The Greencastle Democrat, Greencastle, Putnam County, 12 October 1895 — Page 3

HER PICTURE. Let u<i paint her picturei • • • Take a patch o’ skies With cool shadows la ’era. an' you hare her eyes! Shadows where the sunshine tansies—but the blue, Ueautlful and beamin' — eloumln', streamin' through' Lei us paint her picture! • • • Take a midnight drear— Deep, an' black, an' startles, an’ you have her halrl Vet. there . light about It—something you can mark— Like an April shower twinklin' through the dark! When you slip the ribbons from the curls an' all. Down th cy come, n-tumblln' like a waterfall Thai's the time they dazzle—silky threads o' night Failin' all around her—shakln' out the light! Llpsl they're like a sunrise to the night o' curls! Rosy-red. that mingles with a gleam of pearls; An' two shiny dimples—playin' hide an' seek In among the (lowers bloomin' on her ehcekt Want to nalnt her picture? • • • Think o'all that's sweet— All that hearts caa heat for when love makes ’em beatl Then give Lovo the pencil, dipped In colors fair, With your heart, an’ lot him paint her picture thercl •—Frank U Stanton, In Atlanta Constitution.

A TRUE ENDEAVOR.

Itv I). 31. II. C.OODALE.

“I sha'n’t try any longer; it's no tlsc\" said Frank, passionately. Albert only screwed up his mouth in his characteristic fashion, as if ho were having' a struggle with himself not to speak too quickly; perhaps it was so. But after a little space of silence on the part of both boys, he looked keenly at Frank with those beautiful brown eyes of his and said said, quietly: “I never can had any chauce to atop trying.” Frank laughed, a forced laugh that Bounded as if it would bo rather easier to cry. “Well, I can; I’ve got a good chance now. ” Albert shook his head, close-cropped find brown. “’Twon’t work, Frank. Come along and have a game of ball; you’ll feel better to-morrow.” The two boys weut out together. They had been lingering iu the school library; but Frank Alcott was too much out of sorts for wholesome sport, and he started home in a mood half morose, half reckless. He was a moody boy, that cannot be denied. With less self will and more application he would easily have led his classj for ho was a boy of line natural abilities, the first to understand and the last to forget any new principle or important fact brought up in study. His mother was a widow, only too anxious for his real good; perhaps that anxiety did him harm by making too much of botli his faults and his virtues. She was too openly distressed when anything went wrong, and on these occasions Frank was very apt to go from bad to worse. Albert Hardy was the oldest of eight children, and, naturally, when ho was not in charge of one or several of his brothers or sisters, ho was left somewhat to himself. lie had, besides, an even, thoughtful disposition, slow to take or give ollense. Frank Alcott was high spirited and sometimes overbearing, and made few friends among boys. While everybody liked Albert, therefore, Frank was both feared and disliked, but between themselves there was the best possible understanding. Albert trudged home with his books over his shoulder, not caring for the ball game, since Frank wouldn’t play. “Poor fellow!” he said to himself, “I must contrive some way to help him out of these scrapes.” You see that the “scrape” was no unusual occurrence. Miss Atwater was the history teacher. She was a tall, dignified person, in gold glasses, with light hair neatly crimped and parted above a rather high, straight forehead. Exact and precise in all her ways, she liked exact statements and exact knowledge. Now Frank Alcott had a true lovo of the study of history; he had an unusual knowledge of the subject, too, for a boy of his ago, as he had read a considerable number of important historical works in the fine library left him by his father. But with vivid imagination and unusual power of generalizing, he cared more for the large effects than for detail. He grasped firmly the real connections in the story of the nations and loved to dwell upon the crowth and development of governments and institutions; but he was indifferent to the dates of battles, or of the birth and death of any prominent man. Miss Atwater did not see that this interest made him her most promising scholar; she found him lacking, too often, in the precise information which she required, and she did not hesitate to reprove him severely for iudolenee and carelessness. Nor was this all. lie had a habit of asking questions and bringing up subjects for discussion in class entirely outside the set lesson, though connected with it or naturally suggested by it. Miss Atwater detested these unexpected questions, which she was not. always prepared to answer, and condemned all discussion of principles as a “troublesome interruption." It happened, therefore, that although history was his favorite study, and ho was conscious of deeper and more thorough preparation than most members of the class, Frank was doing himself no credit in it, but, on the contrary, was repeatedly marked as having failed, and marked, as it appeared to him, most unjustly. There was irritation on both sides. As I have said, his temper was by no means perfect, and his vexation over some of the rulings of his toucher was quite too manifest. Perhaps nothing makes it harder to do right than feeling that you have done wrong and that the person whom you offended is making the very most of the offense. On the day in question Miss Atwater had repeated to the principal an Impudent remark of Frank which had

a tone of disrespect, and Mr Hates had given him, before the class, a stinging reproof. All this rankled deeply, and as he walked home Frank Alcott was as thoroughly miserable as a boy who is, at heart, anxious to do right, can well be. Like most villages. Hillsdale had its Christian Endeavor club. The young women, among whom Miss Atwater was almost an oracle, had planned a course of lectures, and one of the best was to come off that evening. The two boys usually went together, and Albert called punctually for Frank. He found him in a very gloomy humor, and it required a good deal of persuasion to get him out. Mrs. Alcott'sface, too, showed signs of tears. “I wouldn’t lie hired to worry over things night and day, as you and your mother do!” Albert exclaimed, as soon as they were out of doors. “’Tis beastly!” was the brief response. “I’ll tell you, Frank, Fve been puzzling over it all the afternoon myself. I say, let’s do our history together after this; you come home with me one day ana I'll go with you the next; we’ll take it the first thing after our grub. We’ll do it brown! I'll put you through on all the dates and ‘what next’ points, and you can enlighten me on general ideas. I tell you, we’ll beat the crowd." Frank hesitated—half from a nroud sensitiveness which made him quick to refuse any help, but at that moment Albert’s hand slipped through his arm affectionately; the scale tipped. “All right, Bert; begin to-morrow?" To be a boy is not to lack feeling, but often it is his greatest care to hide it. The lecture was a good one—on char actor building. The two boys were in an impressible condition and some of its sentences struck home. “Keep right with yourself, then no body can ruflle your temper.” And ho quoted from Marcus Aurelius; "Whatever anyone does or says, I must be good, just as if the gold or the emerald, or the purple were always saying this: Whatever anyone does or says, 1 must bo emerald and keep my color. ” Toward the close of the lecture a few terse but impressive sentences were addressed to those in charge of the younir. “Never wrong a young person by taking him on a lower plane than that of his own intention;” and again: "An independent view of life, or of any subject, is far more precious than mere information. Cherish it as a sacred possession.” What was it that roused in Miss Atwater a sudden sense of having fallen beneath her true standard? Was it that just then she caught sight of Frank Alcott, in an attitude of absorbed attention, with the two bright spots of red iu his cheeks that sometimes showed so vividly in class, that vivid color which she always regarded (too hastily) as a mark of "temper?” If she was somewhat rigid, she was a woman who strove to live in obedience to conscience. "Have l wronged that boy?” The question filled her with dismay. The audience poured out. The side walks were slippery with ice, and, as it happened, the two boys were just behind Miss Atwater, who walked on, rather gingerly, by herself. They all turned off the main street at the same corner. But a few steps further on she suddenly slipped, caught herself, hesitated for a moment, evidently in pain, and after a few halting steps, looked about for some resting place. “What is it. Miss Atwater?" said Albert, at her elbow. "It's a sprain—that’s all;” but her face was very pale; and the boys, halffrightened, yet brave and manly, one on each side, supported and almost carried her along to her own door, fortunately not far away. Once in her own armchair, she still held Frank's arm; she was not one to lose time when she saw her way "Wait a minute," she insisted. Then, after a few moments' struggle with the pain: "Frank, I think that lecture was meant for me. I haven't done you justice.” "I haven't done myself justice, Miss Atwater; I'm going to take a new start,” said Frank, bravely. And so ho did—not alone, for perhaps it was Albert who was the true endeavorcr. Albert was a bit of a philosopher “You can’t make people over; take ’em as they are,” was a favorite reflection with him. Miss Atwater was confined with her sprained ankle for three weeks. But it was a turning point with Frank Alcott. Not only his standing and influence in school, but his happiness at homo and his growth in selfrespect and personal weight as a power for good dated naturally from "the time when Miss Atwater sprained her ankle.”—N. Y. Independent.

Bon Butler's Wit. As a lawyer Hen Butler was always ready with a witticism, even at the ex pense of the presiding judge. Once he was retained ns counsel for the plaintiff in i) libel suit against a certain Boston newspaper, and during the cross questioning of the publisher, the general sought to bring out that the paper was not a strictly lirst-class sheet. To prove this he began reading advertisements of a somewhat shady character and asked the witness if he was acquainted with the person who inserted it. To each of these questions the opposing counsel would object, and, of course, be sustained by the court. Still, Hut•ler persisted in similar questions, his intention being to force the idea upon the jury. Finally the judge turned to the famous lawyer and said, sternly: "Mr. Butler, won't you please ask a proper question?” “That's precisely what I'm trying to do, your honor,” was the prompt reply. “Won’t your honor suggest one?”—Boston Budget. —Babbit fur. when used for hats, ii first carefully "plucked," that is, tht long haiis arc pulled out. Formerly this process was done by hand, now a machine accomplishes the same rr suit.

HE CONFESSED.

CANNOT TELL THE TRUTH.

HARRISONS POSiriON.

THE BANKRUPT COMM TTEE.

The Soules Tall from the Ryea of an Ardent Protectionist. A correspondent says that the latest republican to testify that free trade does not reduce wages, is prof, Robert Ellis Thompson, of the university of Pennsylvania. Prof. Thompson has the bad pre-eminence of being the foremost protectionist iu America who lays any claim to be considered an economist. For many years he has been railing against the advocates of free trade, and asserting that under a low tariff wages would be reduced. During the past summer he has been traveling through England, and, as is frequently the case with believers in the Chinese policy, his experiences abroad have opened his eyes. Not Wholly as yet, for in a series of letters to the Philadelphia American he paints a gloomy picture of Hritish industry, and predicts that England will soon go back to the vanished delusions of protection. He was grieved to find that the Englishmen only laughed at him when he tried to convince them that it would be wise for them to put a heavy tax on the food of 30,000,000 people, in order to raise the rents of less than 30,000 landlords. So he tries to show that free trade has not benefited British manufacturers, and as proof of his unfoundedassertioas says: "Nor have wages gone down with the cheapening of bread, much as the free traders desired that result. The trades unions have been too much for them, and hdve forced wages higher, even while commodities declined in price.” Here, then, is the testimony of a high tariff apostle, that instead of reducing wages, free trade has cheapened the bread of the English people, while wages have been increased. The statement that free traders wanted wages cut down is, of course, a gratuitous falsehood. Apart from this sneer Prof. Thompson's admission as to the effect of free trade on wages is good, sound doctrine. Tariff reformers have always claimed that lower duties on imports would cause a decline in the price of commodities and an advance in real wages. This is exactly what Prof. Thompson says has happened in England, anil it is what is now happening in America. It will be noticed that Prof. Thompson credits the trades unions with the advance in wages in England. But ho does not explain why the unions could not raise wages under protection, nor why trades unions in this country could not advance wages under MeKinleyism. The essential facts arc that under free trade the English workingmen get higher pay, and buy bread and commodities far cheaper than under protection.

BE NOT DECEIVED. A Protection Organ l.ets tlio Cat Out of

the Hag.

As a rule the protectionists are careful to avoid going into details as to the changes they would make in the tariff if the people were to restore the republican party to power in 189ii. Believing in the Chinese policy of trade exclusion they naturally prefei to adopt Chinese methods of warfare, and so are trying to scare the voters by beating on the high tariff tomtom and holding up a stuffed bogey of free trade. The New York Press, however, in an incautious moment lays down its platform, which it declares to he the restoration of protective duties on coal, lumber, salt, sugar, iron ore, pottery, woolens and wool. Some of these articles the Wilson tariff placed on the free list, and on others the duties were reduced to a revenue basis. The result has been to decrease the cost of coal, lumber, salt, pottery and woolen goods, while the price of wool has advanced several cents per pound since the Wilson tariff went into operation. The Press says its party proposes to restore the high taxes on coal, lumber, salt, iron ores, pottery, wool and woolens, and to impose protection duties on sugar. As the last protective duty on sugar was 88 per cent., it is probable that that is what the Press wants. But do the farmers, who know that when that duty was in force sugar cost 8 and 10 cents per pound, want the present revenue duty, under whicli sugar sells for 5 cents per pound, changed to 88 per cent.? Do they want to pay higher prices for their lumber, coal, salt, pottery and woolen goods in return for the doubtful benefit of a duty on wool? Do they want a restoration of McKinley ism, under which in 18113 and 1804 wool was lower than it is now? Do they want the McKinley panic, with its idle men unable to buy farm products at any price? If not, they should vote for low taxation and tariff reform.

■ Min .'•ft-iii* i«» ■.i i iif « omuiMMi iti uign

Tariff Writer*.

The future historian of the tariff contest in this country will wonder how seemingly respectable citizens could in the nineteenth century be induced to make a business of lying about the conditions of trade, merely to serve the partisan ends of apolitical party. That the high tariff organs | should publish only such facts as might be twisted into support of their theories is to he expected. But some latent sense of shame should at least | prevent their deliberate falsehoods, for which they do not even attempt to

offer proof.

In a recent issue of the Philadelphia Manufacturer that paper tries to make capital for protection out of the dej creased duties on woolens, and boldly i asserts: "The woolen mills have hardly any business to do.” As usual with protectionist papers, it carefully avoids giving any facts in support of its surj prising statement. The truth about the woolen industry since the Wilson tariff has beeu told so frequently in the daily press that the Manufacturer's assertion can , only he set down as a wilful fulse- | hood. From the testimony of impar* ; tial trade journals devoted to the textile industry the woolen industries of j this country are now in a more prosperous condition than for several years [ past. Hardly had the free wool clause ! of the new tariff taken effect than ! business began to improve, as most j conclusively shown by the numerous j wage advances in the woolen and worsted mills. The Reform club's list of wage advances two months ago gave the names of over forty such factories in which wages had been increased, with numtier of men affected and date of wage advance. Since that time all the woolen mills of Rhode Island have increased the wages of their employes, and in Philadelphia the workers in all the carpet mills havn won a strike for more pay. The American Wool and Cotton Reporter has given a record of thirty-eight new woolen mid worsted mills built during the past six months of this year, while many mills which had been idle during the year 1893 and first hilf of 1894, have within the past year started up again. In a late issue that paper, recognized ns a leading journal of the textile trades, says: "Our manufacturers are busy, many of them running overtime on orders, and prices realized on the whole show an advance over last year.” Without the testimony of woolen trade papers the falsity of the Manufacturer's assertion could hn readily seen; for mills which "have hardly any business to do” do not increase wages. Nor do capitalists build new mills in an industry which is almost prostrate. Now as ever the high tariff advocates are depending for support on deliberate lies about the results of the democratic tariff policy. B. W. 11.

ABOUT STRIKES.

licgimiiiiK to Hedge. Already the republican press isshowing its fears that the democratic good times will deprive tne calamity party of the support of those deluded voters who last year blamed the democrats for the two years of panic. The personal organ of the recent republican candidate for vice president begins the crawling process by saying: "It seems likely that republican majorities this year will ho smaller than in 1894.” There used to be no question of “seems likely.” It is certain that the republican majority this year will be greatly reduced or wiped out altogether. And the fearful protectionists are well aware that eaeli day of prosperity means more votes for the party of tariff reform. — Exchange.

Parmer* llenefltcd l»y Higher Wage*. The benefits of the unexampled increase in wages of at least 1,300,000 workers during the past year is by no means confined to the men and women receiving the higher wages. With increased facilities to buy, the workers in the cities and towns will everywhere consume more of the farmers’ products, thus increasing the markets for all kinds of agricultural produce. Idle men and women are not good customers, but with steady work and higher wages they will use much greater quantities of everything the farmer has to sell. So that in the long run better wages will benefit the farmer just as much us the workers.

A Protectionist Tries to Manufacture Some on a High Tariff Principle. With the undeniable facts of business prosperity and higher wages under the Wilson tariff the despairing New York Tribune resorts to the device of deliberate falsehoods about the condition of trade. Looking teartully through blue ruin glasses at the country’s industries, that paper whines that perhaps things are not so very prosperous after all, ami as proof of the sad state of affairs it refers to “the great strikes in woolen and carpet mills which have failed.” The Tribune does not give the names of the woolen and carpet mills where the groat strikes have failed. And for the very good reason that there were no such mills. ISinee the Wilson hill went in force there is not one single instance of a strike in any important woolen or carpet mill which lias fnild to win substantial concessions from employers. Many of the leading woolen mills voluntarily advanced wages from 5 to 95 per cent., a noticeable instance being the woolen and worsted factories of Rhode Island, which increased the wages of all their employes per cent, on August 1. In some parts of the country there have been strikes, hut they have practically all been successful. The great strike in the earpet industry of Philadelphia, where 8,01)0 operatives demanded higher wages, was won by the strikers, the last of the mills signing Die increased wage scale a short time ago. These facts were, of course, well known to tiie Tribune, hut it would not have suite 1 its partisan objects to have told the truth. Hut if that paper has any fair-minded readers they must be ashamed of its willful refusal to publish the truth when it hurts the republicans. B. W. U.

Foreign Murketw for Our Goods. Tlie absolute necessity for wider markets for our surplus manufactured goods is pointed out in a recent issue of the Engineering and Mining Journal, one of the leading trade papers of America. The Journal believes that the United States will ere long take an important part in supplying the world with the products of its mills and factories, as is now done with farm prodnets. Our great natural resources, labor-saving machinery and business enterprise count for more than ratesof wages in the cost of production, and in all these things this country has nothing to fear from its industrial rivals. Urging the increasing of our export trade the Journal says: “The extension of our foreign markets is of high importance to nearly every manufacturer in this country, for a foreign outlet, at even low prices, not only relieves the home market of the pressure of surplus stock anil thus helps to maintain profitable prices here, hut by increasing output it lessens the cost of what wc sell at home.”

Till" Preliminaries All Settled. Now that McKinley has recognized prosperity a- a belligerent we can go right on with our good fortune.—Nashville American.

He ITouM Select No One But Himself for President. John C. New, who was the righthand man of Ex-President Harrison in 1838, and is so yet for all that is known to the contrary, has been interviewed as to tlie position of his chief. Since his statements have not been contradicted by Gen. Harrison, or by any friend of his, it can lie taken for granted that they are “inspired." It seems, then, that tlie attitude of the ex-president is the conventional one of the priest who is called on to he a bishop, who does not want the cflice and dreads its responsibilities, but who accepts it in obedience to a solium sense of duty. Gen. Harrison is not a candidate, says Mr. New. “He will not enter into tlie struggle for a nomination which could not bring him any more honor, hut which would bring him more cares.” But if he should be called to active leadership by ths party "he will assume tlie duty as a trust from which his patriotism will r.ot allow him to shrink.” This is the language of an ancient Roman rathe: than a modern Indianian. Ifvax populi said: "General, you must exchange the peaceful seclusion of yoijr home for the laborious turmoil of the white house,” Mr. New says authoritatively he would pack up and go, and Mr. New is of the opinion that vox populi is going to do that very thing. He says the "unmistakable drift of public sentiment" is Harrison ward. But in order that that drift may not be checked and turned in another direction Mr. New announces that ‘‘ware lien. Harrison's advice solicited he .vould select neither Mr. McKinley nor Mr. Reed as the republican candidal,,' for president.” In other words, “public sentiment" is warned that if out of regard for Mr. lln.-rison’s preference for a private life he is not called on to be a candidate, it will not do to select cither of the two oth;r men who arc the leading aspirants for the nomination. While very unwilling to b • nominated, Gen. llarrisen explains that it would be unsafe to nominate anyone else, and his friends are working hard to prevent the commission of such a blunder. What Mr. New hail to saj’ on behalf of his chief could have been put in very few words. Gen. Harrison is anxious to be renominated and reelected. lie is a candidate for the iiomiuaion, and through his friends is workng hard to get it. Recognizing tlie fact that Messrs. Reed and McKinley are at this moment his most formidable com pet i tors he takes tlie trouble to poiut out what he considers their weak spots. One stands for a bill which cost the party two defeats and stands for nothing else. The other he alleges is responsible for the heavy appropriations of the Fifty-first con-

gress. •

As an old politician Mr. New ought to have known that it would have been better to say Gen. Harrison yearns exceedingly for the nomination and UK-aus to get it if he can rather than to print him as a Ciucinnatus at tlie plow with Ids head turned over his shoulder looking impatiently for tlie arrival of ths senators to inform him of his election and begging ids friends to hurry them up.—Chicago Tribune

(Rep.).

HE WANTS REVENGE. JLU-:i ionH for Harrison's Opposition to 31cK'nlcy aiul liocd. It was the billioa-dollar congress, of which Mr. lived of Maine was speaker, uud Mr. McKinley of Ohio was chairman of the ways and means committee, that passed the notorious high tariff measure known as the McKinley bill. Mr. Harrison was president of the United States, and it required his signature to make it a law. In the election following the McKinley bill, the democrats and low-tax men swept the country, notwithstanding that the manufacturers, who weie the only class benefited by the law, contributed large campaign sums for tlie success of the ldyh protection cause. The republican journals, commenting on the result of the election and the causes that led to it, universally admitted that the passage of the Me. Kinlcy bill was the chief cause for the republican disaster. Those few persons who held the confidence of 1’resiUent Harrison openly stated that Mr. Reed, as speaker of the house, had been warned by the president against the extravagant appropriations being made, and that Mr. McKinley, as chairman of the ways and means committee, had beeu advised by tlie president not to build the tariff duties too high. The president's advice and wishes were disregarded, and when the crushi ig rebuke of tlie people fell upon the administration and hurled it from power the friends of Gen. Harrison, if not the president himself, blamed Reed and McKinley for tiic misfortune to the party. Certain it is that from the election iu 139J uu to the present time Gen. Harrison lias had no love for either Reed or McKinley. Thereforo the .statement of Mr. New that were his (Harrison's) advice solicited he would select neither Mr. McKinley nor Mr. Reed as the republican candidate for president will cause no surprise in those circles where the facts, aoove noted are so well known. Nor will the announcement that Gen. Harrison is not a candidate for president cause any surprise among observant politicians. —Louisville Courier-Journal It is quite flattering to Boss Quay that there should bo a report that the chairman of the republican executive committee of Ohio waited upon him and asked him to express no prcsidcntul preference until after the November election in that state. It puts him in the light of president maker and boss almighty—a dictator for the whole republican party. It will be strange if Boss I’latldoe inotsoonei or later exhibit some jealousy of so allprevailing a boss.—bt. Louis HostDispatch. Democracy lias pulled the country out of the calamitous results of republican mismanagement and is now laying away money t> the credit of lb# people.—Seymour (Ind.) Democrat.

R<-iml>ll<-an I'at-Frjcr. Aro Hustling tot CumpalKn III ml,. The republican national committee continues to exploit its bankrupt condition before the people in offering to locale the next national convention of that party at tho city which will pay off the committee's debt in addition to the regular bonus and donations. In one of these scandalous announcements the committee's debt is said to be forty thousand dollars, which has been hanging over it since the campaign of 1893. This is the amount which Pittsburgh is invited to raise as the price of making a bid for tlie convention. A dispatch from that city in a republican paper says* “One of the conditions of the convention’s coming here, it is reported, is that the iron and steel manufacturers pay off the debt carried by the committee since the last campaign. It is said that forty thousand dollars will cover the amount owed.” This declaration is as disgraceful as it is candid. It has been usual with the republican committees to “fry the fat” out of tlie protected manufacturers for the payment of election expenses. They aro now to be “fried” to pay for a "dead horse"—to square up the debt which ■ I m < art ir, “Eet” < larkaon, ••Hill" Campbell, "Dick” Kerens, "Sain” Fessenden, "Mike” Do Young and their associates left outstanding at the close of the profligate and disastrous republican campaign of 1893. It must be understood that this contribution of forty thousand dollars is required to pay the old debt of tho committee. It is in addition to the usual munificent sum contributed to pay the expenses of tlie committee, tho convention and the favored individuals who enjoy the municipal hospitality of tlie place where the convention is located. The proposition is plain. Any city desiring to make a bid for the eon vention must agree to put up forty thousand dollars first, to pay the committee's debt. That is a condition precedent. The city making the most generous all around offer in addition to tills sum will get the convention. Tho Pittsburgh dispatch containing this scandal mentions the fact that Senator Quay is managing the transaction and extorting the contributions from die manufacturers. A party national committee is the permanent representative of the party. The republican national committee is financially bankrupt. However it may bo with that party, financially, the committee represents its moral and political bankruptcy. Whether tlie committee can induce any city to pay its old debts and restore it to a condition of solvency is questionable. But whether that shall be accomplished or not the republican party’s bankrupt condition in morals and polities is irretrievable.—Chicago Chronicle. NOTES AND COMMENTS. There is no doubt that the McKinley organs aro having hard times nowadays.—Boston Herald. One big cloud on McKinley’s prospects of the nomination is that formed by the smoke from the continually increasing number of industrial chimneys.—Philadelphia Times. There is food for meditation in the fact that all the republican leaders of Ohio who are of a practical turn of mind agree that McKinley's talk about the tariff is handicapping the party and should he stopped.—Detroit Free

Press.

The improvement in business has knocked tho spots out of McKinley’s boom, and the love feast of the blue and the gray at Atlanta has made it necessary for Calliope Foraker to rewrite his speech.—Springfield (11L) Register. The people of Ohio know James E. Campbell well enough to know that whatever he promises iu the name of tho democratic party lie will insist on its fulfillment at whatever cost to himself. He is clean, honest, capable, fearless anil true.—Toledo Bee. The worst features of the panic of 1893 were aggravated by a great party through its newspapers and public men, howling calamity for partisan effect from out end of the union to tho other, an occupation of which they are now pretty thoroughly ashamed.— Pittsburgh Post. The outflow of gold has been checked, the current receipts of the government are in excess of its, expenditures, there is not the slightest danger of the issuance of more bonds and the whole country is growing more prosperous every day. Democracy has puded the country out of the calamitous results of republican mismanagement and is now laying away money to tlie credit of the pei^le.— Detroit Free Press. Col. John C. New, of Indianapolis, says that Gen. Harrison is in no sense a candidate for the presidency, and that the story that ho has withdrawn in the interest of anyone is without foundation. He also said that if Gen. Harrison’s advice were solicited, he would select neither Mr. Reed nor Gov. McKinley as the republican standard-bearer. A later dispatch from Indianapolis says the ex-presi-dent's personal preference is Senator Allison of Iowa. — Louisville Courier* Journal. The fact that exports in manufactured goods have increased in value from $131,103,370 in tho *enr 1890 to $183,503,743 in tho year 1805 serves to disprove the oft-rep ated charge of high-protection advocates that tho new tariff schedule closed tlie markets of the world by transferring tho dei’ia::d of American products to other countries. The year 1803 was tho last full year of tlie McKinley law, and tho value of exports was only $153,033,118, a difference of but $0,930,743, while the following period of 1894, when t he U ilson law went into effect, the increase was $25,095,300 over 1893, and this year will be much better. Ameri-' can iron and steel, cotton, and woolen and leather fabrics are competitive forces in foreign markets now as never before in the history of the trade, and the claim is ba <cd on the plain liguro* of commerce.—Philadelphia Times.