The Greencastle Democrat, Greencastle, Putnam County, 22 September 1894 — Page 3

THOU AHT A LIGHT. 0 r.ove. thou nrt to Die a lL.’ht That s'ainbs upon my way. Ami ttuMes mo through iho lon^Kome HlstU Unto a sweeter day An ancrcl pure. O rxive. thou art; For when 1 see thy fuee 1 feel an Intlui nec on my heart Of sweet and heavenly grace No stained thought the soul can aoll. When thou, my Love, nrt near— No low desire, no word of guile, Nor passion Insincere. O stay with me and be my love. My light, my angel pure! And I to thee will falthfnl prove While earthly days endure. D. J. Donoha', in Spriuglield (Mass ) Republican.

A TIMELY SHOT.

A Boy’s Adventure in the Wilds of Africa.

The anxiety and distress of Ralph Campbell, a youthful master's mate from the survey tfun shipl’etrel, were beyond description when, on awakening 1 one morning in his quarters—an African hut on a bank of the Senegal river, tip which he had been sent a long distance on government business —he discovered that his little brother, Frank, was missing. Frank was a bright, clever boy of twelve, who had accompanied his brother from the ship, which was anchored outside the bar. lie was the captain’s nephew, and was a general pet a.td favorite aboard the vessel, where he had been receiving instructions to fit him for naval duties. Ralph, who now had all Ids cutter’s crew looking for the lost lad, worried much over the perils to which the little fellow might be exposed from venomous serpents and wild beasts. At length, while searching in the thick shrubbery on the river s bank, the youth reached a cove where, on the night before, he had "left a small canoe which he had bought of one of

the natives.

He had intended to use it for navigating some of the shallow creeks further up the river, as the cutter he had charge of was too deep and wide for that purpose. Startled to perceive that the canoe was missing, a suspicion of the trutli broke all at once upon his mind. He remembered having remarked to a sailor, in Frank’s hearing, that the little craft must be brought up and made fast to the latter the first thing in the morning. The boy, eager to please his brother, had probably risen ami gone, before any of the rest of the party were awake, to fetch the canoe, but if so, what had become of him? Ralph, shuddering, thought of the hideous crocodiles that infested this river, while he vainly scanned it for some sign of the lad. Then, having resolved not to wait for the return of his men, but to take the cutter and go off alone in search of his lost brother, he hurried back to the bank in front of the hut, alongside of which the boat lay. This boat was a light, swift oue, which could be easily sculled by an There was a small, loaded swivel

ready for use, fixed in the bow, but its weight would not interfere with the speed of the craft. The young ofticer was soon vigorously sculling the vessel on its way, going with the tide, as he thought that Frank would have been apt to take this course. Past lofty elevations covered with shrubbery and flowers glided the cutter, often shadowed by the farextending branches of huge baobab trees that formed broad green arches above it. It had rounded a peninsula full of bloom and foliage, when the watchful youth saw ahead of him an overturned, broken canoe. He soon reached it, and, by the peculiar carving on the bow, lie recognized it us the missing canoe. It had been partly crushed—most likely, he thought, by the teeth of a crocodile. In dismay, he pulled Frank's little cap from a jagged projection of the broken wood on which it was caught. The dreadful truth forced itself on his

mind.

The lad had been pursued by the monster that had destroyed the canoe. Had he already met his fate? The young officer tried to shake off his despondency—to hope, in spite of appearances, that his brother might, in some wa", have escaped and still be alive. lie looked toward the peninsula from which the canoe seemed to have drifted. This peninsula, consisting of two high, projecting banks composed of soft rock and earth, opposite each other, about fifteen feet apart, was roofed by the branches of slender trees that flourished in wild luxuriance on botli banks. The trunks of these trees slanted so that their boughs intermingled anil were so thickly interwoven with vines that they formed a dense canopy of leaves and blossoms over the open space beneath, which thus resembled a sort of long water cavern. Ralph directed the cutter to this cavern, and, looking through the green archway into the partial obscurity beyond, he beheld a sight well calculated to arouse apprehension. In the hack part of the cavern, lying in a shallow, among sandbanks that partially concealed it, was a large crocodile, with its head raised and thrown back and its horrible jaws wide open, while its eyes were strained, as if turned up toward some elevated

point.

Gazing in the same direction, Ralph was startled to see, about ten feet above those hideous jaws, the form of his little brother, lying, with pale face and closed eyes, on the narrow shelf of a rock. The rock was under the branches of slender trees, which rosj on each side of it from Iqw banks on the right and left, about two yards from the elevation. One of the overhanging branches, broken off, explained the boy’s situation. He had evidently climbed the tree to escape the crocodile, had crept out on the slender branch, it had given way

and he had fallen on (he rock, his head striking it with force enough to render him unconscious. There ho now lay, so perilously near the edge of the rock-shelf that the slightest movement on his part would cause him to roll off and fall into the jaws of the monster below. As he was probably but temporarily stunned, he was liable to move at any moment. It was, therefore, of the utmost importance, in order to insure his safety, that he should be speedily conveyed from his dangerous position. Ralph feared that a discharge of the swivel or of any firearm at the crocodile, would only bo attended with fatal results to Frank. The sandbanks might hinder the shot from striking the fierce reptile, while the shock would be pretty sure to dislodge the senseless lad from the shelf, and thus bring him down into the power of his voracious ene my. The youth lost no time in heading his boat toward the rock. But the cutter was some fathoms from it, when the keel caught in a submerged sandbank. Drawing his sword, Ralph sprang out, and quickly waded toward the rock. Slight ledges and protruding spurs on its front would enable him, he thought, to climb up to his brother; in fact, there was no other way of reaching him. The young officer held his sword ready for use, in case the crocodile, close to which he would be obliged to pass, should venture to attack him. Ralph, however, kept his eyes fastened upon the crocodile. The monster turned its head when he was near it and snapped at him. He’ avoided it by stepping sideways; then ho commenced to strike and thrust vigorously at its jaws with his sword. It retreated a few yards but broke his blade in two with its teeth as it twisted its body around. Thinking it would leave him, Ralph sprang to the rock. .lust then little Frank, recovering his senses, gave a slight cry and fell from the ledge above. The young officer saw hiyi in time to catch him in his arms. As he turned to convey him to the cutter, lie perceived that the crocodile, now between him and the boat, with open jaws, was prepared to renew the at-

tack.

lie set his confused brother upon his feet in the shallow water, and drawing the single-barrelled navy pistol which he carried in Ids hr.lt, lie fired at the creature’s big, yawning mouth. But, owing to the animal'll sheering a little to seize the boy, now on one side of Ids protector, it received the shot on the edge of its jaw. Twisting itself away from the twain, it commenced, as if in blgndcd r;e r o and pain, to thrash the shallows with its hard, bony tail. As Ralph was convoying his brother past the reptile, toward the boat, ids left ankle caught between two small under-water rocks, and was temporarily sprained. ‘Never mind,” said Frank, as the hurt youth dragged himself along with difficulty, ”1 am now able to walk. You need hot carry me. I will help you.” He disengaged himself from Ralph's arms, seized Ids hand ami tried to assist him. The crocodile had turned by this time toward the two, for another attack. But they were now within a yard of the cutter, and though suffering excruciating pain, the young officer caught up his brother's light form and tossed him into the boat. The crocodile was close to Ralph, but ho contrived to escape it with a forward movement ami to roll himself across the gunwale of the cutter, lie went over on Ids back, with his head on the edge of the bow. While he was trying to turn and right himself, which his sprain would hinder his doing quickly, the hideous open jaws of the monster appeared over the bow. They were very near the head of the prostrate youth. He would not be able to move it in time to elude those horrible fangs. But at this critical moment Ids young brother, who had noticed that the crocodile’s jaws were on a line with the swivel, sprang forward with ready decision and discharged the piece. Never was a shot more effective. It plowed its way nearly through the full length of the huge reptile’s body, killing the animal almost instantly. Ralph praised his brother for the quick judgment and swift action which had thus been the means of saving him from a terrible fate. In fact, the presence of mind and promptitude shown by the little fellow on this occasion won the admiration and applause of all the seamen aboard tile ship, when, in time. It was made known to them. Not long after the gun had been fired, the rising of the tide floated the cutter clear of the sandbank, enabling Ralph, with Frank’s assistance, to get back to the landing-place fronting the hut, where some of the sailors who hail returned from their vain search for the lad joyfully hailed his appearance. Frank's explanations about the canoe, as well as of his situation on the rock, verified his brother’s previous conjectures on the subject. The boy had gone to the canoe to convey it to the cutter, bad been

THE SUGAR SCANDAL. 1 .«t the People Jiiilge as to Where the

IPliine Rest-.

Self-righteous republicans put on a look of horror when discussing the sugar scandal. ‘‘The idea that a trust should attempt to dictate legislation in the I’nitcd States senate! What is going to become of us? It's awful!” But what has caused the present scandal? Is it because the democrats are in the majority in both houses anil are willing to sell out to the great sugar trust? No. the democrats in the house are unwilling to give any protection to the trust and only five or six democratic senators are ready to help it. Is it then because these senators are holding out for higher rates of protection than the trust has enjoyed under republican rule? No, this is not the reason. It is not claimed even by republican senators that there is more protection to sugar in the proposed schedule than in the McKinley bill. In fact, it contains smaller discriminating duties on refined sugars than any re-

publican bill ever passed.

The plain truth is that for the first time in thirty years the sugar trust is balked. Heretofore it could, by promises of liberal contributions in close states (such as was Rhode Island in IS'.i?, where senator Aldrich was up for re-election), secure favorable terms in | the quietof the committee room. There being no “squealing” by any republican in the house or senate the unholy bar- ! gain was ratified without any great ] public scandal. The great majority of | the democrats, even in the senate, being unwilling to sanction any deal, the

struggle of the trust for protection lias j disgraced, been forced into the open. Hence the i ical death,

scandal. It ill becomes Senators Aldrich, Sherman, Allison. Hoar and others, who have been the tools of the trusts for twenty years, to mock at the democrats. ,Only a few of the democrats are even tempted by what caused

the fall of all republicans.

The majority of the democrats in

to be rid of the odious system which wrings millions of dollars from them through tariff taxes for the benefit of millionaires, and the democratic party

is pledged to help them.

If there is too much resistance there

SUGAR LEGISLATION.

Hoiv ICeinihllcun I.uui Have Uobheti the

IVople.

"There hns been so much republican misrepresentation of the new sugar schedule ami so much effort to confuse the public mini! that U Is no wonder that some ure surprised to Hnd

ma y be more destruction than was con- \ that the sugar schedule of the tariff reform bill templated. Carnegie, with his pockets ' Isa distinct and emphatic triumph for tariff

M’KINLEY’S BRASS.

reform. The best way to explain the sugar tariff Is to tell the story of sugar legislation. There are three stages of sugar legislation— the republican stage before the McKinley bill, the stage of the McKinley bill and the present new stage of the democratic tariff reform bill. The sugar tariff before the McKinley bin was a so-called revenue tariff on all sugar coming

into the United States. It was a graduated proving,

scale of duties, rising with the i|unlity or grade

bulging with the loot tha* had been stolen for him by the republican party, was the wisest protectionist of them all when he advised his accomplices to

accept the Wilson bill.

There are men calling themselves democrats who hold and practice republican principles, but the heart and

mind of the party are right and the “'n[' s c su r KU ', m [ he ‘V 1 '™* 8 ‘‘"‘y WB8 Bbon t struggle against the system of protec- ^unes. while chiefly

tion, which is a struggle for larger human liberty and less governmental paternalism, will be carried on by the democracy of the country. The republican party is the servant and slave of monopolists. It is built on ill gained wealth. The dmocratic party is the party of the people and it will redeem its pledge to break down McKinleyism. It may be obliged to go slow, but it will go in the right direction.—N. Y.

World.

The Ohio Napoleon Charge* Ilemoerati

with Republican Methods.

Gov. McKinley, in his address at Bangor, recited the old story of the depression of business, which occurred while his tariff law was in force and began to give way as soon as it was repealed. He attributed the depression to the democrats, because they were in power, but not to his bill, because it was in force. Well, the democrats are still in power, but the McKinley bill is no longer in force, and times are im-

But Gov. McKinley says the new tariff bill was “traded through," and

for revenue f* 1 * 8 ought to condemn it. Indeed!

acted as a very high protection to the Louisi- W ell, let us apply this a little further, ana sugar growers, but that was popularly How did the McKinley bill get supposed lobe their only protective feature. ! through? Was tliere no trading about

I that?

The trading began before the Fifty-

There was no announcement in the bill that tliere was any protection for the sugar reliners. There was. however, hidden In that schedule of graduated duties a practical protection for the reltner. How much it amounted to was not generally known. It wus not public property. It was probably one-half cent a pound. Hut the protection was there. It was j apart of the protective system of the repub- ] lican party to protect refiners and sugar farm1 ers. bo much for tbo iirst stago of the sugar

I tariff.

"Now comes the McKinley bill. The repub- ] lican party, when it went into power after isss, found the government in the possession of a

llcm't Forget the Traitors.

The future policy of the democratic

party is clear. It must not only con- ye r y large revenue. It had a hundred millions »! *‘ l ,: * *” of dollars a year surplus. The republicans

tinue its battle with republican trusts —it must also drive out of its own ranks all traitors. It must show no mercy to the Gormans, Brices, Smiths and Murphys who arc in the employ of the trusts. The time has passed when we could hope for anything good from these democratic masqueraders. Drum them out of the party that they have

Pursue them to their politThey have sold their honor

for a mess of trust pottage; let them enjoy their pottage in peace—free from the cares of state. Every democrat in every state, misrepresented in congress by one of these trust pap-suckers, should make a vow to leave no stone unturned that will make the political paths of these traitors harder. Fill

congress are neither protectionists nor tl.n-ir places with honest democrats and hypocrites; the majority of the repub-| the party will merit and receive tlie

licuns—but we leave it to others to

judge them.—It. W. II.

A PROTECTION PET. The Amount of Hoodie Divided by the

Sugar Trust.

In lS9!t the sugar trust paid dividends of $1<!,50),000 on a aominal capital of 87.1,000,000. The entire plant could be constructed for $15,000,000. This was under the McKinley law, which protected refined sugar and gave no revenue on raw sugar to the treasury. The McKinley law was purely a trust measure, with no effort to raise revenue. Us whole effect was to enable the trust to pay 110 per cent, a year on the actual investment. It is reported that several officials of the trust receive more than $100,000 apiece in salaries. Sugar has been manufactured in America successfully since 1701—a hundred years. The trust was organized in 1S87. The republicans under Harrison found a highly profitable industry and ii monopoly. They gave the monopoly free raw material, a protective duty of 00 cents on the 100 pounds and annual dividends of ill) per cent., beside the ricli profits represented by princely salaries and millions laid away in the surplus fund. This was McKinleyism and it illustrates protection. No care for the treasury, none for the wages of workingmen, none for the commerce of the country. The whole sugar provision of the McKinley law consisted in bounties taken in one form or another from

saw that that was a temptation to the people uiul to their enemy, the ilcmocratlc party, to cut ilown the protective tariff, because, us the government had more money than it wanted, it was perfectly natural that it should cut down the taxes, and iirst of all the protective tariff taxes. To remove ihut temptation and protect protection the republicans then in power made up their minds to wipe out the surplus iirst by largely increasing the expenditures of the government by raising the expenditures to the billlon-doUar ilgure; hut that they did not think enough, so they also cut down the income of the government by cutting off the revenue ptirt of the tariff ou sugar lao.ooti.uou a year. They wanted to destroy the surplus and create a Uellcit, and they actually turned a surplus of JKXl.tXKi.uuu into a deticlt of $70,000,000 sous to remove the temptation of the people to cut down protective taxes. • Hut they did not want to injure the protective feature of the sugar schedule. They did not want to take off the protection to the reliners. Mark, however, that the situation in j the rcflnlng business had changed. We did not

people. — B. I make much objection to this protective duty in

the old time, purily because most people knew

_ " nothing about It, and partly because at that Fra of Wage Keduetiim*. t,iiQ0 rellniug was free anil the competitiou T he Iron Age. a trade organ which among reflnera was very keen and kept prices is partial to high protection said on down. Hut before the McKinley bill went Into August 9, that “the tendency of wares, ' operation that had been chan . d. The compe.1 ,i . ’ • lltio.i liad ceased, and the sugar trust had m sympathy with the tendency ot \ rlM aml llludu r e, ln ing a practical numuppriees for the past three years, is | olj . The MeKinle> people wanted to give the downward. The movement is resisted uust a big protective duty on sugar, but they l>v all the means available to those did not want the government to get any rev- ■, , i . . ir i,„t I cuuc out of the sugar, aad the consequence whoare obliged to work for others, but tho McKinlcjr blll urran( , C(1 Ulut aU its force is irresistible. 1 he most forint- i , , H . „ K;lr coming into the country should liable strikes known in our industrial come in tree, but no reiined sugar or sugar history have been undertaken in tho ] that could compete with that produced by the

hope of restoring past schedules, but

approval of a

W. II.

tax-ridden

they have either been successful in only a slight degree, or they have proved inglorious failures.” Undoubtedly tho future historian will write of the McKinley era as one of wage reductions, formidable strikes and inglorious failures, but it was not expected that any protectionist organ would confess to to the truth before the election of IS'Jl.

New Tin Plate Mills.

Since the passage of the .tariff bill, with its large rednetion of the duty on tin plate, the impending investment of large sums of money in new tin plate factories lias been announced in press dispatches from I’ittsburgh and elsewhere. The reduction which cuts the duty in two does not appear to have “dealt a staggering blow” to those who already have invested or who desire to invest capital in such factories. The duty under the tariff which tho

trust could come iu free.

■ McKinley gave the trust the advantage of free raw material, then highly protected the trust ■> product, lie gave the free sugar to tho trusts and the protected sugar to the people. Uclincd was taxed oue-half u cent a pound aud oue-tenth of a cent extra if it came from normally or j'Tanee, on the theory that those coun tries paid bounties to their sugar growers. Hut while this arrangement provided well for tho trust, the removal of the duties on raw sugars took away the protect,on of Houisiaiia sugar growers. 1 his led to that extraordinary fc-t-ure of the McKinley bill creating a bounty of twoiculs a pound on all sugar raised by tho farmers of l.uuixluna, Nebraska. Calilorula and Vermont. It was tho l.rst bounty ever created iu America, and it will doubtless bo the list. So that was the situation in the McKinley bill. The McKinley bill mad ■ the sugar lux a pure protective tax for tho first timo la the history ot tho country and created a b unty system, sugar was now openly protected, 'ihere was a straight-out duty of a half cent

per pound ou reiined sugar.

Now, bow did the republicans represent this action to the people; They went before tho country with th6 cry ot free sugar v. heuthey bad only made free the r-w material of tho

f rst congress was elected. In the dark bays of tho campaign of 1888, the | trusts and combinations interested in protection, the rich manufacturing corporations that had been the chief beneficiaries of protection according to the admission of high republican authority, were advised that the day of fat-frying had arrived. They heard the agonizing appeal: “Help cash us, or we sink!” They put up the money to buy a presidency and a house of representatives, with the understanding that the taxing power of tho government was to be turned over to them to do with as they pleased. More trades, however, were needed. The gentlemen up in Vermont, who make maple sugar out of some sort of combination of vegetable juices anil chemicals, concluded that they would like to be paid by tho government for conducting their business. They hail an advocate in the senate, and they got what they wanted, though Mr. Blaine would not believe it when ho first heard of it. The bill was in this

way traded through.

This instance, however, and many similar ones that might be named was a trifle compared to the trade made over the Hherman law. The silver mine senators held the balance of power on the republican side. They notified their fellow-republicans in tho senate that the Vherman law, providing for the purchase of an amount of silver substantially equal to the American product, was the very least that they would acee It as their share of the booty. These men were not in tho senate for their health, or with any view of promoting the public good. They were there fur promoting their own interests, and they let it be known that the McKinley bill could not pass unless silver was taken care of,aud they had their will. The Sherman bill, in connection wit® other republican legislation, brought on the panic. All the republicans, except the free silver men, said so in the spring and early summer of 18U;t, when they were anxious for the repeal of the silver purchase clause. In other words Gov. McKinley traded his bill through, and brought on the panic. That is too plain for argument, and yet he has the hardihood to attribute the panic to the democrats, and to say that tho new tariff law is to bo condemned because it was “traded through.” Atull events, it was not put through by a trade which brought on a panic.—Luuisville-Cou-

rier Journal.

pound; this was increased by the McKinley law to 2 1-5 cents a pound; the

the people and given to private inili- ( |„ty , ln( j er the now tariff is 1 1-5 cents.

M<-1C in lev net sunerseded was l cent a ! uuJ wkcu tliey huJ ffiven a protecuou ol JWCKiniey act superseueu was i iaiu-.i Ualf „ t . eut or hl x-t,-utUa per pound, «Uku tko

▼iduals.

It is as plain as day that no government can he honest ns long as protection is the object of its revenue laws.—$L Louis Republic.

WHAT WAS GAINED. Articles That Are Made Free Under the New Tariff Hill. Among the salvages from the Wilson bill in the compromise finally passed nothing is more satisfactory than the additions to the free list. To untax it necessary of life or an eflsentiul to industry is to afford complete relief from artificial burdens. It leaves no sophisticated questions as to whether the foreigner or importer, the merchant or the consumer pays the tax. A free list is tariff reform com-

pleted.

The following are the more important additions made in the new bill: llinilinit twine. Petroleum, crude and Sulphate of copper. refined. Copper ore and bars. Nickel ore-i. Copperas. Paintings. Cotton ties. Hrnw intrs. sketches. Fresh lish. Nursery stock. Hatters'fur and plush. Fannin/ implements. Flax, tow, hemp. Cotton sins. Cod oil. Salt. Ivory unmanufactured. Burr stones. Epsom and mineral Timber and lumber. salts. Wool. These articles are all taxed in the McKinley law. The total decrease in duties under the new law. on the basis of the importations in 18911, has been estimated at 8*13,407,000. But this does not by any means represent tiie entire saving to the people. The greatest tax under a high tariff is that which the mine owners and manufacturers are able to exact by reason of the restraint upon competition. The saving to consumers will be more than $63,000,000.— N. Y. World.

A GREAT TASK.

pursued by the crocodile, and by vig- j orous puddling hail reached the water i cavern. So close to him then was the | n-ptilc that, as ho sprang out of tho

canoe to climb tho tree, tho jaws of The niniculfy of Ovcrcomlutc the ( tinnethe monster closed over the frail ves- queuceH of Thirty Year* of Robbery, sel, partly crushing it. Bottom up, The consequences of nearly thirty and with Frank's cap, which had years of robbery by protected monopofallen from his head, caught on tho j lists are not easily ’' M '“

broken wood, the little craft had drifted off with the current, to afterward found by Ralph as de scribed.—Rufus Hall, in N. Y. ’-^dger.

The addition of 1 1-5 cents to the old duty by the McKinley tariff has cost the people of the United States more than 817,000,000 in the increased cost of imported tin plate.—N. Y. Times.

A Transparent HlutT.

It was a very transparent bluff that Gorman and llrice resorted to when they offered the house conferees free sugar. They knew that the easiest way to secure what they wanted for the sugar trust was to defeat the bill and leave the McKinley law in force. They knew that a provision for free sugar would do this. The house cortferees were not deceived, hut insisted that Gorman should make a poll of tho senate and see whether a majority j would stand by the free sugar clause before they accepted it. This Gorman could not do, anil so the house conferees refused to swallow the bait.—Oakland County (Mich.) Post.

On With t he Battle.

“The campaign [for honest tariff reform | will go on,” says the Indianapolis News (Ind.). “This nation was not launched on its mighty career to die in a hole. The American ideals of freedom, equality and justice are imperishable, and they will he realized. The Gormans, and Brices, and Smiths will have their little day, and the whole corrupt and ignoble brood of law-buy-ers and law-sellers may do their worst,

but the people will triumph.” The Challenge of The Trusts.

The sugar trust has thrown down the gauntlet of defiance before the people. The people will accept the challenge. This means that the trusts, having ojxffily shown themselves inimical to the interests of the country, must be made to feel the power of tho people and to bow to the will of tho people. There cannot ho two masters in this land; the people must rule alone; no combination can usurp their

authority.—Boston Post. A Protection Object Lesson.

What an object lesson in protection! The tariff-begotten, tariff-nurtured sugar trust takes the millions which

OPINIONS AND POINTERS.

overcome. The

democratic party has a great and seri-

be j ons task It has undertaken to reform the priAc^Uvr^flff l^s‘emHd^.rino ** ! the tariff and to turn back the P r * n -|„ s a tribute from the people and

uses them to defeat the legislation

Son.a Names Not Allowable. A workingman of Dresden lately proposed to register his new-born child as Robespferro Danton. The registrar declined to put down so revolutionary a name, and the father refused to register the child at all, except by number. The matter was taken before the courts, the workman was fined, and the decision given that in monarchlaJ states such names are not allowable.

ciple of tariff legislation to tiie right metnod, the method that prevailed in framing the Walker tariff and the tariff of 1857. But it is met on the threshold of its reform work by a gigantic combination of interest* that have been built tip by the republicans, who have taxed the people to enrich monopolists In consideratica of generous contribu-

tions to campaign funds.

It is a hard task, but the democratic party is making an effort to reform abuses. The people have determiued

which the poople have demanded by bribing the peoples' representatives! if will always be so as long as we have class legislation in aid of private interests.—Oakland County (Mich.) Post.

They’ll Do It.

If Senator Gorman hasn’t self-re-spect enough to get out of the democratic party the democrats of Mary*

lH.oiile had to pay. They nou/i.t to e-fry the eleiiiou ot lay/ on the theory oi iron suyar whoa tor U::‘ iirst lime iu the history oi this eouulry they aad made sugar au openly-protected article, aad that for the bcueiit ot luu sugar trust ulono. Tho reason luu people were deceived ) was their unwillingness to believe ibat a great party would deliberately deceive them by such a statement, but that is what the repubUeau party did. They were aided In their deception uy tne lower price of sugar. As two and ouehuli cents revenue duly had been takuu oil sugar, of course the market price oi sugar was lower, notwithstanding me fuel tuat tne people were taxed halt a cent by a.cKlulcy lor tae

uuuehlof the trust.

• Now we come to the third stage of this bill which we have just passed. The land retormers of congress want absolute ireo sugar, aud they will get it if tdu peop.e vole lor lariil roformtnis mil. Hut they luund me sugar trust intrenched iu the senate. Now w hat was it intreneued behind)! it was intrenched bemud its old trlenus, the solid republican party, lao friends v. Uo had Urst protected, and, inereioro, practically created it, and a low protectionists who call themselves democrats, but wno uy no tests mat now prevail are democrats. •».ut uni mo turiii re.uriners fail.' Were they ueieated? Not at all; by no means doIcaicd. ‘ihe democrats we re not able to got free sugar this lime, but they got a great deal more man the protectionist majority waated to give. They uid not uestroy the sugar trust, but they hold tho ballleaeld themselves, und tne essential tUCereueu between tuo oickiuley sugar turiH and the new sugar lurid iu just this: TUo McKinley larin gi.es me sugar trust half a cent prelection, 'xuat halt a cent protection of tiie McKlnl y bill ha ; bn u reduced to ubout throe-tomns oi a cent by mo new bilb ‘ihe protective only of tne MoUi.iiey bill has been reduced one-laird in our bill. That Is what we got by righting Wo did not get the whole uf our demand any more tnuu we got ireo iron oro or free coal, but wo reduced iron ore from seventy-live to forty, coal irom seventy-live to forty, und wo reduced sugar

irom nity to thirty.

•The protectionists also Included iu tho new bill u revenue duty oi U per cent, ou raw sugar on the avowed ground that tno government needed the money in addition to tuo proceeds of Hie income tax, but really to restore to our sugar farmers half of the protection that was eutoit by the democratic repeal of tho McKinley bounties. When the secretary of the treasury said at the last moment that this revenue duty was ab.,olulely necessary tho mouths of tariff reformers were closed, but cither some oilier revenue must bo found or expenditures must be cut down, for tho tarld reformers w ill not bo content until sugar is made wholly free. The protection of the trusts is now arrived at iu this way: U is 40percent, of tho average difference bottveenraw and reUnod sugars abroad, ortho cost of manufacture, which i. 45or 47 cents a hundred pounds, und tho one-eighth cent dlfferontUL 1 culled it SJ cents, n may

be 1 or 0 cents more.

••That is the story of sugar. H Is a fact that sugar has not advanced since the new tariff went into effect. It reached au extremely low point last spring and early this summer und is a cent higher now than the lowest point, and doubtless a considerable portion of that advance was duo to the anticipation of the revenue feature of the new schedule, though not all of it by any means And It Is unothcr fact that sugar Is selling at l"ss now than It was a year ugo under the McKinley bill. Franklin MacVeagh’s Speech at Jerseyville. 111.

It is to be hoped that the labor vote will not lose sight of the fact that lanil ought to have self-Ve“poet enoug'h ! to yut him out.—Oakland Gouuly FosW

era! cut iu wages.—Chicago Herald.

The croakers can't stop the return of good times. Even the croakers will he singing jubilee songs soon. —Atlanta Journal. It is a significant fact that the so-called “protected” industries of our country are the ones which pay the poorest wages.—Albany Argus. While democrats arc being denounced by republican claquers because wheat dropped to fifty cents, why is the same party not given credit because corn went up to sixty cents?— Detroit Free Press. It will be interesting to discover which vicious combination the republicans prefer personified in a presidential candidate—Reed czarism strongly infused with McKinley protectionism, or McKinley protectionism strongly infused with Reed czarism.—Chicago

Herald.

The republican papers will exult for a week or so now over "the victory in Maine.” Tom Reed would have exulted more if McKinley had not been imported by Joe Manley to make that ante-election speech which will entitle him to claim a share in the results.— Chicago Times. The wholesale crockery and glass dealers announce that their business lias greatly increased since the passage of the tariff law. The tax on china, porcelain, earthenware and stoneware lias been very high, aud its reduction lias stimulated trade. Retail dealers and householders are filling up their depleted stocks.—N. Y.

World.

The building trade everywhere ought to realize great benefits from free lumber. The senate bill removes tho duties on logs, hewn and sawed timber, squared timber, sawed boards and plank, clapboards, hubs, laths, shingles and staves—in short, substantially everything in tho McKinley wood schedule except furniture, tho duty upon which is reduced to 35 per cent. The value of the imports of these articles now placed on the free list was 810,000,000 in 1899, and $1,145,000 was paid in duties.—Heston Herald. A republican organ which has long insisted that the foreigner pays the tariff tax says that “we have generously relieved our foreign friends from paying any taxes for permission to sell their products in tho American market. The taxes tliey have hitherto paid will be collected from the people who eat sugar,” etc. This is certainly interesting; the more so as since this information appeared in our contemporary that authority has explained that “on articles (like sugar) which wo produce, but not in sufficient quantity to supply our full demand, the importer and his boss, the foreign manufacturer, pay a large part or all of the duty.” — Louisville Courier-

Journal