The Greencastle Democrat, Greencastle, Putnam County, 7 April 1894 — Page 3

TALES of childhood.

How dear to my heart are the scenes ot my childhood. With fair.es and giants and wonderment fraught. How often 1 wept for the Uabos In the Wildwood CoTored over with loaves which the little birds brought. And sweet Cinderella, whosc-slsters would whip her Till the fairy god mother sent her to the ball! What Joy when she fitted the little glass slipper And married the good, handsome prince ofter all. My hair, it would stand right up straight from my forehead When Uluetoard found blood on tho key which his wife Had used to peek into that chamber so horrid— Hut wasn't 1 glad when they took llluebeard's life. Dear little Red Riding Hood! Who could bo sweeter When she thro' tho woods to her grandmother sped; How frightened 1 felt lest the big wolf would eat her When showing his teeth while she lay on the bed. And Hop-o'-my-thumb I What a smart little fellow lie was to strew pebbles to And his way homo; I guessed his bad uncle felt awfully mellow When Hop and his brothers would back again coma Hold Jack.and Deanstalkl I shivered whenever Tho giant said: "Fe-fl-fo-fum I I smell blood,” And held In my breath till Jack's hatchet could sever The stalk so the giant fell down with a thud. And Jack, Qiant Killer, so bravo and deflantl He wasn't afraid ot old ogres a bit; Ho shook his wee Ost at that two-headed giant Who, running to catch him, tell Into Jack's pit Puss In Hoots: How I listened In awe to that story Apd wondered If cats long ogo were so wise; And dear Sleeping Hoauty—who slept In her glory Until the nice prince came to open her eyes. And tiny Tom Thumb, on bis mouse-horse a rider, With his little sword neodlcl O, wasn't ho cute; How bravely be vanquished that terrible spider— A hero ho was of most noble repute. Beauty and th' beast also gave mo a pleasure. And Slnbad, tho Sailor, and 1 orty Thieves, too. And Aladdin, whose wonderful lamp Was a treasure. And (he Wooden Horse flying aloft In tho blue. Enchantment and fairies and magic and witches. Hobgoblins and dwarfs, genii, giants and elves, Kings, princesses, princes and queens and such riches— Those story books mustn't bo closed on the shelves. —IL C. Dodge, In Goodall's Sun.

A SMART CRIMINAL.

Why

Ho Socurod an Easy Job in tho Warden’s Office.

The train stopped for a few moments nt a small town and a j’oung girl got in. She was tall, slender and pretty, a true village lass, dressed in a neat gown, but one which, nevertheless, bore evidence of homo manufacture. The coach was rather crowded and she looked this way and that for a seat. T hen iter bright glance rested upon two men seated in therearof the coach, and she gave an exclamation as she came toward them. “Why, George Coomer,” she said, as she stopped near the younger of the two men and extended her hand cor-

dially.

He was a good-looking young fellow, dressed with great taste, and was evidently a friend of auul lang syne with the young girl, lly his side was seated an older man with coarse features, a hard expression resting upon his face, lie wore a slouch hat He was powerfully built and would evidently bo a hard man to handle where physical force was called for. “Why, little Grace Shaw," exclaimed the young man. Hut he did not rise, nor did he extend his hand, lie reached over with his left hand and turned over

a seat.

“Won't you sit down here?” he

asked.

“With pleasure. It is so long since I have seen you. George." “Yes, about ten years.” Then alluding to his companion, he Eaid; “This is—this is my friend, Mr. Charles Grove." The young woman bowed stiffly, but she made up her mind that she would not like the companion of her old friend. There was something forbidding about him to her. “What hare you been doing, George, since you left town?” “Oh, a little of everything and a good deal of nothing.” " It was unkind not to have let any of your old friends hear from you all this time.” “Well, a man is so busy, or rather so occupied in town with doing what little he has to do, that he—” “Forgets old friends,” she added, reproachfully. "Well, not exactly. Hut tell me about yourself." “There is nothing to telL I am teaching schooL Hut you, we have always wondered, all of ns, how you were getting on. Some of us said that you were always so smart lhai you would do very well in New York. Have you done well?" The young man laughed. “Ask my friend here," ho said. “Ho has done very well,” said the

Tho young man recovered his suave manner. “Don’t be alarmed. Grade," he said. | •‘You can now understand what ho meant when lie said he was going to a big house. 1 am going to take him there. I am a United States marshal and he is a criminal. That is all, so cheer up, my girL" Tho other man gave a grunt and a snort. “Well, I am blowed,” he said, "What has he done?" she asked, eyeing him with terror. “Oh, not very much. lie is a generally bad man. lie would as soon burglarize as sandbag a person; ho would us soon pick your pocket as run a faro bank; he would just as soon enter a front door and help himself as he would to climb a porch, lie is simply a good all-round crook, and 1 am taking him to jail.” "Whew! whew!" whistled the other man, regarding the young fellow with amazement “Hut don’t be alarmed, my dear. He won’t bo ugly to-day. Ho knows that I’ve got him and he’ll keep <iuiet Just hand me that newspaper, will you? It is us well that people should not know what bad company I’m in.” “Well, I’ve a good notion to punch—” began the other man. “How long is he sent up for?” asked the young lady. “Only five years, but ho deserves ten, anil I wish they had given it to him.” “Is it possible?" “Yes. In 1883 ho robbed a house of six hundred and fifty-three dollars; in 1885 ho escaped from jail; in 1880 he sandbagged a man and took his watch; two years after ho was running a crooked gambling house, and now ho is sent up for forgery. He is capable of oil the small vices, and a good many of the big ones.” Hy this time the train had an-veil at the station where the young girl was to leave the train. “Well good-by, George," she said, ris-

ing.

“Good-by, Gracio." "I’m so glad to have scan you.” “And I, also. Y’ou are becoming such a sweet, pretty girl" "You don’t think so?" "Indeed I do.” “I’m so glad that you have done well In the city, and 1 will tell all your old friends.” "Yes, da" “He careful of that man with you. Aren’t you afraid of him?” "Oh, no.” “Well, good-by.” "Good-by.” He extended his left hand. * ‘Shake!” he said. She put her pretty hand in his and he gave it a pressure that made her

blush.

“Sorry I can’t shake with the other hand,” he said, “but duty, you know, duty—"

“Yes."

"Good-by.” "Good-by.” "Don’t forget to tell all the folks I am doing well." "I won’t" "Am prosperous and all that”

"No.”

“Good-by.” “Good-by.” She was off, and now tho train was bowling on again. The other man took a key from his pocket and unlocked the handcuffs. Then he fastened the end that had been attached to him to the iron work of the

seat.

“Now, Confidence Jim, if you meet any more of your lady friends, just introduce this seat to them.” With that the other man walked into a smoker and lighted a cigar, but ho kept his eyes upon the man who was fastened to the seat Hut when the warden of the jail heard of the sto/y ho laughed. Then he gave the smooth prisoner work in ids own office.—Detroit Free Press.

GOOD GOVERNMENT.

well v indeed^ He i- trr S .

from business for a * .. ()h .. replie(1 he< with nn air of con .

cruff jp'*'} ..

is going to retire

few weeks just now and rest up a bit" “How lovely! Have you made yorr

fui’luue then, Geoige?” “Weil, 1 am on the road.”

“He is going to live in one of the biggest houses iu the state,” eaid the gruff

man.

"How fine!” “Smart boy is George," chuckled the

other man.

Suddenly there was a jolt ns the train stopped, and a newspaper which had | been carelessly spread over the knees of the two men fell to tiic Uoor. Tho young girl gave an exclamation of terror, for there sat the men handcuffed

together.

Philosophy from Fogicy Bottom. Er man dat kin tell whether he’s tired er jes’ lazy has judicial qualifications dat fits him nachcrly fur do s'preme bench. When er' man go'a roun' askin'-fob advice do chances is ’bout seventeen ter three dat he’s jes’ tryin’ ter put off gittin* down ter business. De school dat you lams in makes a heap ob diff’rence. No good comes ob teachin’ er boy his rifmetic f’um a policy slip. Er big glass di’mun’ shirt stud ain’t got no magnifyin’ powers. Hits effect am ter make do man dat stall's bellin’ it look mighty small. Some men fin’s hit mighty liatid ter think sense an’ talk politics simultu-

ously.

Don’t gib too much 'tontion ter fancy 'complishments. Er man gits erhead much faster by pl«Un walking’ dan he kin by turnin’ somersets.—Washington

Star.

Unnecetnary. The Ainu, an uncivilized tribe on the Island of Yezo, arc not at all fond of bathing. Indeed, they share the Chinese idea that it is only dirty people who need continual washing. They do not regard themselves as dirty, and therefore dispense with the uncleanly

habit

“You white people must be very dirty," said an Ainu to a traveler as the latter was preparing to take a plunge into a limpid river, “as you tell me you bathe in the river every day.” And what about yourself?" was tho

tempt, “I am very clean, and have never needed washing!”—Youth’s Com-

panion.

The Tonne Idea. The small boy appeared at tho country school and the teacher, as a preliminary, had a talk with him. "Well, my little man,’’ he said, pleasantly, “do you know why you came to

school?”

“Y“s, sir.”

"Tell me why?"

“’Cause mother said I was In her I way all the time at home, and she j didn’t want tho bother of mo,” and tho ' teacher subsided.—TicWoit Free Frews

The Chief Altu of tin- I>*>nio('r»tlc Ailmln-

Istrittlon.

The braves of the Iroquois club met in Chicago on the evening of Tuesday, April 2, at a grand banquet in memory of Thomas Jefferson, the father of democrats. Many democrats of national reputation were present and spoke upon the leading political questions of the day. Among them was John E. Kussell, of Massachusetts, who, in response to the toast. “The Administration, Vigorous, Fearless, Democrat-

ic,” said:

“Mu PUESIDKNT AND Gbntlkmen. The federal elections during the last administration show that as soon as the policy of the party in power was developed it lost the confidence of the people and was discredited and repudiated

I to the end.

“The presslnp necessity for repeat of all the fiscal legislation of that period of reaction has | led to disquiet which now makes all deliberaI tion seem slow. We must Judge the vigor of ' the administration not by this natural Impa* ] Hence of the people but by comparison with

| other years.

“It is a year last month since our party assumed the responsibility of government under i circumstances which could not be more discouraging in time of peace. Four yea p s previi ous Mr. Cleveland had given the chair to his successor with only one pressing difficulty—excessive taxation creating a largo treasury surI plus This condition had been clearly put before the country in the famous message to the I Fiftieth congress, which responded by the passage of the Mills bill, a salutary measure rejected by tho republican senate. | “Our opponents met the condition in their ! way and at the end of four years we return to a | change of affairs so radical that the recital I seems incredible. A treasury without a dollar ! of working balance and loaded with obligations deep bedded in laws; a tariff which has taken ; the name of its author because It is his inven- • tion of a new system to increase burdens while j it reduces revenue by turning the stream of taxes from the people's treasury to the pockets of individuals, corporations and trusts. | “The financial legislation, bearing the name i of Mr. Sherman, had worked adversely to tho expectation of its framers and had so Impaired our credit abroad that our stock markets were j breaking down w ith securities sold for foreign account and a financial panic was well • under way. These were the conditions Mr. Cleveland and his cabinet were called to face. “Never did the people expect so much; there must be economy to make up four years of waste; contldence, chilled by reckless financial measures, was to bo warmed to life, trade, litful ami feverish from excessive stimulation, w as to lie restored to calm health, and, as ours is a government not of men, but of laws, and law is the fruit of wise delay, time was neces-

sary.

“Through the whole administration of Mr. Harrison there had been a steady decline in the values of agricultural products and in the railway traffic of every part of the country. The iron and steel market, the barometer of public prosperity, had fallen until one-third ot the furnaces ot the country were cold. Hut no fair politician would attribute this solely to law, or lack of it. “Unwise and extravagant as the legislation of the Fifty ilrst congress was, prodigal as its appropriations for pensions, bounties, subsidies and public buildings, there were other and deeper causes at work, involving tho whole civilized world, so closely are the nations bound together in financial relations that under any laws the currents of our trade would have been disturbed and we could not avoid our share of the distress which has spared no part of the trading world. “It is the common cry of partisanship to attribute the troubles of the past year to an election which implied a reduction of the taxes of the people. If this were true, If in the second century of our government a popular election cannot be held and a change made in obedience to the will of a great majority of the electors without ruin to the business of the country, then our institutions are a lailure. No thoughtful, no patriotic citizen will make such an as-

sertion.

“The business of the country is not carried on by political parties; it is based upon the resources of the continent, upon the farm, ihe forest and the mine, and the daily toil of humble men. When the farmer of the south, feeling the airs of the warm gulf, and looking out upon the whitening cotton field, cries iu distress. and is answered by the northwestern wheat grower who stands upon his mortgaged farm, a hopeless debtor amid his golden sheaves, there are deep causes of trouble that only the shallow politician or the partisan of the hour would attribute to tho changes sug-

gested by an election

“The determination of the people expressed

In several elections to equalize taxation and curb the power of privilege has not caused the fall in the price of iron or of silver. If the whole fabric of protection was swept away in rude disregard of the two or three percent, of our population who may possibly derive some benefit from it, there would be no difference in

tho value of the crops of the country. “We are dependent upon the world’s market,

and the world in this generation has become a small planet. The submarine cable, the screw, propelling an immense steel ship, and the Suez canal, have brought all lands into a daily market, and the prehistoric races of the east, whose customs and heredity antedate our origin, jostle us iu the world's markets. Tho millions who from time immemorial have crouched on the ground floor of a bamboo hut in bronze nakedness, eating a handful of rice, have their wheat and cotton handled by railway *hd'aun*nTb.rund xcmpeUr vitlt '.be •piquets of our soil in the world s markets, me result of such competition was shown ou the produce exchange of this splendid city, which is the creation of American farming. This condition, which has nut been prevented by the power of protective tariffs. Las not come suddenly. It has been the work of years. I speak of it as a part of that serious embarrassment, difficulties which no administration since Lincoln tirsl took office has had to meet, and which we are called upon to relieve by economy in expenditure, and by such changes of revenue laws as will fulfill, so far as possible, these

democratic all thr? rnorj'y

people pay in taxes the government should receive; that taxes should bo so laid as to bear

equally upon all parts of the country. “In limes of public distress and sharp parti

san criticism, it is hard to comply with the impatience of the people, but I assert that never In our history has an administration moved more rapidly in the correction of legislation. Public contldence has been restored in our financial situation; the federal elections law has been fully discussed and repealed with the general approbation of tho people of every part of the country who feel that the mildness of government In the employment of dangerous powers Is no reason for their continuance. The Intrigue and jingoism which was tho least excusable trait of the Harrison administration and w hich has impaired our influence, if it has not lost the confidence of the South American fepublics, has been fitly rebuked In tho Hawaiian matter; a revenue measure in accordance with tho orders of the p^iple has passed the house and is before the senate months earlier than a tariff bill has ever before been presented to that body; the appropriation bills have been well advanced, unwise measures inflating the currency have been prevented ana the treasury has been made secure in its ability to redeem the paper of the government The same contingency iu Mr Harrison's time was met by :— ' of our

Intensified the panic of last summer.

“Let {Artisan critics look back into the his-

tory of our eovornoi-nt from tho boytnnliui and ".n

prr if u? rmy tlmo thoro ha. boon A more nutUl I response to the will of the people, or more fearless and vigorous action upon tho part of an administration. It Is a matter of deep regret, I doubt not, to every man here, that there has been opposition m the senate, which has exposed our party to censure, and which has been resented hy the country. The house, coming directly from the people and responsible to them, has acted promptly, but the senate has

•oroly tried the patience of the country. •‘I am not here to Impeach tho loyalty of any

| democrat to our administration, bill faithful support of party, when charged with the re- | sponsibiltty of government, is true patriotism;

; iris loyalty to our country.

’’In this view I do not understand the opposition to legislation iu the senate, when we are

under the Imperative orders

act tn their behalf.

‘Failure to act, or half-hearted action, may b. dictated by local Interests or may accomplish individual revenge, out It will bo punished by

the voters.

“It Is the peculiar character of the democratic party that It Is not sectional—not dlvldod by geographical lines, not dependent for existence upon success, not a party led by placemen, but a thoroughly national party. It has had its dork days, tl* long wandering* In the wilderness, its abasements and trials, hut Its unquenchable vitality proves U tho party of tho American people tho same here In Illinois that

of the people to PROTECTION AND OPPRESSION.

How Workingmen Are Prevented fr*>ni Signing Tariff K«*forin Petition*. Thousands of petitions have l»een ] sent to congress in favor of the Wilson bill anti tens of thousands against it. After the elections of 1S9J and 1S92, this fact mitfht seem strange to some, i If so, it is because they do not under1 stand the present economic situation, i The do not realize to what extremes

people ami invulnerable to tho weapons of political warfare It took Its riso with the birth of American liberty, ami it will perish when that

liberty is no more.

*SJur administration is thoroughly democratic in the sense that it came into power without sectional appeal; it had the consent of every part of the country. It was a triumph of the people over politicians and classe i, a pro-

test against privilege.

"The Jeffersonian idea is reliance upon tho people and confidence in them. “The founders of the republic were not all in agreement with democratic ideas; many of them, nursed under the cold shallow of aristocratic forms, distrusted the people; they looked to Europe for instruction and models, they deferred to wealth, education and wellborn position. It was then that our party rose under the guidance of the brain that produced the charter of American liberty, it camo into being to save the fruits of the revolution, to curb the tendency to revert to the government of a class, and to raise the poor man to an equality in the state and fit him for the public

service.

“It taught that government is the creation of the people, an instrument for tneir use, and that it should be for the equal benefit of all; It developed the idea that it is the best government that governs the least, that preserves domestic order and is strong for defense, but which does not Interfere with the pursuits of the people. In such a government the delegated power to tax is limited to the needs of government economically administered. It cannot confer favors upon individuals or classes nor assist them In their business by legislation, nor can It create system* of agriculture, manufac-

ture or trade.

“Gentlemen, the administration and the men who stand with it in congress are trying to restore our government to the principles from which it has so far drifted. The great body of the privileged class and the representatives of the protected Interests oppose and denounce it because it Is striving to carry out Jeffersonian principles as history states them and as we understand their application to the present time. The concentrated efforts of enormous wealth and organized selfish Interests are working

against us.

“When our opponents refer to the founders of the republic it is only to claim that they approved of the system of indirect taxation. They never approved of taxes for protection. Taxation was for revenue, and all protection was incidental to It. In their time there was no accumulated wealth and tne only way to raise revenue was upon imports; it was equal taxation, tecause there was then a nearer equality of condition than the world had ever before seen and the chief pursuits of the people were agriculture and commerce. How Jefferson and Madison would act now* may be judged from tne maxims of their policy. They took the best methods at the time under the circumstances to serve the people, but class legislation was abhorrent to their democracy, and in that opinion we follow them. They would advocate a system under which wealth would bear its burden of taxation. Our great master, whose birthday we now celebrate, says it all in language no one can improve; “ * WIth all these blessings what more is necessary to make us a happy and prosperous pooploy Still one thing—a wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this Is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.’ ”

advocated abandoning the principle* upon which Lincoln was elected and allowing slavery not only* to continue in the south, but to extend right through the states to California. I l>elieve in the future, when we look back to the time when we voted for tariff reform, we will do so with as much satisfaction as those who voted for the abolition of slavery and fought and bled for that cause.”

political manufacturers will go to pre-

it Is in Georgia or Texas or New Jersey or Con- V( , nt tho i„ ss <)f th „ p that has n , )Ur _ uectlout, springing from the warm heart of the or thenL

It takes unusual courage to enable factory employes to sig'n petitions which are not sanctioned by tho bosses. Those who have pone amongst the “protected” workinpmen and have met them in their homes and lodges, say that there are very few tariff reform backsliders, even during 1 these hard times—falsely credited to the shadow of tho Wilson bill. The workingmen, however, think it bad policy for them to sign tariff reform or free trade petitions, when such action will imperil their positions and bring hardship upon themselves and their families, Hesides, they think it unnecessary. They voted twice for radical tariff reform and they now expect congress to do what it was elected to do. If it does not, ttiey are likely to cast about next fall for a new party that promises

to keep its promises.

Mr. 1!. F. Uongstreet tells us in the Courier, of SL Louis, how protectionist oppression is applied in Worcester, Mass. On January 3, Mr. Thomas P. Kennedy succeeded in having resolutions indorsing the Wilson hill adopted hy the central labor union of Worcester. These were the resolutions which Congressman J. H. Walker, of Worcester, refused to present to congress and which were finally presented hy Jerry Simpson, of Kansas, a man not under the thumb of protected manufacturers, because Medicine Lodge, his home, is not a manufacturing center. Mr. Kennedy, who is a laster in one of the leading shoe houses of Worcester, and who is a sober, steady, intelligent and worthy workingman, expected to lose his position. His emnloyers “laid for him” hut they waited until February, when matters had couled down, before discharging him. An old man, a war veteran, who was in the thickest of the anti-slavery fight in Kansas, feeling confident that lie could secure hundreds of petitions in favor of the Wilson bill, as being “in the right direction,” drew up a petition, but upon going to his work that morning he was surprised by the labored efforts of the men to keep out of his reach. Newspaper reports of his intention had anticipated his arrival at the shop that day, and late in the afternoon lie found the explanation to be that the ‘boss” had passed the word among the men in this threatening injunction: “You had better keep away from that man with his devilish heresies ” He is in daily expectation of his

discharge.

Mr. Longstreet, who has been active for radical tariff reform, says that he has been made to feel the pressure of protection to such an extent that he lias sold out his business, and will leave Worcester to locate in a less protected and, therefore, more liberal city. It is really a serious matter for workingmen in protected industries to express their honest convictions; without the secret ballot, in most states in IS’.IO and 18113, it is not improbable that we would not now know their honest convictions were for tar ff reduction.

QUAINT MARRIAGE NOTICES.

A Curious

from Olil

Collection

pen.

Married—In England, Mr. Matthew Uousby, aged 31, to Mrs. Ann Taylor, aged Stf. The lady’s grandson was at this equal union, and was five years older than his grandfather.—Salem

Mercury, October 31, 1788.

The Kith inst., Mr. William Cheokley, son of Kev. Mr. Samuel Cheokley, of Hostun, was married to Miss Folly Cranston, a young lady of genteel Acquirements and of a most Amiable Disposition.—Old Huston paper, December

19, 1708.

Thursday last, was married, at Newport, li. I., John Coffin Jones, Esq., of Hoston, merchant, to the truly amiable and accomplished Miss Abagail Grant, daughter of the late Alexander Grant, Esq., a lady of real merit, and highly qualified to render the connubial state supremely happy.—Old Hoston paper.

May 33. 1780.

In Williamsburg, N. C., Maj. Smith, of Prince Edwards, Va., to Miss Charlotte U. Hrodie. This match, consuin-

WEAK-KNEED DEMOCRATS. Men Who Are Afraid to Show Their Colors

hi Public.

The reform club of New York had a big tariff reform meeting in Little Falls, N. Y., on February 33. There was great opposition to the meeting. At 7:30 p. in., the opera house had not been lighted, but few people had arrived and the prospects for a successful meeting were not flattering. It was then that the leading democrats who had given but half-hearted support to tlie arrangements, began to decline the honor of acting as chairman to intro- | duce Mr. W. H. Estell, the speaker. Disgusted at the cowardice of the democratic politicians, the reform 1 club representative at last asked Mr.

HIS CONSISTENCY. How the riminplon of Protection Stumbled Over Himself. Sixty-five of Maj. McKinley’s speeches and addresses have just l>een printed in one large volume, intended as bait to induce the next republican nomination for the presidency to come this way. Here are a few of the contradictions on the subject of “who pays tariff taxes” as they occur in McKinley’s new

book:

What, then, is the tariff? The tariff is a tax put upon goods made outside of the United States and brought into the United States for sale and consumption. If a man comes to our cities and wants to sell goods to our people on the street, we say to him: "Sir, you must pay so much into the city treasury for the privilege of selling goods to our people here.” Now, why do we do that? We do it to protect our own merchants. Just so our government says to the countries of the old world: “If you want to come in and sell to our people, and make money from our people, you must pay something for the privilege of doing it” Now, that is the tariff (pp. 185, 180; October 29, 1885). We tell every man in America who wants Scotland's pig iron, if he thinks it is better and does not want the American pig iron—we tell him that if he must have the Scotch, “you must pay for the privilege,” and in that way we maintain that great industry (p. 188; October 29, 1885). Under this law (the McKinley bill) the (United States) government cannot go abroad and buy what it can get at home without paying a duty. The result will be that the government hereafter will buy more at home and less abroad—and it ought to. (Applause.) (p. 511; April 10. IsDl). They say “the tariff is a tax.” That is a captivating cry. So it is a tax; but whether it is burdensome upon the American people depends upon who pays it If we pay it. why should the foreigners object? Why all these objections in England, France, Germany, Canada, and Australia against the tariff law of IVjo, if the American consumer bears the burdens, and if the tariff is only added to the foreign cost which the American, consumer pays? If they pay it then we do not pay it (p. 579; May 17. 1892). Last year we paid f55,000,000 out of our own pockets to protect whom? To protect the men in the United States who are producing just one-eigth of the amount of our consumption of sugar. Now we wipe that out, and it will cost us to pay the bousty just #7,000,000 every twelve months, which furnishes the same protection at very much less cost to the consumer. So we save ? 17,000,000 every year and leave that vast sum in the pockets of our own people. (Applause on the republican side) (p. 452; May 29, 1890). WHAT IS WEST VIRGINIA? Why Should the Two Senator* from Such a ^mall Mato «I«M>pardize Reforms A*ke«l bv the Whole Country? Senators Camden and Faulkner join with Senator Gorman in insisting that coal and iron be taxed. They say that “their state” demands it. What is their state? Who are their

constituents?

West Virginia had in 1890 a population of 702,794, of whom 181,400 were males of voting age. Of the breadwinners, according to the census of 1880, 107,578 were engaged in agriculture, 81,080 in professional and personal service, 10,053 in trade and transportation, and 28,288 in manufacturing, mechanical and mining industries. The value of the coal output in 1890 was *5,080,584; capital invested in the mines, *10,508,000; number of employes

9,952; wages, *8,888,000.

The capital invested- in iron mining

tigieefi ai^n thirty-one years age, Camden, 8. G, when he was captured at the battle of Camden; and, being separated by war, etc., each had supposed the other dead until a few months since, when they accidentally met, and neither plead any statute of limitation in bar of the old bargain.—8aleiu Ga-

zette, July 19, 1811.

Married.—In this town, on Sunday evening last, by Kev. Dr. Haven, Mr. Mark Simea, Esq., Deputy Fostmaster, etc., to the Elegantly Pretty and Ami* ably Delicate Miss Mary Ann Hlount, youngest daughter of the late CapL John Hlount, of Little Harbour. Genius of Hymen; power of fondest love: In showers of bliss descend from worlds abovo, Ou beauty's rose and Virtue's manlier form, And shield, ab, shield them both from limes

tempestuous storm.

—Oracle of the day, Portsmouth, N. H.,

November 24. 1798.

At Concord Ebenezcr Woodward, A. H., Citizen bachelor of Hanover, N. H., to the Amiable Miss Kobinson. At Longmeadow, Mr. John M. Dunham, Citizen bachelor and Printer, aforesaid, to the Amiable Miss Emil}’ Hurt The promptness and decision which tho

said citizens have shown “In all the fond Intrigues of love”

is highly worthy of imitation, and the success that has so richly crowped their courage and enterprise must be an invincible inducement to the fading pha-

remaining bachelors to

maloti .only few .days, since, .was ^ . v>1 V^^ 3 end was *3,905,000; total wages paid

" w farmer, but not a politician, if he ’-,-188 workers, ?55.,981.

would preside. He gladly consented to do so. Here is a part of what ho

said:

“We all understand the object of this meeting. Not even the most radi-

cal of our republican friends claim that democratic laws have caused any of the hard times through which we are passing. They only claim that it is the fear of what way happen should the Wilson bill become a law that has caused the stagnation in trade and the closing up of our mills. In regard to what would be the consequence of the enactment of the Wilson bill, opinions differ, and we have with us to-night a gentleman who will explain most fully the democratic position on this question, and show you by facts and figures that there can be no question but that the passage of proper tariff reform measures will not only restore our former prosperity, but greatly enhance it. He will also show that the present depression is due, not to demo ratic measures or the fear of democratic measures, but to the condition the country was left in by the actual results of republican laws and republican mismanagement I know that there are many within these walls tonight who are sorry Hull, they voted for Cleveland and a change iu the national policy. Hut I want

Lf!

How small a part of West Virginia's industry is represented by these figures will appear by a single comparison: The value of farms in 1880 was *133,147,000; of the live stock, *17,742,000; of farm products, *20,000,000. The capital invested and the workmen employed in manufactures, transportation and other industries that would be benefited by cheaper coal and iron, added to the agricultural totals, show*";he immense preponderance of men and money interested in untaxing crude

materials.

If the duty on coal and iron does not enable the producers of these materials to charge more for them it fails to “protect." If it docs enable them to charge more it is a tax on consumers. If free raw materials lie not democratic policy, nothing in relation to tlie tariff is distinctively democratic. What are Senators Camden and Faulkner representing in demanding the mutilation of the Wilson bill by the addition of duties on coal and iron? Not the state, the people, or the preponderating interests of West Virginia. Arc they senators for special companies or corporations? How can the democratic party consistently yield to their

demand?—N. Y. World.

— "If congress,” says the Louisvillo Courier-Journal Idem.), “will executo

make a vigorous attack on some fort-’ party coi tinned their extravagant rule ress of female beauty with a deter- - sml financial policy we would be suffer-

ing ten times as badly as we are now.

Ahtm Vie Jvtn.bU.-a,. v .... ^

people, its task is comparatively easy.

“Ne er n> quit tae glorious slrlfu”

’till, drest in all her charms, some blooming fair Herself shall yield, the prize of conquering love.—Boston, 1795.

— N. Y. Journal.

Our of 3,500 newspaper clippings collected by Henry Romeike,of New York, referring > the lute George W. Childs, only one had a mean thing to say about him, and that one said that Mr Childs could not have been a true philanthropist because he left a fortune of tlii,-

000,000.

Tho condition of th-ric weak-kneed democrats is tlie sumo as was that of many republicans after the election of i Lincoln. They had voted for Lincoln I and the abolition of slavery: but, when ! they began to realize what n radical

If it insists on executing the mandate of a lobby of protectionists, it cannot reform the tariff, but the people will address themselves to the task of re-

forming congress.”—Post

—Rousseau said that no government can long stand when deaths continue

change it would make, the secession of ] to outnumber births, because such a the south and the utter prostration of result means that the earnings of the the business interests of the country, 1 people are getting below the line ot they weakened and were sorry that | nbsistence. If France does not get rid they vpted the right way, and many of I of the McKinley system it is likely to the leaders in tlve republican party, j realize the value of this clear-cut brill•be leader of that party in this state '• iant of political economy.