The Greencastle Democrat, Greencastle, Putnam County, 31 March 1894 — Page 3

WELL MATCHED.

Ho was a flirt, and sho was a flirL Too clover by half, you see, For each ono though t The other was caught, Auu both were faacy free. He made a mark on his meerschaum pipe. That all his victims enrolled; Sho cut a nick On her blue fan's stick, That a tale of conquest told. His number was only twenty-nlntk And hers was thirty and three, Yet both still swore That never before Had they met affinity. He was blinded by cllmmerlng gold. But not by her golden hair, And she confessed She was mucl. impressed To Und him a mlllicualre. The God of Love waxed mightily wroth, For tired and bored was ha “Dull and stupid," Cried little Cupid, •Ts mere cupidity. ” They played the prettiest comedy, Till the gay season went, Then in dismay, They found ono day. That neither had a cent. —Dorothy Chapin, In Truth.

miik DECK’S NEW LEAF.

How Tommy’s Sickness Taught His Mother a Lesson. Mrs. Deck wits troubled about many tilings. She craved the newest fashion In sleeves, not, only for herself, but for her little girls, and wanted to have every sort of dish and silver appliance fancy has invented to clutter the table, and enrich the shopkeepers. She belonged to two missionary societies, and to the musical and literary clubs, and she delighted in giving dainty afternoon teas, and little dinners. Mr. Deck often said, with smiling pride, there was nothing slow about Sally, and then ho would give an odd little sigh as if be unconsciously regretted his Sally’s ability to keep up with life’s procession. But no one noted that sigh, unless it was little Tommy, whose quick ears and sharp eyes noticed everything. Tommy was so often called an awful boy, it is probable ho had his faults. To sail on a mud puddle on a bobbing bit of board, ho would scour the little city over, and if there was a ticklish job of tree climbing necessary to the rescue of some fellow’s kite, Tommy was always the boy to undertake it. He would tuck nails in the pockets of his Sunday clothes, and drive them into impossible places with the potato masher, if no other hammer was available, and the times he had flooded the house from the bathroom and given himself the croup and twisted his ankles skating could not be counted. But Tommy never told lies. 11c never even told tiny fibs when by so doing he could have saved himself unpleasant punishment. Tommy’s eyes were big, and the sort of gray that often looked black. His hair was brown and as thick on his head as it could be without being solid, and over his nose was a thick sprinkling) of freckles. The little boys all liked Tommy, and so did the eats and dogs, and so did Miss llramlmll. Ids teacher, though he was stupid in number work. But ids sisters usually spoke of him us “a little plague,” and Ids mamma, without being aware of it, felt him to be a great hindrance to everything she wanted to do. If she was practicing a sonata, ho would break in upon the adagio by beginning to sing “After the Ball,” to the best of his ability. Ho had no voice whatever. Or, lie would, beset by some demon of unrest, steal to the stairway and take that opportunity to slide down the baluster rail, and leave upon it etchings drawn by his buttons. If she were studying a page of Browning, or trying to write an essay upon art, it did seem as if Tommy always chose the moment that would disturb tier most to play wild Indian with a select party of friends, just under the window. So it fell out that by degrees Tommy fell more and more to the charge of Molly, the nurse, and consoled himself when in trouble by visiting the Tuckers, who lived just around the corner in a brown house. Mrs. Tucker somehow kept bread in the mouths of her brood of six by washing} and what she callsd “days’ works. 1 ' At night they gathered about her, and the one lamp, and in all Shoreleigh there was not a happier group. She was busy at something always, patching usually, but It was wonderful the amount of work she could get through with swarmed upon by six pairs of arms, and talked to by six eager tongues. The literary club ~a’s going to hold its annual banquet at Mrs. Deck’s, and that lady determined to make the occasion one long to bo remembered. “Tiici e limy be costlier ones iA' ami by, when Shoreleigh is a great city,” sho told Mr. Deck, “but there shall not bo a prettier one." "Well," assented Mr. Deck, "so it don’t cost too dear, Sally, I’ve nothing to say. I do not mean in dollars, for you are always sensible about spending them, but yourself. You spend yourself too lavishly sometimes.” Mrs. Deck only laughed at this, and went off to the florists' und spent the whole morning deciding whether she would have roses or chrysanthemums for decoration. “Chrysanthemums is newer, mum,” said Mr. Higgs, rubbing his liands together so they rustled. “An' you gits great warioty. Take this 'ere white. Looks like a big dahlia, an' this 'ere white again ere like a mop o’ ’air a droppin’ back from a gal's face, an* this '.tp .»n<» pgnin is piled .up Uki»j» o’ thin-sliced cabbages, an’ this one again are like a sunflower for its shapes, an’ pink an’white, or orange, or—then again all lavender pink, or all gold color is ’undsome. Boses ain’t what j’ou can call old, but they ain’t no ways new, though I ain’t one as Is too ready to force my opinion. Ladies knows what they has and what they

wants.’'

While Mrs. Deck listened to Mr. Higgs, Tommy was busy far away sailing a mud puddle lake with Harry Tucker, for it was Saturday, and when \ie a gat Jioiuo iflollie was tyy busy fin-

ishing her new dress to note that his ; feet and legs were wot. It ached in Tommy’s head the next morning when he got up, but he did not think to tell anyone about it His mamma had been too busy thinking of her part in the coming entertainment to ask if ho had learned his Sunday-school lesson. He had an old-fashioned teacher, had Tommy, and had to commit six verses to memory each week. For quiet ho retired betiind tho curtains in the bow window, and no ono thought of tho redness of his face when he came out. But when at dinner he ate little of his chicken, and said he was too sleepy to wait for his pie, his father discovered that Tommy was a sick boy, and sent off for Dr. Sanders. “Is it something contagious? Will I have to give up having the banquet here?” asked Mrs. Deck, when the doctor had felt of Tommy’s pulse, and looked at his tongue and his breasL “The symptoms are rather obscure, just now,” said tho doctor, who never told anything of which ho did not feel very sure. “There’s a good deal of scarlet fever about and measles, and I’m bound to say there’s smallpox over in Bagdad.” Mrs. Deck threw up her hands, exclaiming: “Smallpox!” “Yes, but I suppose he has not been over in that region. It may be simply a slight stomach trouble. Children, especially of a nervous, sanguine temperament, are liable to lever for slight

causes.”

“Have you been over to Bagdad?” demanded Mr. Deck of Tommy. “Yes, sir,” replied Tommy, unfalteringly. “1 went yesterday morning with Harry Tucker. We wanted to see th* thing old Uncle Lijah Blake's mado. It’s a man sawing wood and goes LT wind like a paper windmill. Um<<« Lijah said he’d whittle me ono for t wo

nickels.”

“Bless my soul!” exclaimed the floater. Then he looked at Tommy’s vae* eination spot “It never took good, you know,” said Tommy’s mamma. “The girls' wyra all right, but Tommy’s was cont-ary." Now, if anyone can have the fc-eipt to hold a rose over a hot fire ;uqi soe it quickly shrivel and wilt, ho c^n have some idea of what befell Tom/uy Deck within the next week, lift e,ld not have the smallpox, but somethirg nearly as bad, scarlet fever, and after that first day he knew no one. lie clung, however, closely to his mother, whom he took to be Mrs. Tucker, and ho wrung her heart by imploring her not to go away. “I like you »>,” he would whisper, huskily. "I ’speet I'd like mamma, if I could get a r.lianee to get acquainted with her. But she’s awful busy, and 1 guess she don’t like boys as well as girls. I forget and rumple her bangs and her frills, and I do forget about the forks and spoons. But you’re so cozy to have 'round, Mrs. Tucker, and please do tell me that story about tho wild bear of county Clare again.” Unluckily, Mrs. Tucker herself was kept close at home with her boy Harry who was sick with the dreaded smallpox, so the story of the wild bear could not be repeated. Plenty of other stories were, however, und dust gathered in the pretty parlors, and the spring bonnets came, and still Mrs. Deck thought of nothing but Tommy. But at last there came a day, and what a happy day it was, when he know her, and old Dr. Sanders announced that, if he did not catch cold, and if ho did not have the dropsy, or half a dozen other complications, he would soon mend and be about again. To look at Tommy was a sorry spectacle. His hair had grown so thin it looked like tho wiry seed vessels of wood moss, and stuck straight up, dry and dead. His cheeks were thin, and his lingers were skinny, ami, for that matter, the whole of his body was peeling. Ho trembled when he tried to sit up, and he wanted to do a thousand tilings ho could not, and if ho had never really been an awful boy, he became one during the waeks of his convalescence. But it was his mother who read to him, played dominoes with him, and taught him to use his paint brushes. All things end, even unhappy things, and after sulphur had made the whole house sweet, and whitewash and paint and scouring had purified Tommy’s sick room, and Tommy himj' self yviyC alloNved to go out- on sunn;, days, Mrs, Deck scared him and surprised his sisters and Mr. Deck by tho declaration that she was going to turn over a new leaf. Tommy, with quick romem-branca-ef the days beforehh. :!■!■ ness, broke out impetuously: “0 mamma, don’t! Just go on.” “Well, perhaps that’s what It will .j'U'wu'i t'v, . The parlors are the pleasantest rooms in tho house, and I have taken down everything in them that can be easily soiled, or broken, so wo can enjoy them every evening, and 1 am going to stop making frills of any sort, fancy cakes, faacy frocks for girls, and all sorts of things that take a great deal of care and time, so wo can have leisure for more stories and study together.” “Good,” cried Tommy. “That’ll be a love your home club, Mamma Deck, won’t it, your new leaf?”—Elizabeth Cummings, in Interior.

PROTECTION’S OWN PANIC.

McKlnleylnm th© < uu«o of American Industrial l>©preftftton. The certain effect of all such protective tariff legislation as that which bears the name of McKinley is to overstimulate some industries and presently to weaken all. Favored enterprises have a feverish and unhealthy activity, •oon followed by overproduction and collapse. The victimized occupations may not immediately feel the drain to which they have been subjected, but eventually their vigor must decline. All protective legislation does violence to normal conditions and sooner or later the evil effects of the injustice will show themselves. In the case of the monopoly legislation of 1890 the inevitable break down came sooner than was expected because tho far-reaching iniquity of that corrupt betrayal of popular rights by favored interests was not at first fully comprehended. It was known that the tariff law was drawn by the men who contributed the great corruption fund of 1888. It was known that the plunder to be secured by its authors was mainly gathered in the first year "or two of its operation. It was seen that unhealthy activity had been followed by lassitude and weakness and that the old familiar results of stimulation were everywhere manifest. All of these symptoms were common enough, for they had characterized every advance that tho protectionists had made toward a prohibitory tariff. If in some places the results in the way of overproduction and prostration were more noticeable than usual it was because the McKinley tariff had outstripped all others in its unfairness and its violence. But a more serious malady was in tho blood. Overproduction was local and sporadic, an occasional manifestation of an unhealthy system. The disease that fastened itself upon American industry as soon as the McKinley legislation went into effect was constitutional. The commercial and business

lar, what about investments? The an- 1 swer that these questions were to re- 1 ceive was foreshadowed long before President Harrison, who signed the McKinley law and the Sherman law, left

the white house.

Foreign investments in America were withdrawn. American securities came home. Gold contracts became the rage. Promises to pay were more and more coupled with the condition that, as gold had been received, gold should be paid. Prudent men began to put their bouses in order, for all signs were portentous of an approaching storm. Small investors and depositors took alarm. If it was good for the rich man to hoard his money it was good for tho poor man to do the same. Certain tricks practiced by Secretary Foster in the bookkeeping of the treasury were not lost upon the people. By transferring this account or that, by postponing one payment and another, national bankruptcy was averted from day to day, but the silver purchases contin-

ued and the amount of paper and that would keep down demagogy, that qllvr depending tor redemption upo* yould take the last grain of justice

AN INCOME TAX. fl-nroiiH In Itfi Favor Fxlrmrts from Con-Ifm-mnail Hall's Article. The following are extracts from Uriel S. Hall's article in the March

Forum:

“The wealthy classes of the eastern states, who are now opposing us in the enactment of this bill, are embarrassing the best friends of a peaceful government The principle that the wealth of this country should help to bear the burden of national taxation is too well settled by logic, by authority and by experience to justify extended argument now. Too often already have members of this congress been warned that whenever the richer class should be asked to share the burdens of government, they, prompted by avarice, would denounce the suggestion. It is their position, not mine, that neods de-

fense.

“In a recent speech in the house of

representatives, I said:

‘Were I called upon to frame a law

one hundred milium dollars of gold became so large that at length a panio seized upon the people. The banks were raided, as the treasury itsel might have been, and it was not until the Sherman silver purchase law, the McKinley law’s twin measure, was repealed that the alarm was stayed. The Sherman law bribery of the silver states, with the resulting panio and the protracted depression, was protectionism’s crowning offense against the American people. It was protectionism’s confession of ignorance on every question of finance and economy. It was protectionism’s testimony to its own reckless indifference to the rights, the welfare of others. It proved that to save itself or to promote its own interests protectionism would stop at nothing—financial panics, national bankruptcy, industrial lockouts, civil war. Is it not time to divorce tho government of the United States from such a partner?—Chicago Herald.

THE LAST REMNANT.

from the conglomerate mass of populistic heresies it would be an income tax law.’ I sincerely feel that every word I said was true. Under our tariff system its burdens are put upon consumption (the necessaries of life that the poor must have or perish), and a poor man with a wife and five children is forced to pay out of his small income a larger sum for the support of the government than is the average man of great wealth with a small family. "AH the greatest authorities on taxar tion say that the subject of a nation should be taxed to support that nation according to their ability, not according to the section in which they live; recognizing that we should all be common bearers and common supporters of a common country, ignoring sectional-

ism.

“Senator John Sherman, in a speech delivered in the United States senate, March 15, 1881, used the following languuge: “ ’The public mind is not yet prepared to apply the key of a genuine revenue reform. A few years of further experience will convince the whole body of our people that a system of national taxes which rests the whole burden of taxation on consumption, and not one cent on property or income, is intrinsically unjust. “ ‘While the expenses of the national government are largely caused by the protection of property, it is but right to call property to contribute to its payment It will not do to say that each person consumes in proportion to his means. That is not true. Every one must see that the consumption of the rich does not bear the same relation to the consumption of the poor, as the income of the rich does the wages of the poor. As wealth accumulates, this injustice in the fundamental basis of our system will be felt and forced upon tlie attention of congress.’ "Thorold Rogers says: ‘Taxation in proportion to benefits received is sufficiently near the truth for the practical operations of government.' Rousseau and Mirabeau, J. B. Say and Gamier, have approved of this system, while Sismondi, in laying down his canons of taxation, declares that 'every tax should fall on revenue, not capital,’ and that ‘taxation should never touch what is necessary for the existence of the contributor.’ John Stuart Mill I declares that ‘equality of taxation, - ' a maxim of politics, means equality sacrifice. ’ “If this income tax bill Is defeatedo will be passed ifi the near future th will be far wider-reaching and iuvol ing fur greater danger of injusti toward wealth.”

tie it taker, to support a person in southern Louisiana. The point of it all is that a bounty of 9 cents a pound must lie kept up or the market for >'19,910,090 worth of products from all parts of the country will be destroyed. Calling 25 per cent of that sum profits, which is a liberal allowance, the entire profit of this trade would lie 17,477,500. But the bounty last year exceeded >10,000,000 a year for trade yielding a profit of less than >7,500,000. The people would be better off to let the trade go and keep in their pockets what they pay as bounty to the cane growers. But there is no danger of losing the trade. The people of Louisiana may produce less sugar if they get no bounty, but they will produce more cotton, more rice and more of various other things. They are not obliged to stop producing if the bounty is stopped. They will produce about as much as ever and will be able to buy about as much from the people of other sections. There will be about the same trade and the same profit, and the bounty will be saved to taxpayers.—Chicago Herald. OPPOSING FREE COAL. Why Certain Senators Ars In Favor of s Ta K, The objections raised by a few senators against certain important parts of the Wilson bill’s free list have a very flimsy foundation or no foundation whatever. There is not the slightest warrant, for example, for an argument against tho removal of the duty on bituminous coal, in behalf of producers of such coal in the interior of the country and west of the Alleghanies. Wo received yesterday from Knoxville, Term., a copy of certain resolutions signed by twenty-five coal companies whose mines are situated in Tennessee or Kentucky. These resolutions urge the senate “to retain the tariff on coal, in, order that the mining and manufacturing industries of our respective states may continue their prosperity and be further developed, instead of being sacrificed for the special benefit of foreign coal and iron producers. We further protest,” say these coal companies, “against the destruction of an investment of at least >19,000,000, and the reducing of our labor to the impoverished standard of that of other countries.” It is upon such protests as this that a part of the opposition to the free-list-ing of coal is based, and yet the removal of the duty would not have the slightest injurious effect upon the industry in Kentucky and Tennessee. It would not reduce the value of that investment of 910,000,000, nor would it cut down the wages of the miners. This talk about labor in the resolutions, by the way, is rather amusing in view of the fact that the attention of the whole country has repeatedly been drawn by bloody riots to the employment of convict labor in the mines of that region. The only effect of the removal of the duty would bo to relieve" manufacturers on the Pacific coast of the tax which they now pay on coal which they are obliged to import from British Columbia and Australia, and to enable New England manufacturers to procure a part of their supply from Nova Scotia. These results of the change would not affect the producers of coal in Kentucky and Tennessee. They would not even affect the producers of coal in the region lying between these

. iillilliik

The Final Rally of Mt Kinlkyism—“On to Washington Chicago Herald.

Phllonophy from Fogruy Hottoin. Er man dat kin tell whether he’s tired er jes’ lazy has judicial qualification dat fits him nacherly fur de s’premo bench. When er man goes roun’ askin’ foh advice, de chance is 'bout seventeen ter tree dat he’s jes* tryin’ ter put off gittin’ down ter business. De school dat you Turns in makes a heap ob diff’rence. No good comes ob toachin’ er boy hisrlfmetic fum a policy s’-lp, - Gc- big g'.'L' S di’’J”Jn. shirt “♦i?'! a n't got no magnifyin* powers. Hit’s effect am ter make do man dat stan’s bellin’ it look mighty small. Some men's fin's hit mighty hahd ter think sense an’ talk politics simultuously. Don't gib too mucl. ’ti'ntlou ter fancy 'complishments. Er man gits erhead much faster by plain walkin’ dan lie kin by turnin’ somersaults.— Washington Star. —Tho railroads of Holland are tho safest. There is only ono passenger killed per annum, while only four are

injured.

life of the nation had been poisoned at its source, and the taint had reached tho minutest vein of tho body. Protectionism had long corrupted the industry, the politics and the commerce of the republic, but it had not until then vitiated its finances. It had debauched the ballot box and degraded American labor; it had demoralized praductic,a aird dcbililaicd thv. iLitiuiial character, but until the summer of 1890 it had not ventured to extend its immorality to the domain of tiie na- ' t.ional crediL It had looted the treasu- ' ry in the interest of high taxes, but m:i til then it had not cast doubt upon the stu!»ility of the treasury. It had op- ! pressed tho nation, but until then it ^had spared tlic nut,ion's honor. In its last grand orgie, drunk with power, delirious over the prospect of ! immeasurable'gains, it hud made common cause with the mine owners of the west who bargained tho votes of ; their representatives in congress to protectionism in return for protectionism's favor to them. The passage of J the so-called Sherman silver law was protectionism’s bribe to the silver states, und was so understood on both sides. Binding the government to buy fortyfive hundred ounces of silver bullion per month, which it had no use for, and to issue thereon paper certificates which j were redeemable in gold, protectionism fastened upon the treasury a task which it could not perform. It struck a blow at the national honor which did not escape the notice of intelligent men

here and abroad.

Ilow long could the treasury pay gold for silver? How long, with its revenues reduced and its expenditures increased, could it pay at all? These were the questions, unanswered for a time, which preceded and led up to the panic’of' l8i)3. "They were asked’in America and in Europe long before the democratic success of 189'-. They eir- ! culated on the breath of suspicion in I every money center of the world, in every nook nod corner of the earth ; where capital existed und where investments were made. How long could the United States treasury, committed to the policy by protectionism’s bargain with the mine owners, pay gold and receive silver? When it ceased to pay gold and came to the silver standard under which a coin worln sixty cents would pass for a dol-

PARAGRAPHIC POINTERS.

The wral^ of the McKinley brethren over the latest edition of the tariff bill is fairly entitled to be considered a good recommendation for

that measure.—Boston Herald.

It was somewhat superfluous for the republican platform of Rhode Island to class the punishment of MeKiinris*R among tno pui ty n^ffTipurj7 coilsluerihg that the prosecution was instituted by democrats, conducted by democrat* and the offender sentenced by a demn-

eratie judge. — Boston Herald.

THE TRUST AT WORK. Th© Sugar Syniltmt© Hound to Have Its round of Flesh. A small map of this large country is distributed gratuitously where it is ex1 pected to serve its purpose best, with the compliments of Delgaco & Co. It j is instructive in various ways, besides being in some respects picturesque. It j shows how all roads lead to the sugar- | cane fields of Louisiana. An exnlana- ; tory remark in manuscript states that , it shows how “other sections" will be j "effected” by tlm murder of the sugar ; industry “by the Wilson bill as it now

stands."

i 1 p.Hi its *fac'e are ocnicieq pumerp’is ! trains of cars said to be loaded, some j with fruit from California, others with • meat from the wild west, others with oil and coal from Pennsylvania, others with grain from rai ious section, others

Ihe call for a convention of ths | with manufactures of different kinds

republican leagues has a familiar sound, especially in the dogmatic declaration as to what “the people,” have to do. Th* peopie"" \Vilr “oe'Tic'aru droin in duo time; and the leagues will probably find that they know their own mind and business much better than the

leagues do.—Detroit tree Press.

The courage of Gov. McKinley is not quite up to the Coxey test William the Timorous is gotug to be away from his post when the army of tatters starts on its bummer way. The governor is perfectly willing that responsibility should devolve on the sheriff; and the sheriff will be perfectly willing to hand it over to the local chiefs of police. Great and cowardly is the political demagogue.—Chicago Herald. A reduction of wages has just been made in the iron works of Cooper, Hewitt ,v Oa, at Trenton. X. J. Mr. Hewitt, one of the proprietors, says in explanation that the reduction was made on account of losses suffered through the business depression, clearly traceable, he declares, to the McKinley bill. “The country could stand almost anything except a McKinley bill," 1« adds. “Ever since the bill was"passed" wages have decreased."—

Louisville Courier-Journal.

Reed’s affectation of fear that tho passage of the Wilson bill will not put an end to uncertainty is indicative of a purpose to keep up the uncertainty. It is a republican threat to continue tho tariff agitation for partisan purposes.

from the cast, others with now |»*iis from the Carolinas, and so on, all destined to the •■:ini'-tn ! ^ • l 1 Resides the trains there are vessels on the exaggerated bosom of the Mississippi, on the gulf and on the Atlantic careering, mu jest jcaHY.Vnvgnl Wie.SBirn

destination.

The inference suggested is that if the sane-growing industry should be slain by the Wilson bill all this commerce would cease, and all sections of the sountry would lie involved in the Louisiana ruin, even as the Philistines perished with Samson when that mighty man pulled down tho pillars of

the temple.

A summary statement in the maredn conveys the information that the total value af the cornmodites shipped annually to the mine fields from all parts of the country is >'19.910,000, anil that those fields yield >15,000,000 worth of products. It follows that the fields do not produce enough to pay for what they get from other parts of the country. the deficit being >4,010,000 annually. This is an instructive exhibit It would lie more so if accompanied by an exi'l'i'li't'oiJ 'if .t 4 be.wj>yJa anhk'h Uhs deficit is made good. Perhaps it is not

with coal imported from the states we have mentioned. We are not sure that a part of this coal exported into Canada was not shipped from the mines of some of these very companies in Kentucky and Tennessee that address this silly protest to the senate. Tho only opposition to free coal for which there is the slightest excuse of any kind is that of one or two senators who are pecuniarily interested, or who are associated with capitalists who are so interested. in two or three railroad and mining C'>'npan!**s which arc now engaged in shipping coal from West Virginia and Maryland to New England, and the manufacturers of New England • 9 l- *h • !-’. -. ;<!i c...-r.5r «..'g!vt not lf> fca taxed heavily for the benefit of their pockets.—N. Y. Times. The Income Tax. The senate will bring itself much nearer to the people by a prompt majority for toe income tax.—St. Louis Post Dispatch. Tho proposed assessment on incomes lor rhisiiTg Ti'}'elide for Che government. " would bo a rich man's tax.—Toledo News. The eastern democrats will have a larger v«SSpYJ6Mb"d 1 ty' m 'deleaving the tariff hill with the income-tax measure attached than they would have in opposing the income tax as a separate measure. —Atlanta Constitution. The question has been raised as to how the imposition of an income tax will affect the conduct of impecunious foreigners seeking the hands and fortunes of American heiresses. This is a matter worthy of congressional investigation.—Detroit Free Press. A fairly laid income tax is the most just tax that can be levied by the government. Who has a greater interest in the execution of laws for the protection of property than the rieii man with a big income, and who is better able to pay for the protection he gets than such a man?—Fort Collins Cour-

ier.

The people are becoming very tired of seeing all the national revenues "raised ~*oy "taxes'" on "consumption, so that an income of >1,009,000 a year pays

made good. In that case ..ie loss must percentage only on what one man

fall upon the people of other sections who supply the beef, wheat, oil, mules, cows, peas and other things, and the trade might better lie destroyed than

not.

The further information is imparted

It is not patriotic; but nobody expects that the $25,000,000 worth of cane pro-

palriotisui from the ex-speaker. His threat is an impotent one, however The passage of tho Wilson bid will put it out of tho power of Mr. Reed and Ids party to create uncertainty for a good while to come.—Detroit Free Press.

ducts support 000,000 people. That gives each of them >41.OO*^ annually for support. This also is instructive. It shows at once how unprofitable the cani growing industry is, aud how lit-

cals and drinks und wears, while a thousand incomes of >1,000 each pays on all that a thousand families eat and drink and wear.—San Francisco Exam-

iner.

— It will be noticed that the manufacturers who reduce the nny r,f their employes “on account of the Wilson bill” always forget to reduce the prices of their products. This is the McKinley idea of protection to American labor.— World.