The Greencastle Democrat, Greencastle, Putnam County, 8 September 1894 — Page 3
I
NOSTALGIA. of the town: I want The silence of the fields I'm thirstinK for the peace and real The quiet meadow yields. I want the little breeze to blow Across my tired face; I lonK to shut my eyes and feel The beauty of the place. I want to hear the busy hum Our little kinsfolk make; I w ant to smell the damp moist, earth That feeds the fern aud brake. I jrant so much. I only want The Lethe summer brings; To hear the bluebird’s liquid note Aud see his flashing wings, To lie upon the kind brown earth. And hear the sweet brown thrush Calling the trooping daisies up Through all the grassy hush. I want my little brothers’ songs To set my soul in tune: I want forgetfulness of all But birds, and leaves, and June. I want no joys of life and love. No touch of human hands; I long to lie on nature’s breast, And feel she understands. —Mary A.Taggart, in N. Y. Indeponden*.
llfc night was without fog. but pitch dark. The upper sky was full of clouds, and through lights of pass-
the clear darkness the
ing vessels were visible for miles. There was no wind: the waters of the wide lake were silent, curving away from the how of the vessel In long, smooth waves, the film of crisp foam on their crests shining now and then as it caught the ship's light. It was the captain's watch. Bundled against the chill of the night, a few passengers sat about him, murmuring detached sentences among themselves, for the captain on this deck was autocrat, and the word just now was
silence.
But soon in the east a light wind pprangup; the clouds roiled emnhrousy, and between them the harvest pon shone suddenly, blood-red, painta lurid streak straight through black water to the ship. S'itli the light, silence fled: the peless forms became animated, the res against the bow took on a cheerio, and the captain amicably ac>ted a cigar, lint behind from the hdow of the pilothouse, the unknged face of the man at the wheel Rrcd out to sea "There surely' is no danger to a boat on such a night as this?” ventured tint captain's favorite, who was curious as to the cause of the tension from which we had all so suddenly been re lieved: and as we were talking of nerve in emergencies, the question seemed not too bold. “Starboard, Charlie, starboard!” suddenly booyjed the captain’s deep voice to the man at the wheel, with an intonation at once familiar and sternly professional. “I never had but one piece of bad luck, aud that was eight years ago"— ho bad resumed his conversational attitude—"and it might jus' us well hai>pen this minute. “I was sailin’ the Davidson then, carrying coal up and iron down the lake. She was a pretty big barge, an' I had my savings in her. “Me an' my wife was sitting on the how one night; my girls had ipone to bed—they’d been skylarkin' all evening. It was fearful black, but ttiere was no fog, an' you could see a light miles off— “Starboard! what you got a head for? Starboard! I said.” "Starboard." repeated the dull voice of the man at the wheel, and the huge bulk of a vessel cleft the path of silver and drifted past us in the
gloom.
“I hadn’t no more thought of an accident than you have this minute,” went on the captain, with a nervous catch in his voice. “Away off to starboard was the lights of a vessel. I could see as well as I see you. Pretty
soon lie whistled twice. That meant j e utly. Outlook.
he was a' goin' to keep to his side. Then ; 1 whistled twice, meanin' keep to ids side. Me an’ my wife was awatchin' him. All at once my wife said, ‘Tom,
she’s cornin’ for us.’ . “Port a little, Charlie.”
“Port, sir,” said the man at the
wheel.
“By George, I see her lights turn, an' In a minute she was on us, straight
amidships, two-thirds through us. “I yelled for ’em not to hack
“Starboard a little. Charlie! ’ “Starboard, sir," said the man at the
wheel.
“1 run into every one of them staterooms, cryin’: ‘Where's# the girls?’ Pretty soon, way up on the Delia'# deck, I heard my steward hollerin’: ‘Here they are. all safe, sir!’ 0“IIv was a good one. that fellow,’’ the captain went on, after a pause. “As soon as we was struck he run for the girls an' got 'em out, an’ the three just crawled flat on the deck through the steam.” “And was no one lost?” asked the favorite passenger. "Steady, Charlie!" “Steady, sir," said the man at the
wheel.
"Three, ma'am, three,” the captain hummed in his deep voice. “That same steward—it makes me laugh now to think how that man hollered— you see, when I knew the girls was safe, thinks I. I've got time to get my books. So I run to my cabin an’ got ’em out just in time. But the steward, him an’ a passenger an’ the mate, they started to save that poor feller that was hollerin’ in the boiler room. The passenger an’ the mate, they went down, an’ they’d got the man on the passenger’s shoulders, an’ the steward was lyin’ flat on deck ready to take hold of him when they got that far. But all of a sudden the passenger hollered: ’Look out for yourselves!’ an’ throwed the man off his shoulders, an’ our ship went down like a log. It warn’t more than five minutes, all told, after we’d been struck.” “But that w’as four drowned,” said the passenger. “I was climbing up the Delia like mad when I heard that steward a-yell-in’: ‘Cap’n!’ an' instead of bein' safe on the Delia, there lie was floatin’ in the water on a board. “You see, the suction of the ship gnin' down had lifted the hurricane-deck clean off an’ let him out, an' there lie
REED'S ROCKY ROAD.
He Will Flml tlie People Skeptlrnl on the
HIchhIo^s of High Protection.
Tom Ueed says that the republicans will have nothing to do in the next campaign but read the testimony of Mr. Cleveland’s letter upon the tariff
bill.
sugar and the immediate stoppage of
the McKinley sugar bounty.
A majority of the democratic senators stood ready to go even farther than the house, making larger reductions on manufactured goods and going farther in the direction of the ad valorem rates. But presently they
XV. , ., . „ , 1 found themselves confronted not only
. ... . bv the republican senators in solid ar-
flnd that the very foundation of pro- but ‘ b this b(M , y enforce,! by tcction has been shaken by the contest . ' , . ,,, .. , •
J ' enough senators calling themselves
democrats to defeat any bill not acceptable to them and the interests they
represented.
The question of the loyal democratic
just concluded. For the first time the voters have learned by direct observation that protection is synonymous with corruption and fraud. Before
this time the majority believed that ^"tVre^then
WILSON ON THE TARIFF BILL. The Pliuntplon of the House Hill ll»vtcirs
the Hattie.
At Martiosburg. \Y. Va.. on August 2Si, lion. W. L. Wilson, chairman of the ways and means committee of the house, was nominated for reelection by acclamation by the most enthusiastic convention that was ever held iq
his district.
Mr. Wilson made a notable address to the convention, and it was warmly received. After a felicitous exordium, In which he characterized the recent tariff tight as “one of the greatest and most monstrous struggles that lias
there had been fraud and corruption in ! ^Uhe.Uo ZZtvLGt was’lssUde ‘a—‘
tariff laws. They are at last eon-] V ‘’.‘‘''“rj.y v ‘” "“V ” ‘I' . , . .. . . to do. They contested the ground inch vmced that when taxation departe | b }nch vie , ( , ed the ren ade from a revenue purpose and begins to KL . nator8 no mori . thanth were f o rced be used for the benefit of private cor- t(( ield The r ,, slllt was a budly muti . porations, inevitably corruption is the ^ but it was that or uo bnl . beginning of the departure and fraud They had s . 1Vl . (1 nluch that was vahl _
the constant accompaniment. I Millions of Americans have read
daily how senators demanded and received concessions to the sugar trust, to the iron interest, to the cotton mills, to the glass and pottery makers. None of these senators argued for the public welfare. The argument was in each
case for the “interest.”
Mr. Kced can give in ids speeches a few extracts from Cleveland’s letter. Then some American citizen will ask
The bill, bad as it was, was still vastly better than the McKinley mon-
Tho congress which adjourned yesterday w as charged by the people with u duty clear, unmistakable, transcendent, to secure from the grasp of private and seltlsh hands the power of federal taxation: to lift from the backs of the American people that burden of tribute to privilege and monopoly which under
WILLING TOOLS. Favoritism Shown the f'oitblnea by th«
Kepnhlleans.
The republican party organs make a loud outcry aguint the new tariff bill because it deprives our suffering industries of protection. Day after day they reiterate the assertion that it will eitlur ruin our industries or fore® manufacturers to make a deep cut in wages, or both. And yet, with no less persistency and clamor, they repeat the declaration that the bill has been “manipulated by tlie trusts.” Herein they manifest their peculiar sense of consistency. They are the creators anil friends of tlie tariff buttressed trusts. The foul brood of trusts are the natural progeny of the protective system. If the new bill strikes a fatal blow at that system it necessarily must he hostile to tlie trusts, and it is
their fault that the bill D not far better than it is.—Chicago Herald.
“The Delia was chuck full of passengers. an’ they fixed up my girls all right. But you see. that cap'n, he jus’ got rattled, lie had to change his course completely to run into me, an’
lie had—
“Now steady, Charlie, steady!” said tlie cnptUin. as two shrill sounds came out of the darkness. “Well, you had nerve to go hack after your books,” said the readiest one of the passengers. "Well, maybe,” the captain answered. modestly; “but i tell you,” he announced, standing straight and tall before us, and bringing the edge of
stamii.no
8TKAIGHT AN1>
Mike rs.
TAM. 11K-
one huge hand down across the palm of tiie other, “I’m more excited this minute tellin’ about it thuu 1 was doin' it that night. “Now, starboard, Charlie, starboard," and the captain leaped up on tlie pilothouse deck and blew an answering signal to the big barge which presently came floating toward us in the wide expanse, with a half-dozen schooners, loaded to the water’s edge,
in her wake.
The favorite passenger sat silent, her eye on the set young face of tlie man at the wheel, turning, as his duty was, his wheel to tlie left when his orders were to go right, and to tlie right when he was to go to tlie left. “I think," 'said she, contemplatively, “if there were a little more common sense in the making of steer-ing-gear, such accidents us yours
wouldn't happen.”
The captain looked down at her quizzically, and considered her words. “Darned if it doesn't take a woman to see through things,” he said pros-
The house con-
ferees, headed by Chairman Wilson, struggled long and manfully against the had amendments, forced upon the bill by the senate renegades, and their
, , , , , democratic associates in the house supbim why, if manufacture is the great i ported them withmlt wavering until end of national effort free choice to they becanlt . convinced thut the choice raw materials for staple industries is lay bcUvecu the lnut ilated bill and
denied to our manufacturers. And
- uontr «li till.
unless he elects to be a willful public | The ma j or itv of the democrats are liar he must reply that protection is a I entlt , ed to hi ^ h prais0 for makiM . a pool of interests in which not Ainer - i coumgeous and determined tight in can industry, but American "Py'}’ | saving the biU from wreck. It is not
creates tlie scale according to winch
legislative favors are granted. It is true that a few democrats have
been traitors to their party. But tlie people have seen in that perfidy the working of the republican system of high protection. In their treason these men have been republicans and protectionists. What they have done lias been in the usual republican and protectionist way. True of one, true of all protectionists. Protection goes to Washington to get favors; not to honestly govern honest freemen. Every favor it gets is a lever with which to get another. Protection always favors higher protection and will spend money to buy an advance. Protection is against anything short of prohibition and a monopoly of the market. It is against extending manufactures. Its plan is always to limit production and secure scarcity prices for monopoloy. That it does not succeed is due to the opposition of tlie democratic party aud
the American spirit of competition. Another obstacle will arise before
Reed. The business world, whose indisposition to approve changes has done more to intrench tariff robbery than anything except the lobby’s manipulation, lias percc’ved that constant and feverish uncertainty is as inseparable as corruption from the protective system. There can be no permanent tariff schedule when it is designed for protection, because new conditions of production are continually arising. There can be no perpetuity in a protective system while it embraces four or five thousand articles which a few wish to sell at abnormal prices and the many wish to buy at natural prices. The only system of reasonable certainty is a revenue system, and the plain business men have grown sick of tariff
tinkering.
Protection is inseparable from fraud, j It is inseparable from tariff tinkering i
and uncertainly.
When Ueed takes out Cleveland’s let- |
thirty years republican leidslutlon has crown ridiculous to sav that it has been manip-
j * •';™ .■<»>*»
i port of the government; to reclaim ami make ulatea By them it cannot be hostile to
strosity, and they accepted it as better forever sure that heritage of American youth the protective system, than nothing*. which Is the true meaning and priceless boon i What trusts have manipulated tho The house has at last done the same, ‘' e ® 0 ^ r8tl0 ,n ^ tllutlons bill ., ls the #U(far trusts one of them? but not without making prolonged and -ThU w'asTho lMplrlmr mission wlrh h the ».V the admission of their own tariff
heroic resistance. 1 lie house con- democratic party had long sought from the
American people—power and authority to perform. No man could fitly undertake a revenue bill for a nation of seventy million people without being appalled by the greatness of the trust committed to him and the thickening
leader in the senate their own McKinley law gave the trusts tlie benefit of (»() cents on every 1(H) pounds of sugar, while the new tariff bill gives it the benefit of only 42cents per 100
NOT A WALK-OVER.
The Republicans Will Not Have Kverythlnq; Their Own Way at the rail Election. Tlie republicans foolishly imagine ' that they are going to have a walk-over in this fall’s campaign—that no democrat will dare to debate tho tariff question this year. Perhaps. But imagine the following dialogue betweea two
debaters at a county fair.
Republican—You free traders have | at last succeeded in reducing the tariff. Democrat. — Wasn't that what we
promised to do?
Rep.—It was; you kept your promise,
but see the consequences.
Dem.—Did not the republicans prom- 1 isc to reduce the duties in 1SS3 ami
1890?
Rep. — I'll admit that they were ex-
pected to reduce them.
Dem.—Did they keep their promise? * Rep.—They changed their minds ; after they had got t>> Washington and had studied tlie tariff question.
Dem.—You mean that the arguments I ,,, , , . , 1 tory will know where to put the lesixinslbliliy
of protected monopolies overcame i for our partial failure to redeem our plcivcs to them. | the people and our partial failure to (liNlndye
Rep.—Not exactly that, hut thevsaw , the great prlvlleireil interest-- from our tariff, the tariff question in a different light ' 1 »•" Uli ‘ l ,hU '" ,v f< *> lur " m “ 1 v not
♦ Vi.. 11 < i i-1 . i 11, r,. i- i.ii.t • i ^ 11 »v i»i, • i • lit :i s. i ,i •• i I 11 • :itiil
(lifnculties In the way of Its Kut-i-essful i«er- pounds. And yet they call the nllowformuDce. No man could worthily approach ttnco by the new bill “indecent favor-
s?^svssrjsss■««»«.«*.
concern for his own political future. No man 1 favoritism, thut of tlie McKinley bill could hope for any measure of real success law must have been over 41 per cent who was not willing to dedicate to such a task more indecent bv the snowing of their
every power of body and mind with a humble nwn f i ~ invocation for strength and wisdom. I knew i 1 ’
thut you were tariff reformers without rei-er- And, besides, everybody knows that* ration; I knew that the ddmoiruts of \v» t the democratic house voted to put ;in Virginia were not protectionists for West Yir- end to all favoritism to the sugar Plata and reformers and free-traders fur other trust< E verybodv knows not only that states. \ou know, for you hove followed with , , ' . . . , * , » watchful Interest the varylmf history of our t,ie ll,>uv >e has done tins twice, hut that at tariff reform; you have followed, tho senate would have done tlie samo
long ago but for the republican senators, aided by a handful of recreant democrats. Throughout the struggle the republican senators, with unbroken ranks, have shown the most "indecent favoritism” to the sugar trust, declaring that they would permit no action except such as would keep the McKinley law in force in its entirety, and give the sugar trust 41 per cent, more
than it is given by the bill.
But tlie republican organs talk of “indecent favoritism" to tho “trusts,” not the “trust.” To what besides tho s ugar trust do they refer? One organ names the steel Imam trust. There
trust, and it flourished
after the manufacturers had placed I lie
facts before them.
Dem.—But tlie people didn't get any of this new light, for they concluded in 1890 and in 1892 to discharge the par- | ty that had been unfaithful aud to try the democratic party, it lias succeeded in doing what the republicans were unable to do—reduce duties. It lias shaken the hold of protected trusts up-
on this country.
Rep.—Rehold the consequences!
Dem.—Are not the times improving? I r ''J ) "
. . . 1 v that there would be i
attempt
w ith rising hopes and hearty approval, the action of the house of representatives in tlie framing and passage of a measure bearing the badges of democratic principles and fraught with promised benefits to all tho people. “You have followed with waning hopes and angry disapproval the tedious and tortuous passage of that bill through the senate and have seen that despite a nominal democratic I majority in that body the great trusts and j monopolies were still able to write their taxas as they had done under republican rule in some I of its most important schedules. The burden ! upon you is the same whether they use a demo- i cratic or a republican hand as their amanuensis. But the wrong to you is infinitely the greater when those who bear the commission of your i own pi-.rty, thus prove faithless to its highest duties I need not recite to you the successive steps, the material and baneful alterations |
through which the house bill quietly passed | ' vlls such
into a law yesterday morning without the sig- mightily under the republican law of nature and approval of the presideirt. who was which protected it by a duty of elocted uix.n the issue oltutinrcf..rm ami who ? o 8per ton, and under thj McKinley
anticipated as the signal triumph and histone I 1 ’
achievement of his administration the privilege kiw, which protected it by a duty of of affixing his name to a genuine and thorough $130.10 per ton. The new tariff protects : the stcol beam makers 1* a clut y of You know by what Influence that was S1S .44per ton. If that is “indecent fa-
voritism'’ what was the 50 per cenL higlter duty of tho McKinley law or the lus per cent, higher duty of tlie re-
publican law of 1S8!}?
Furthermore, the house reduced tho duty on steel beams to 80 per cent., which on the importations of 1892 nnd 1898 was equivalent to 88.45 per ton. How came the senate to increase this to 818.44? It was because Senator Quay dictated the increase and the republican senators in a body, with a little squad of recreant democrats, stood by him. Tlie republican senators are responsible for 85 per ton of this “indecent favoritism”—this duty which republican organs now de-
nounce as prohibitory.
And the same is true with respect to tlie “indecent favoritism” to all other
force during the past four years?
. , Rep.—The McKinley bill—tlie best
ter he will read it to it public opinion on( , ever ln . ldt .
| which has been educated to the folly | i) e , n .—Then why i .-i’t the McKinley
bill responsible for the wu^e reduc-
of protection by the circumstances which called forth that document. In 18HS tariff reform seemed radical to | scores of business men in Heed's New England, to whose ears free trade has now rather a pleasing sound. Tariff |
the harbinger ami assurance of a speedier and more complete triumph of commercial freedom than the smooth and unobstructed passage of the house bill would have been. The American ( people are aroused as hardly anything else could have aroused them to the deadly menace w hich protection begets to the purity and tlie very existence of free government. They have seen a single great trust empowered by our tariff laws to control the production and sale of u necessary of life, parceling out the country with its partners, anil using its law-made wealth smd power to thwart the best efforts of the people to reduce their own taxation. They have seen it hold up congress for weeks and have heard its representatives boldly declare
ii.i i that there would be no tariff bill in which their
Kep. They couldn t always remain interests were not protected, and they have re-
as bad as they have been during tlie ulized the final fulfillment of the boast,
past year. When the sugar trust thus challenges the tariff-buttressed trusts and interests. Dent.—What tariff bill lias been in I AmorU an ix oplo to a nmt.-st of xtronkth its t t und prosent . The republicans . • .. . - - i cl a vs aro numbered, its temporary triumph is 1 ,, * , , ,* ,,
Its sp#e iter and more eomplete overthrow, and ( .tic the moil who have shown tho with Its overthrow will vanish its sister brood favoritism. They have fought from of monopolies that are strons through Its sup- first to last to defeat all legislation l >l,r, ' , , , . ,1 and to keep on the statute books unbrighter side to thts picture. With all its man- changed the McKinley law, which is tfold failures the new bill carries In it very from 49 to 100 per cent, more favorable
tions. strikes, riots and hard times? It certainly was, in so far as we have been affected by tariff bills. It seems to me to be a good omen for the upw tariff bill that the times begun to brighten
reform lias had its day in the west an.l | as soou a ., lt was born
south. Free trade and taxation for
revenue only will be tlie western uuif' p( . opb ,
Rep.--Wait v.”til you hear from the
southern platfotm henceforth, and on j it will be found crowds of business men who have been calling themselves moderate protectionists, it is coming to he understood that Christian honesty ami a protective tariff arc incom-
patible. - St. Louis Republic.
the hole. We’d have sunk before you could wink if she had. “Steady.” “Steady, sir!” said the man at the
wheel.
k- “I run into my cabin for a life-pre-w.server, and clapped it on my wife. She y -was cryin’ an' moanin’ about the girls. ‘Fanny,’ I says, - be a woman! The * .girls is dead, an’ we'll be too in a minute.’ She never made a whimper after •that, an’ I took hold of iter an’ climbed [Up to the roof of my pilot house -their Atow was right against my mast. I •lugs out for a line. There was no time to lose, an’ they throwed it quick, ij fastened it about me an’ her, an’ Mey hauled ns up on their deck. H“A11 this time the steam was roarin’ up from the boilers, an' 1 heard a man down below cryin’ an' screamin’; but it’s natural, sir, for a man to try to lave his own children first, an,’ although 1 wes sure the girls was killed, I had to knew for certain. “I run across the bow as soon as 1 could get free from Fanny, jumped down on uty deck, an' run for the girl’s -stateroom, “It wax empty. The girls was
gone!—
Olio on tho ( himgo Man.
The different ways in which dealers advertise their wares are sometimes very clever. At an uptown shoe store there is a sign in the window on which is pasted three one dollar bills, and ttni derneath this inscription: “Three of a
, kind beats two pair.”
The other day a Chicago drummer | stepped briskly into the store and in-
out of I qttired of tlie clerk after looking at tho
THE REAL DEMOCRATS.
Dem. — You count upon tlie people being fools: we give llu'iu credit for considerable intelligence.
M isst at ♦»(!
Gov. McKinley said of tho Wilson tariff bill thut it is “returning to what Buchanan left us.” As he presumed upon the ignorance of his hearers this sounded all right. Of course he knew that the tariff of 1857, which “Bueharian left us,” originated in and was
They Deserve C'retllt for Wrest Ini; What
They Did from a Hostile Senate.
Tne democrats in both houses of eon- Passedby a republican house of repregress, with but few exceptions, r.re en- 1 tentative, and received the support of titled to credit for doing all that it , Charles Summer, Henry \\ ilson and X. Seemed to them possible to do toward 1- Rank, of Massachusetts, W illiam II the fulfillment of the pledges with re- ; ^‘"'ard, of New \ ork, and W illiam A. spect to the tariff which their party Howard nnd Henry WaldOn, of Miclnntitde in 1892 ! g an - If reduced the duties levied un-
sign: “Do you do business according to Hoyle?” “Yes, sir,” was the reply. “Well,” said tlie drummer, “I’ll take two pair of shoes.” “All right,” said the clerk. “What
size?”
“Two pair of nines.” “But.” interposed the clerk, “according to Hoyle three of a kind don't beat four of a kind.” “I knew you New York fellows would get ahead of us somehow,” was tlie Chicago mini's reply, as he started for the door. “I wish I had said a pair of sevens and a pair of nines, then I’d had you.’’—N. Y. Herald. “Akk you the celebrated Madame Bombas ton?” he asked, after he had climbed four flights of stairs and was admitted into a mysterious apartment. “Yes,” replied the bizarre-looking personage who received him. “The great clairvoyant?" "Yes." “And you foretell the future?" “Yes.” “And read tlie mind?" “Yes.” “And unfold tlie past?” "Yes, yes!" “Then,” said the visitor eagerly, “tell me what it was my wife asked me to take homo for her to-uighU”—DemoresU.
They’have made an honest, earnest, nnd persistent attempt to obey the p<q>ular mandate delivered when the present democratic congress and president were elected. They are deserving of great praise for wrestling what they have wrested from a protectionist sen-
der the Walker free trade tariff of 18411 one-quarter. The early republicans were in favor of freedom of trade as well as the freedom of men. The average rate of duties under the tariff of | 1857 was less than 80 per cent. This was the tariff “Buchanan left us.” and
etc. and their holding out so long as it was a great stride towards free trade there seemed to be a ray of hope wh ? n compared with the Wilson bill,
against the protectionist amendments which that body thrust so plentifully
into the Wilson hill.
The democrats of tlie ways and means committee labored with great zeal and
which proposes 35 per cent, on dutiable foreign imports. The modern tariff-for-plunder republicans do not appear to good advantage when compared with the great founders of the
industry, and finally produced a bill ; I ,Hrt -V- " ho ' vert ‘ to commer-
which was fairly acceptable to those who meant what they say when they voted for a tariff for revenue only. They did not produce a perfect bill by any means. They did not produce a bill which was satisfactory to iqost of
their own number.
But they did produce one on right
cial slavery as well a.4 to negro slavery. The McKinley tariff of 1890 is 250 per cent, higher titan the republican tariff of 1857—the one “Buchanan left
us.”—Jackson Patriot.
Waives In Cot tori Mi Hu#
The wage reduction at the New Bedford mills, which has led to a great
lines, bused on right principles, and strike, is not warranted by anything ntaking a long step toward the tintd in the ivew tariff. The ne\V cotton goal of commercial liberty and the j schedule was made to suit the reptile ultimate abandonment of the entire licans, and Senator Aldtich pronounced policy of supporting and enriching fa- it “the most scientific tnriff on cottons" vored industries by levying forced con- ever devised. Our cotton mills need nr, tributions upon others. They went as protection whatever. Their raw marfur as they believed it possible to go, terial is a home product. Secretary in view of tlie known character of the Blaine certitied that the labor cost in senate, toward tho total abolition of | American cottons is less titan in those the republican system of legalized rob- ! of England. The wages Were not raise> bery. | when the McKinley bill passed, and The house, led for the time being by i their reduction now is as bad policy on such men as Tom Johnson and DeWitt ] the part of the mill owners as a strike Warner, went further than the com- j with violence is on the part of the opwittcu and voted for free coal, iron aud erutives.—N. Y. WurhL
suli'tantial relief to the people anil must I # accepted as a substantial tictcinninv of thorough ami progressive tariff reform. If we denounce some of its duties and rates, it Is because what may be much lower tlian the duties and rates of tlie McKinley bill are yet enormities In a democratic bill. We have trained a vanl ico pround from which we shall continue to shell the camp of monopoly. The day of mad protection Is over in tills country: M*Kinlc\ism will disappear «s a dark und hideous lilis'ht from our statute hooks. The tie lit will go on - not. maybe, in such a general engagement and protracted struggle as we have just passed through, but that steady and resistless pressure that will take nm- after another of the strongholds of privilege until all shall disappear before the advance of public opinion und public emancipation. • We have a right to confess our own shortcomings as measured by the high standard of our own principles and professions. Hut all this does not imply dissatisfaction w ith our own party as a whole ordistrust as to meanings and intentions. If the closeness of the vote in one housi-of congress gave opportunity for a few to combine against the jieople and against nil the rest of their party and Obstruct Its faithful efforts to redeem Its pledges, the overwhelming mass of the democrats in the country are subject to no just eritlilsin if we have done less In the way of relieving the people a burdens than we had hoped and promised they would have done nothing at all. If we hate anywhere uncovered a trust and found it too strong for our eomplete dislodgeraent in the first attack we have never fulled to And them Murdily ami •solidly arrayed for Its defense. The weapons with which monopoly has fought us they have forged and tempered and supplied. The entrenchments ami fortresses behind which privilege lias suicided Itself from our attack they have Imilded for It stone by stone und stronghold by stronghold." With the revival of business and renewed prosperity between now and June, 188i;, the eall for McKinley to lie the candidate of tlie republicans for president will be audibly less stentorian, even if it does not lapse into complete silence. Without the possibility of any demand for the restoration of the McKinley tariff there will be no demand for McKinley.—Chicago Hers
aid.
THE LABOR WORLD. New Zealand has few tramps. Chicago has many barbers. There is a wild animal trust. Iowa runs a free labor bureau. Detroit has sixty union teamsters. Detroit is to have a daily labor paper. London printing trades will amalgamate. Detroit painters talk of organizing a state union. Chicago barbers have organized for bum lay closing.
to all the tariff-shielded trusts and combinations formed to pluuder the American people under tlie protection and by the active aid of republican
laws.
COMMENTS OF THE PRESS. Tlie tariff bill will lie known as a step in the right direction.—Boston Herald. By a statement made by Disbursing Officer Evans to the department of agriculture tlie statement shows a reduction of more titan 14 per cent, in the expenditures during tlie fiscal year ended June 30, 1894. Asa result more than 8500,090 will be covered back into tlie treasury out of the appropriation for the fiscal year.—N. Y.
Rost.
Another democratic pledge lias been redeemed. The McKinley tariff law no longer lives to oppress the people and disgrace tlie statute books of the country. The democrats promised its repeal and the promise ha'; been kept. Tlie new law may not be all that the people desired, but it is a vast improvement on tlie McKinley act.— Chicago Herald. Nothing could be more idle than the assertion that the sugar trust operates exclusively upon the democratic party. Its hold there lias just been demonstrated, but its octopus arms extend into both parties. If the republicans were free from it they might easily unite with the democrats and give the country the benefit of a bill that would destroy all the trust's present ad van t age. —Boston Herald. “McKinley’s is the schedule we're fighting for,” was declared by the president of tlie sugar trust during tho tariff struggle. It is not diflicult to see what candidate would receive the largest contribution from tlie combines that aro piling up riches at the expense of tho masses who aro striving to regain control of their own resources.—Detroit Free Press. That atrocity, the McKinley bill, is about to be wiped from tlie statute books by democratic votes. The pledge of 1892 to the people is redeemed as far as the people have conferred tho power. The tariff reformers could not control a senate to which a majority of real reformers had not been elected. Having placed tho blame for the incompleteness of tlie reform where it belongs, tlie house democrats can adjourn in the “consciousness of duty done.”—SSL Louis Republic.