The Daily Banner, Greencastle, Putnam County, 29 November 1968 — Page 2

Page 2

The Daily Banner, Greencastle, Indiana

Friday, November 29, 1968

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TODAY'S EDITORIAL A New Majority r PHE REAL political story of 1968, aside from who I won the election, is that the old Roosevelt coalition which dominated American politics for most of 36 years has lost its grip. It was a diverse grouping of special interests, and it is remarkable that it remained viable as long as it did. It brought together in a single party Southern whites, Northern ethnic and minority groups, organized labor, and intellectuals of the left. Its geographical base was the South and the big cities of the North. This year’s election saw both a splintering of the coalition and a broadening of the Republican Party’s base. In the South, only Texas remained loyal to the Democratic Party. Richard Nixon carried the border states, while George Wallace won the Dixie heartland. In the North, desertions of labor’s rank and file to Wallace, though not as substantial as some forecast, eroded the Democratic base. Disaffected intellectuals sat on their hands. Only Negro voters remained loyal, giving the Democratic Party an even higher percentage of their vote than in 1964. The result of the coalition’s disintegration is that for the first time in many years a man has won the presidency without the support of big-city constituencies in the East. Richard Nixon won both a popular-vote plurality and an electoral-vote majority based largely upon the Midwest, the West, and the South. If the 10 million anti-liberal votes for George Wallace are added to Nixon’s total, one can see the rough outlines of a possible new majority. About 57 per cent of the people voted against current administration policies. For years conservatives have believed that the South, Midwest, and West could be united into a governing majority. Until now their efforts have been frustrated by traditional party loyalties. This year’s election, however, offers signs that the country is moving in that direction.

GOING FOR BROKE?

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WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY, Jr’s

ON THE

RIGHT

Republican lawmakers meet to chose session leaders

By HORTENSE MYERS INDIANAPOLIS (UPI) - Republican lawmakers who have an overwhelming majority in the 1969 Indiana Legislature met today to choose their leaders, a chore the minority Democrats took care of last week. Rep. Otis R. Bowen, Bremen, appeared to be almost a cinch to retain the powerful post of House speaker, the job he held

Luci knows how wifes feel. . . watches husband board plane

HONOLULU (UPI) - One aspect of war takes place far from the battlefield. A daughter

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of the President of the United States was a part of it Tuesday. In every war, mothers have bid agnozing farewells to husbands and sons. In the Vietnam War, the same wrenching departures occur at airports, especially at Honolulu International, where two jetliners take off every day with men returning to battle after a six-day rest and recuperation (R and R) leave with their loved ones. “R and R is the greatest thing going—it’s the greatest thing in our lives,” said Luci Johnson Nugent a few minutes before her husband, Airman l.C Patrick Nugent, boarded a flight Tuesday morning for Cam Ranh Bay, Vietnam. As she spoke, 150 soldiers just arrived from Vietnam debarked from three gray buses in the late morning darkness several miles away at Fort Derussy in Waikiki, the R and R reception center where Luci had greeted her husband last Wednesday.

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While garbage tnicks rumbled by and neon signs flickered, the men walked into the center into the arms of their waiting wives, flown over from the mainland at discount prices for the precious six days. Back at the airport, with the sun rising over Diamond Head in the distance, Luci stood in a crowd of soldiers and wives at the departure gate, her arm wrapped around Nugent. Over the public address system came the strains of guitars and ukuleles. A baby squalled, a young wife tucked her head into the chest of her sergeant husband, a lieutenant in army tans gazed intently at the infant son in his wife’s arms. None of the women wept openly. Luci draped a red carnation lei over Nugent’s shoulders and gave him a long embrace. He stepped away, forced a grin and joined the line to the plane. Nugent, a loadmaster with the Air Force, had volunteered for Vietnam last April. He said he didn’t know when he would return to the United States. Before he boarded the plane, a newsman asked Luci what she thought of the R and R program. “It’s been perfect,” she replied. “That is an understatement,” Nugent smiled.

during the 1967 session. Bowen attempted to win the GOP gubernatorial nomination at the party’s convention last summer, but lost to Gov.-elect Edgar D. Whitcomb. However, Bowen’s defeat did not weaken his position in the legislature. A three-way race developed among the 35 Republicans in the Senate tor that chamber’s leadership post, president pro tempore. Sen. Marlin K. McDaniel, the 1967 GOP minority leader, was challenged by Sens. Allan E. Bloom, Fort Wayne, and James B. Young, Franklin. Contests also developed for the majority caucus leaders in the House and the Senate, and for House majority leader. Sen. Leslie Duvall, Indianapolis, apparently represented a formidable opponent to Sen. Keith McCormick, Lebanon, the 1967 minority caucus chairman, because of the larger Marion County delegation. Frank J. Biddinger, Marion, also was in the race. In the House majority floor leader contest, Rep. Henry Lamkin Jr., Indianapolis, decided against battling for the job, but there still was a fiveway contest between Reps. Jack Smitherman, Mooresville;

—Vocational

Thomas McComb, Fort Wayne; John Lewis, Seymour; Richard A. Boehning, Lafayette, and Richard Riggin, Muncie. Lamkin said he did not want to “try to grab” the majority leadership because he felt it would be regarded as a power movement by the state’s largest county delegation in the legislature. However, he did not totally remove himself from the scene. Rep. Kermit Burrous, Peru, the House majority caucus chairman, who took over the job in 1967 after Charles B. Howard resigned, was challenged by Rep. Roger J. Jessup, Summitville. The Senate is now composed of 35 Republicans and 15 Democrats and the House is 73-27 GOP. In the legislative sessions between 1951 and 1957, the Republicans had control by somewhat similar margins. The most politically unbalanced session during that time was 1953 when the House was 81-19 Republican and the Senate 40-10. The Democrats picked their leaders last Friday. They were Sen. David Rogers, Blooming, ton, floor leader, and Sen. William Christy, Hammond, caucus chairman; and Reps. Frederick T. Bauer, Terre Haute, House minority leader, and William Babincsak, Munster, caucus chairman.

It is not generally known that there is in America a small fraternity of scholars who are concerned about the Communist world and its designs on us. One gentleman from that communion, a scholar of renown, a close student of the Vietnam situation and of the strategical consequences of America’s involvement in it, confides his fears. They are that the government of the United States is paving the way for yet another putsch in South Vietnam the result of which would be to replace President Thieu with a genuine puppet of the United States who would accept a coalition government as a part of the peace treaty. He reasons as follows: 1. The chronology of events is deeply disquieting. On one day, Mr. Nixon visits the White House, is amiably received, and emerges with the bi-partisan pronouncement that there is only one president of the United States at one time, and therefore only one foreign policy at one time, and that foreign policy is for President Johnson to describe. The very next day, Secretary of Defense Clark Clifford looses —North Viet The United States and North Vietnam had arranged the talks to include both the South Vietnamese government o f President Nguyen Van Thieu and the Viet Cong guerrillas in South Vietnam. But Hanoi today broadcast a foreign ministry statement saying its delegates will not talk with the Saigon delegation directed by Thieu’s vice president, Nguyen Cao Ky. It told America to do the same, saying Saigon has no right and no power to speak for the South Vietnamese. “The Thieu-Ky clique is merely a clique of traitors, the handymen of the U.S. imperialists. There is no question of talks between Hanoi and Saigon to solve the Vietnam issue,” the Hanoi statement said. It said America must deal Only with the Viet Cong “on problems concerning South Vietnam” because only the guerrillas are the “genuine representative of the South Vietnamese people.” Saigon took the opposite view. The U.S. sources said the South Vietnamese are pressing Washington to insure that the American delegation ignores the Viet Cong at the table, treating them only as Hanoi puppets.

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a thunderbolt to the effect that a mere South Vietnamese President will not be permitted to stand in the way of the peace of the world which the Americans in Paris are attempting to advance. 2. The effect in Soutli Vietnam is considerable. The majority of politically active South Vietnamese are absolutely united on a single proposition, namely that the agents of the Communist north will not be permitted to participate in a new Communist government. Then there are the (minority) who are sympathetic with the Communists for whatever reasons (they are the Quislings). Then there are the others, more numerous, less militant, who are distinguished by their appreciation of the realistic situation, which is that the South Vietnamese cannot possibly hope to survive the North Vietnamese tlireat without the help of the United States. This is the group which, interpreting the words of Mr. Clifford, might well be disposed to seek a President other than Mr. Thieu. Tills group, if it lent its support to ambitious dissidents, could succeed in bringing on a coup d’etat the effect of which would be finally to puppetize the Soutli Vietnamese government. In the lapidary words of my friend, such a coup, in such circumstances would finally convince the world that “to be an enemy of the United States means to bear moderate risks, but to be a friend of the United States is fatal.” 3. Richard Nixon may well be ambushed by developments. His expansive underwriting of President Johnson’s policies sounds very very good indeed, ecumenical as all get-out. But one must suppose that Mr. Nixon, whose sticktoitiveness has cast him in history as an unforgetting enemy of the Communist world, is not fully aware of what is going on. 4. President Thieu did not back out on any commitment

previously made, my knowledgeable friend infers. Most likely Mr. Harriman wove a web mystification about the promised terms on the basis of which our negotiators felt free to communicate to the White House that Thieu would go along. When the terms were actually announced—the accreditation of the NLF as an independent bargaining agent--Thieu realized that to accede in any such capitulation would dispossess him of support from the parliament and the army and the people on whom he counted. Whereupon he denied that he had ever acquiesced in such arrangements. And the question is: whom do we believe? Where are the plausibilities'? 5. What Mr. Nixon should do, of course, is privately to say to President Johnson that he cannot publicly underwrite any diplomatic operation the purpose of which is to replace the government of Mr. Thieu, elected to power after the most painstaking plebiscite in Vietnamese history. That would, one supposes, do it. Otherwise Mr. Nixon even before taking office, would face the responsibility of having sat by unagitated while thinvs happened in Saigon the effect of which would be to render meaningless the sacrifices of all those lives, all that effort, all that painstaking resolution. In effect, Mr. Nixon is already President. At least, he has, already, a veto power: ar i will be held responsible for any failure pro bon publico to use it.

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