solo on the flute to the accompaniment of the young lady. “The fact is, Miss Phoebe, I hardly know what 1 should do with myself, were it not for the possibility of riding out here to spend an occasional afternoon with you—or should I say, both in gallantry and truth, every afternoon with you? The town is simply too dull for a soldier, now that Lord Cornwallis has taken the major part of our army with him in his chase after the reliol Greene.” “And what do you think, captain, are his chances of capturing Gen. Greene?” “Oh, the chances are perfect, my dear lady. Why, tjie rebels were absolutely routed, according to our dispatches, at the battle of Guilford Court House, and so badly demoralized that they ran from the field like sheep. Indeed there was no necessity for our pursuit. Greene is starving up there in the mountains of North Carolina and will surrender at discretion in the course of a week or two. His defeat and reduced circumstances will be the excuse, but the real reason will be liritish gold. You remember, of course, our success with their Gen. Arnold. Well, after a man’s ambition lias lieen killed, he will not light in any cause with neither food nor pay. And that is the dire extremity to which Greene lias been forced by the glorious success of his majesty’s arms. My Lord Cornwallis has turned north and in a month will havedefeated and captured that littleboy of a Frenchman, La Fayette. With their armies of tho south and of the center defeated, he will move next spring upon the only remaining armies of the rebels, that under the miscreant Washington. It will be a short campaign, a battle, a rout, a pursuit and then peace—and with pence will come its delightful handmaiden love. And then—then. Mistress Poindexter, I shall have the honor of claiming you for a bride, of selling out my commission and living the quiet life of an English country gentleman for, I hope, the rest of my life.” “A charming arrangement of events for yourself, my dear Capt. Webb! Hut I must say it appears to me as though Gen. Cornwallis’ movement into Virginia is more like a retreat than the advance of a victorious and conquering army. And as for Gen. Greene, they say that lie is not only harassing Gen. Cornwallis at every step of his northward movement, but has detached his cavalry and a portion of his riflemen to reconquer the Carol inns and Georgia.” “On what utter nonsense do these misguided colonists feed their despairing hopesi” answered the captain. “Why, it would be no more ridiculous for you to assure me that a detachment of Marion’s outlaws were here, surrounding this very house, and that 1 was in danger of becoming a prisoner to them, ns to—what was that?” Tho captain jumped hurriedly from ids sent and, grasping the railing of the veranda in front of him for support, looked anxiously up and down the road that ran in front of the old plantation. “It seemed to me like the winding of a horn," said the lady, calmly. “And, by my faith, I heard the galloping of horses ami a short command,” continued the captain, excitedly. “Inside, inside, captain, ns your value your liberty,” said the lady; “I saw a mounted man in uniform there in the bushes just now, and I know the uniform well,” “And the wearer?” “Yes, the wearer.” “Then it is a detachment of Marion’s outlaws indeed. Ha! I will be an agreeable prize for Capt. Pickens. An interesting meeting between two rivals it will be, indeed! I must bo saved,

madam, or your own loyalty will be pui in question.” “And, pray, what can I do?” asked the girl drawing herself up to her full height ami looking at the English oflicer with scornful and indignauteyrs. “You can tell them that there is no one concealed in your house. Ho will never dare to doubt your word.” “You would have me tell a lie to save you—me, the woman yo#pretended to love and wish to make your wife?" “It is a case of necessity—quick, they are approaching on both sides. They have been informed. It is a trick!” “Where will you hide?” asked the girl, with an insulting emphasis on the word “hide.” “You will tell them that no one is concealed in the house?” "I shall tell them nothing but the absolute truth—be quick.” “Then there is but one place where I will be safe,” answered the captaiu, “and there only if he be a gentleman.” Saying which, the captain darted up the stairs and entered Miss Poindexter’s own chamber. He had no more than closed the door when a lithe, athletic young officer in the partisan cavalry leaped over the railing of the veranda and stood, embarrassed and hat in hand, bowing before tho young mistress of the mansion. "Phoebe!” exclaimed the young soldier. ‘“Would it not be better to address me as your prisoner?” answered Miss Poindexter. “If I am not mistaken, you have surrounded my homo with armed soldiers and have come yourself on no gentle errand.” “Prisoner Phoebe?” answered the patriot captain. "I would never wish to hold you prisoner, save in the bonds of love. My presence hero needs an explanation and I will make it. I have received information that an English officer Is visiting you this afternoon. It is a matter of duty. I have been ordered far in advance of the returning troops of Marion and Sumter for the express purpose of catching some of the ofticers at the garrison at Charleston off their guard; and I expect to appear at the very gates of that city before I am done and let them knew that, far from being defeated, as they suppose, Gen. Greene’s army has driven their red coats from the Carolinas and is chasing Cornwallis himself to the sea.” “What a romnucel” laughed the young lady. “I wish I had time for romance,” said the officer; “there could be uo more delightful opportunity. Only when this war is over will I be able to ask you to reward a love that bus been faithful to you ever since we were children. But to duty. Are you harboring an English oflicer here?” "Why, of course I am,” she answered, laughingly. “This is no time for joking," said the captain. “If he is not here, lie cannot have been gone a very long time; and if you delay me he may yet get within the gates of Charleston.” “It seems to me that you are a trifle difficult to-day,” she replied. “Do you not believe me?” “Of course,” he said, lilting his lips nervously. “I shall have to search the house,” he continued. “0, we are quite used to it," she answered. lie ordered up ids men and began a systematic search of the mansion and surrounding buildings. He himself, however, stood immovably in front of the door that lie knew opened into her private apartments, and permitted no one to enter. The searcli was therefore useless. “Well,” said she, teasingly, “why do you not enter my own room?” “If he is an officer he should be a gentleman, and could not lie there,” answered tlie captain. “You have been fooling me, Phoebe, in order to give him a start. 1 do not blame you. lie was a guest, and you have hut observed the laws of hospitality, even though he is an enemy to our country. Farewell— remember always I shall come to you when this war is finished.” “Why not come before—to-night? You will not wish to camp nearer Charleston than this, I am sure. Grandmother, who is in town to-day, shopping, will be back by tea time, and you can tell us all the news.” “And may I tell you something else?” “Yes—without even waiting for the war to end. And I will tell you something, too.” The young patriot turned about for a moment—and for a kiss. Then springing into the saddle hesliouted the command: "To horse, the road to Charleston—gallop!” and was off. As soon ns he and ids men were well out of sight, the English artillery captain made his appearance. "I suppose,” he said, “that I am under obligations to you—and yet I thought your truthfulness would have been the ruination of me.” “And could you have admired or loved a woman who had deliberately lied?” “Well, that is rather an odd question. If you had told an untruth it would have been in a noble cause. All is fair in love and war, you know.” "Even hiding in a woman's apartment." “Oh, yes—when necessity compels it.” “Well, Capt. Webb,” said Miss Poindexter, slowly, “will you in your turn do me'a favor?” “With tho greatest pleasure, I am sure,” answered the gallant captain. “Will you please mount your horse and get safely back into yoiu own lines,” said Miss Poindexter, “nnd stay there.” “By Jove," said the captain tohimself, ns he turned away with flushed cheeks, “I never intended to marry her, but I’m blest if I don’t believe she'd make a wife that nnv man could lie proud of." —N. Y. Truth. —Weary Watkins—“The doctors say wa ought to cut more cereal food.” Hungry Higgins—“They is too mu Ah oi tho serial business about our stylo ol eatin’ already.”—Indianax»olis Journal.

PROTECTIONIST THREATS. renea New Bedford, Olneyvill© and How They WnaldlD^rlve Onr Woolsa *:: her ™ iUs wllich experienced a M»iiMf)i<'turrrA of Cheap Wool amt Work* diminution of activity under the Meer« of Good Wane*. Kinley bill. And it is a noteworthy The republican programme as de- fact that these increases in the wages fined at the convention in Springfield, of labor was frequently followed by a O., clearly indicates a purpose to re- diminished price to the consumer, store the duties on wool should the It has been shown that the reduction party be brought into power in 1S'.*«. In the price of cotton goods amounts to To soothe the woolen manufacturers about 11 per cent. It is not the purwhile thus threatening them in the pose, of this article to deal with such midst of a revival of prosperity they reductions as those in canned goods, are promised a restoration of the Me- tea, coffee, rice and similar articles. Kinley duties in woolen fabrics. At We wish rattier to emphasize the fact the same time they are told in face of that the decrease in the price of raw the official returns of trade that the materials, illustrated by the 35 per new tariff is flooding the American cent, reduction in the most necessary market with foreign woolens. grades of wool, has materially quickHow false is this assertion is seen by ened enterprise in those industries and a comparison of yearly imports. In lias given opportunity for liiglier wages

1892, the first full fiscal year under the and lower prices.

McKinley tariff, tlie visible imports of This may appear a paradox to exwoolen fabrics amounted in value to treme protectionists, but, no matter $35,505,879; in is;i3, to $38,048,515; in ; how their theories may blind them to 1894, to $19,439,372, and in 1895, to $30,- tlie fact, it is a fact that whatever

flew tho Kx-Prcmldent tttood When thm

Hifjrh Tariff Law Whh Panned.

1 lie friends of Benjamin Harrison, who, with doubtful lad, but witli very clear comprehension of public sentiment, are striving to clear him of any responsibility for the McKinley law have doubtless forgotten tlie ringing indorsement of that measure sent by him ns president to the Fifty-first congress at the opening oUts second ses-

sion in December, 1S90.

Tlie occasion was scarcely one for eulogy of McKinley ism. Proud of their achievement in reforming the tariff by increasing its burdens, the republicans in that house of representatives had gone cheerfully before tho people a month before seeking approval and reelection. The legislative triumphs of their career had been the enactment of the Sherman silver law and tlie McKinley tariff law. Tho vice of tlie for-

642,390. It is thus seen that in the first 1 temis to induce the largest possible I mc, l *' a< \ . n °j.j t t ' me ^ eea discov-

year of tlie new tariff the imports of

HARRISON AND M'KINLEYISM.

woolens are not as great as in the first year of McKinley ism. Under ttie McKinley tariff American consumers paid an average of nearly 100 per cent, duty at the custom house on their woolen clothing, and a corresponding tax on the consumption of domestic products. Under tlie new tariff tlie average duty on woolen imports is 50 per cent. It is the mere fahaticism of protection to imagine that the American people will ever consent to a restoration of the barbarous McKinley duties on their woolen clothing. Whilst the visible imports of woolens under tlie McKinley tariff were nearly as great as they are now large quantities of these goods were introduced by the smugglers tempted by large profits from evasion of the exorbitant rates of duty. So great was the demoralization caused by this contraband traffic that the woolen manufacturers employed agents to assist the custom house officials to detect the frauds in their trade. Under the new tariff tho temptation and opportunity for these frauds on the woolen manufacturers are greatly reduced. For tlie first time in the industrial history of the United States the American woolen manufacturers are on equal footing with their European rivals. As proof of the promptness with which they have seized the occasion offered them tlie total imports of raw wool last year amounted to 200,133,806 pounds, of which 191,320,243 pounds were free. These figures alone afford an eloquent refutation of the calamity howling pretenses that the American woolen manufactures are suffering under the new tariff. But in order to estimate the full significance of the above returns of trade a further analysis of them is necessary. Under the McKinley tariff the bulk of the imports of raw wool consisted of the low grades for making carpets. Under the policy of free wool the tables are already completely turned., The imports of free wool of the first anil second class for clothing exceeded in quantity the imports of carpet wool last year. While the value of imports of clothing wool was $15,277,777 tho value of imports of free carpet wool amounted to $8,718,447 in value. These figures tell tlie story of free wool in tho first year of its operation. The importations of foreign wool are much the greatest ever made, botli in quantity and quality. When given a free choice, the enterprising American manufacturers have promptly met European competitors on their own ground. Instead of confining themselves as formerly to tlie common grades of wool, they are importing and using in their looms tlie finest fleeces of Australia and Argentina. But let tlie republican threat of disturbing the industrial peace by restoration of the wool duties be carried out, and it will be followed by a disastrous reaction against the woolen manufactures. Importations of wool will be arrested; wages will be reduced, strikes will ensue, factories will be closed, large investments of capital will he lost, and the end will be widespread distress and demoralization in the trade. Intelligent manufacturers and workingmen in the woolen industries can hardly fail to recognize that their interests are closely bound up with the maintenance of the policy of free wool.— Philadelphia Press. BUSINESS PROSPERITY. (Sood Crops One C«uifte, the Wilson Hit I All-

ot her.

Tlie republican governor of Kansas, Mr. E. N. Morrill, telegraphed tlie World that there is “a genuine revival of business in Kansas,” but that it is “due to large crops rather than to the Wilson bill.” The World has never claimed that the Wilson bill is the sole cause of tlie increase in business this year as compared with conditions existing under the McKinley bill. It is quite true that the abundant crops of the west

the Wilson law are framed on this theory, and the evidence in hand shows that results are justifying it.—

N. Y. World.

AN "INDUSTRIAL CENSUS.’

production and distribution of n.unu- Pr ‘‘ a and il not ^ maa lss * , \‘ n factured goods tends to lower prices to ! cam P B, 1 >rn ; 1 hc m . erlt ,,f thu Mo ^ lnl , e y consumers, to increase profits to nianu- | ‘> f promoting prosperity by infacturers and to give labor higher creasing the burdens of taxation and of wages. The most important clauses of facilitating commercial intercourse

with foreign, nations by refusing to purchase their goods was the question before the electorate. Democrats confidently accepted the issue republicans

had raised.

The outcome of the general elections

,n 'Vr:,"? S , , ! 0 7v , .' rh, V •"“V'T !*.’ N,,t of November, 1890, is well rememThe American Economist has gone brred-obviously very fresh in the back to its old trick of manufacturing m,nd * ,,f tll f° P olit I iplan! * whoare m,w statistics tosuit the protection humbug free ex-President Harrison and publishes several columns „f from >vsponstl.ility for it Of the one figures which it claims as a fair state- hlmdrcd nnd «‘vvuty republican eonmerit of the number of men employed, pressmen who gathered to listen to the and wages paid, under the McKinley P r ad,nff ° f , 1 K ‘ P r * sldents mpssa ^ and the Wilson tariff's. Long strings ^ighty-two had met defeat as a reward of doctored figures may impose on a them activity n increasing taxation few people who believe anything at the behest and for the profit of the which looks statistical, but the Econo- tanlMed out " f whom two mist’s frauds in this line on former oc- >T' lr r s carllc u r had fried easions make unnecessary a detailed the fat for the benefit of the republican exposure of its present fake census. P art - V ' Ihepcopie paid for the fat in Claiming to have received returns from taxation and vented their in450 employers of labor the Economist dignation upon republican candidates states that tlie replies show the num- at ^ I™ 118 ' , A republican majority in her of men now employed to he 3 per t , h ° hou8 °. had bop " coaverted lnt ,° “ cent, less than in 1892, and that the ^mocratic majority of one hundred rate of wages paid in the principal in- and ^'’ty-eight. W hen Heed, the czar dustries is 17 per cent, less than in T'Y' tl,C s P oab '' rs ro8tr J um to cal1 189** i ^ house to order lie j^Jized down upon One sample will show the nature of a , hpa , ,,f , faccs de8ti 1 ae<1 at th . e end of the statistics which have been widely that short session to disappear from con-

copied by the protectionist organs, as an evidence that wages were higher and work more abundant under MeKinleyism than at the present time. The returns for the great farming industry, employing millions of men, give the number of men employed as 16 in 1892, 13 in 1894 and 12 in 1895. And it is from such returns that the Economist figures out that there lias been a decline in the number of men

employed.

Another glowingexample of fraud is

grcssional life.

Into this cave of gloom President Harrison sent a trumpet blast of praise for tlie very measure which had caused the republican downfall. Under it, he declared, “wo shall secure a larger and more profitable participation in foreign trade than we have ever enjoyed and we shall recover a proportionate participation of the ocean carrying trade of tlie world.” How far these optimistic prophecies failed of realization is a matter of recent history. Continu-

as 75 in 1892, and only 20 in 1895. If the Economist’s returns were genuine, and not made in its own office, they would show that the number of laborers now at work is much larger than in tlie year when the great Carnegie strike against a reduction of wages failed because of the thousands of idle

] clared it worthy “the support of those I who believed tbat American legislation should conserve and defend American j trade and the wages of American work- | men,” and insisted that there was j “neither wisdom nor justice in the sugj gestion that the subject of tariff rej vision shall be again opened before this

law has had a fair trial.”

Clearly if President Harrison was indifferent to Hie progress of the tariff hill through congress, and only vaguely acquainted with its nature when lie assumed responsibility equal to that of hot li houses of congress by signing it, he was ready enough in December, 1890,

men ready to take tlie strikers' places. The statements in regard to wages are also pure inventions of the Protective league organ. The mere fact that its alleged returns from manufacturers show wages in tlie woolen and cotton goods industry to he 50 per

cent, lower than in 1802 “is enough to "'‘TT?.

, , to defend it with all the warmth of stamp the whole of Us figures as bare- , . , , • . • , , faced falsehoods. High tariff lying is " !" , l l '. s l 1 ’. 1 1111 V* ' Y . , , .. ■ . . Indeed, his zeal in its behalf went common enough, and the Economist is . , , , ,, , , , , i i , .. beyond mere dclense. lie looked out easily the chief offender, but when it : J ,■ , • , , i • . . . , , , , . upon a great nation which had just re-

next prepares a hatch of home-made ‘

statistics it should be careful not to make such glaring blunders as cutting down wages one-half, in an industry in which practically all the mills have increased wages during the past year. B. W. IL

1 ren Wool.

The wool market is keeping pace with tlie cotton and iron markets in activity. The sales for one week recently at the leading wool centers of the United States aggregated nearly 15,000,001) pounds. Boston is tlie principal market of the country and that city did the largest business in wool that week in its entire history. The buyers are manufacturers. Their mills are all running and they need more wool. They are buying, too, for the future. The demand for woolen goods is growing. The price of wool has advanced and manufacturers are thoroughly convinced that it is not going to decline for some time. In Boston alone about 20,000,900 pounds of wool have been taken by them within the last two weeks. Opponents of the Wilson tariff bill said that the wool business in the United States would be ruined if wool were placed on the free list. It has been there a year and the result has been increased. trade for growers and manufacturers and a cor-

and south are an important factor in

promoting the confidence which is the responding improvement in the trade

in woolen goods—St. Louis Uepublic.

On 1 hn I ookout.

“Your corn crop is good this year?” said Farmer Corntossel’s city relative.

“Fine.”

“A nd the tobacco crop is good?”

“First rate.”

"You ought to be happy, but yon

don’t look so.”

“Well, betivix’ you an’ me, I am

facturers, with significant reductions kinder incouragcd, but I’m tryin’ not in the price of finished products and ter let on too soon. I’m jes’ lookin’ with a resumption of business in mi- ev ery day fur one o’ these here calamtnerous mills and factories which sus- ity politicians ter come along an’ conpended operations under the McKinley yince me that good crops is li’ble ter kill. ’ I be the wust thing thet kin happen for The three leading industries of the the farmer ef we don’t vote his way.”

country arc the manufacture of wool- —Washington Star,

ens, cottons and iron The revival has Tll 0c( .. slaimll r Tell t»* Truth, been marked in all three of them and .. Th ,. consum ption of tin plate in tlie it lias been accompanied by an increase Unit< . 1 , St . ltes was never so largo as at of wages. On May 20 last tho great t)u> ent Bo says the highHomestead works gave a voluntary in- tariff Now Y ork Press. “The iron cr-aseot 10 per cent, in wages, which trade is exceedingly active and coke was soon followed by increases affect- worl{t , rs know that the demand for lug the wages of 7,000 Chicago iron thelp produet is enormous." This is workers, 7,000 at Joliet, 1,000 at Loba- the HV> e rl i on of the New York Tribune.

first essential of a business revival. It is not the less true, however, on this account, that the Wilson bill is to be judged by the general results which follow its passage. And in the first year of its passage, as the World showed recently in an exhaustive analysis, wages have begun to advance, the price of important articles of raw material has become cheaper to manu-

non, l’a., and 4,000 at Scranton, with

In spite of themselves these calamity

like increases in the wages of Ohio and wa ji ers are c .„mDelled to admit that inAlabama iron workers. dustry is prospering and that business In woolens and .lottoas increase* has vastly improve l under the Wilson

were reported from Fall Kiver, Law- tariff.

pudiated the law and its makers, lie knew, us every American must know, that in this democracy the people arc the source of the law-making power and their verdict is final and conclusive. But. in effect. President Harrison said to the republican congress: “Never mind the people. They do not know what they arc doing. They possess no intelligence equal to your worshipful body. Give no heed to their demand for repeal or amendment of the McKinley law. Pass on, rather, to the enactment of a federal election law, so that with the aid of United States judges and tlie regular army the defeat of republican candidates for congress may

henceforth he averted.

Indeed the profane sentiment regarding the public which a certain Vanderbilt once uttered the president then reechoed. “Misinformation regarding the terms of the act,” he insisted, “had been widely disseminated abroad and at home.” The simple, credulous people had been duped. They had not properly understood the merits of the reciprocity clause in the bill which, by taxing our people liiglier on the goods from foreign nations which taxed their people on goods imported from ours, made, the whole thing symmetrical and wholly beneficent. But lie cheerfully prophesied that all this dissatisfaction of the electorate would be “corrected by experience and that the evil auguries as to the results of the law eonfounded by the market reports, international trade balances and the general prosperity of our people.” Here, again, President Harrison was luckless in his prophecy. After two years’ experience the people who had already turned the McKinley congress out of office ejected with even more emphasis the man who signed the McKinley bill.—Chicago

Chronicle.

A cross-roads republican organ in Ohio oracularly avers that the improvement of business is due to the prospect of tlie triumphant election of William McKinley ns president in 1890; and we guess tiiat its claim is about as Dear right cs the vaunt of its republican contemporaries that the better time are the result of the election last year of a republican congress which will not meet until next December.— Lansing Journal. B. Harrison’s political shrewdness seems to be in a good state of pres ervation, whatever else may be said of him. He lias inspired a public sentiment that he does not wish to he held responsible in any way for the Melvin ley bill.—Chicago Tribune (Hep..)

PROSPERITY AND PRICES. rh« Drmorratic TsrifT Keilurx* the Cos* of NocMMtrle*. When the southern cotton crop and the western cereals now coming forward arc actually marketed the country has in prospect a season of great and substantial prosperity. It promises to extend not only to manufacturing regions where tlie activity in iron and the textiles is bringing in money, but to the agricultural uommunities whose trade does so much to increase the comfort of the residents of all the great cities. It is not to be expected that the Tribune should feel satisfied with such a situation, but it is useless for it to attempt to ignore the fact that our exports for eight months this year show a gain of eleven million three hundred and thirty thousand dollars. This is in spite of the home-market idea that wp ought not to try to trade with foreigners, but as it is bringing money into the country and helping to make a McKinley calamity campaign impossible the Tribune will have to take it into consideration. It will also have to take 'into consideration the proximity of the businesslike announcements in its advertising columns to the columns in which it gives its own unbusinesslike views of the tariff. As every one knows, the McKinley bill was drawn to increase taxes and decrease revenues. It made duties high to prevent importation. Having discovered that the annual revenue from the Wilson bill amounts to two dollars and thirty-six cents per capita, against only one dollar and ninety cents per capita under the higher duties of the McKinley bill, the Tribune makes the preposterous assertion that this increase is “drawn from the pockets of the people.” In the very next column, however, it advertises a variety of goods at Wilsonbill prices, and in doing so utterly refutes its claim that the increase in revenue is an increase in taxes. When under the McKinley law did it ever offer at seventy-three cents a yard such "body Brussels carpet with border" as it is now offering? When under republican tariff duties did it ever invite the public to buy a suit of cheviot for ten dollars as it is doing now? Instead of doing anything of the kind it contended that "a cheap coat makes a cheap man.” That was absurd but logical McKinleyism. and it will cither have to go back to it or refuse to take advertisements offering tho public low-tariff bargains at Wil-son-bill prices.—N. Y. World. STILL INCREASING. Exports ;»n<l Manufactures Growing Umlcf the Wilson Tariff. At the risk of infringing on their patience we must again ask: What have our high tariff friends to say now of tho effect of the Wilson bill on the manufacturing business of this country? Are they still of the opinion that American mills and factories will not bo able to meet European competition in their home territory? The new law has been in force about a year, and what is tho result? The cotton mills of New England and the south are all running. Tho weekly output of our iron furnaces has for a couple of months been larger than it was at any period utnlcr the McKinley bill. The flourmills of the country arc busier now than they ever were before. Our wood-working establishments are behind in their work and steel manufacturers have orders enough ahead to keep them busy for months. The same is true of our woolen mills, tobacco factories and manufacturing establishments generally. Trade has been stimulated and manufacturers are exceptionally busy in consequence. They have been able to meet European competition, not only in the United States, but in other countries as well, and even in Europe. Our exports of manufactures have been increasing steadily for several months. The only exception was In June. They were smaller that month than in May, but larger than in any other month of the year. They were larger, too, than in June. 1894. From a little over $12,000,000 in February—about the same as in the corresponding month of last year—they have increased steadily month by month, not counting May, when our foreign trade was so exceptionally heavy that increase in tlie succeeding month could not be looked for. The official report for August shows a gain that month of about $2.800,000 over the sales of our surplus manufacturers in the corresponding month of last year. As stated in that dispatch, our exports for the year to September 1 amounted to $129,440,804, as compared with $118,050,145 in the first eight months of 1894. If the same percentage of increase is kept up to the end of the year, the total for 1895 will foot up nearly $195,000,000, or $10,000,000 more than our exports of manufactures in the best fiscal year of the McKinley

period.

Our manufacturers certainly have no reason to complain of the results of democratic legislation on the tariff. They have been benefited and so have their customers and the country in general.—St. Louis Uepublic. COMMENTS OF THE PRESS. Mr. Harrison's own city having gone pell-mell for the democrats, another interview from Col. John C. New is now about due.—Louisville Courier-

Journal.

Democrats are coming out of the woods in droves with tlie advent of good times. There was a change of seven thousand votes in the democratio direction in two years in Indianapolis —St. Paul Globe. The McKinlcyites have finally stated the case as they understand it. They will demand in the republican platform of 1890 a general revision of the tariff, but no increase, except that the duty on wool shall bo restored. They will go into the campaign on a platform of higher prices for clothing, carpets and hats and caps. A platform and candidate running on tlie issue of higher prices for necessaries of life will not get far in tho campaign.— Chisago Chronicle.