The Daily Banner, Greencastle, Putnam County, 14 October 1968 — Page 2
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•The Daily Banner, Greencastle, Indiana
Monday, October 14, 1968
Page 2
THE DAILY BANNER And Herald Consolidated “It Waves For AH" Business Phone: 01 3-5151 -0L 3-5152 LuMar Newspapers Inc. Dr. Mary Tarzian, Publisher Published every evening except Sunday and Holidays at 1221 South Bloomington St., Greencastle. Indiana, 46135. Entered in the Post Office at Greencastle, Indiana, as second class mail matter under: Act of March 7, 1878 United Press International lease wire service: Member Inland Daily Press Association; Hoosier State Press Association. All unsolicited articles, manuscripts, letters and pictures sent to The Daily Banner are sent at owner's risk, and The Daily Banner Repudiates any liability or responsiblity for their safe custody or return. By carrier 50C per week, single copy IOC. Subscription prices of the Daliy Banner Effective July 31, 1967 -Putnam County-1 year, S12.00-6 months, S7.00-3 months, S4.50-Indiana other than Putnam County-1 year. $14.00-6 months. $8.00-3 months, $5.00. Outside Indiana 1 year, $18.00-6 months. $10.00-3 months, $7.00. All Mail Subscriptions payable in advance. Motor Routes $2.15 per one month.
TODAY’S EDITORIAL Forgotten Captives / \NE OF THE distinctions of the Roman Empire was ^ ' that it protected its citizens wherever they traveled in the world. Once this was a virtue of the American government, too. When pirates on the coast of North Africa captured a United States citizen and demanded ransom, Teddy Roosevelt dispatched a terse note: “Perdicarus alive, or Raisuli dead.” The American was released. Today it’s a different story. The 82 crew members of the USS Pueblo come immediately to mind, but they are not the only Americans detained in foreign prisons. The number of U.S. military personnel and civilians illegally imprisoned continues to increase with scarcely a murmur from Washington. U.S.’ Rep. William Bray, R-Ind., a member of the House Armed Services Committee, has compiled a list of the cases to support his demand for government action. According to his research: • In addition to the 82 Pueblo crewmen. North Korea may still hold Americans captured during the Korean war. Some 100 servicemen are still unaccounted for and could be alive. • Last July, Cambodia seized a U.S. patrol boat and still detains the 12 crew members. • Red China refuses to release six American civilians, who are in effect political prisoners. • Similarly, Cuba has jailed 25 U.S. civilians, the Soviet Union three, Poland one, and Hungary one. W’hat can be done to secure their release? In the case of countries like Red China, the prisoners are no doubt beyond the reach of American influence. But where the United States has diplomatic relations, trade agreements, cultural exchanges, and other official contacts, such as in the Soviet Union and other nations of Eastern Europe, sanctions against mistreatment of American citizens could be effectively applied. The United States government demonstrates little timidity in imposing diplomatic and economic penalities on newly independent Rhodesia. It should show equal fervor in protecting the rights of its citizens in foreign lands.
JIM BISHOP: Reporter
The reassessment promised by Nixon, Humphrey and Wallace regarding the Vietnam war is, in reality, a small feature of a large portrait. It involves all of Asia and adjacent islands. The United States, as the protector of the free world, failed in Korea, where it won an uneasy stalemate, and may lose the wormlike land of Vietnam, which it tried to cut in half. Reassessment is, at best, a diplomatic word. It assumes that a mistake has been made in the original assessment. Of the seventy-one billions the U.S. annually spends on defense, more than thirty billions go to Saigon. No other signatory to the SEATO pact is going broke in this in- ' terminable foray. Each one puts up a small token force, and each sustains small losses. An Air Force colonel stood on the apron at Ton Son Nhut airport with me and he skidded a few pebbles under his feet and put it bluntly: “We can win. If someone in Washington took the brakes off our air and ground forces we could mop this thing up pretty fast.” No one took the brakes off. The reason for fighting behind a demilitarized zone — if you recall the original pronouncement— was that we were there to protect the right of South
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The real Nixon is the Nixon you know
This is the second in a series of articles detailing the background that helped shape Richard M. Nixon, the Republican Presidential candidate and the man most likely to become the next occupant of the WhiteHouse. For 20 years, people have been trying to find “the real” Richard Nixon, as though the true identity of this public figure is somehow not the one exposed to the public view. Perhaps the thing confusing the average voter is Nixon's lack of guile. He is direct. The public man and the private man are one and the same. Certainly it is true that no politician in the past 50 years has held the sustained interest of the voting populace as consistently and thoroughly as has this “fighting Quaker,” with his incredibly brilliant political record.
Vietnam to an electoral determination in favor of democracy. In sum, we would fight the North Vietnamese who tried to invade the South, and we would clear the South of Vietcong. The limitation of military goals was a diplomatic evasion. Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson sought the counsel of their Joint Chiefs of Staff and were told that, if U.S. forces moved north to take Hanoi and Haiphong out of the war, there would be a grave risk that Red China would send her endless hordes south to defeat the United States. There would be nothing official about it. The Chinese would be volunteers, as they were called in Korea, where they met our victorious forces south of the Yalu River and ran us back to the 38th Parallel. We can not afford one more of those surprises. Once committed, the U.S. imposed its restricted goals in Vietnam so that China—the real enemy—would not be goaded into taking military action. Merely to hang on to what we had, the American forces have been escalated above a half million men, in addition to the aforementioned $30 billion a year. An expensive standoff. Since the action began, one President has been assassinated, and another retired from office. Candidates for exalted office in this country rise and fall on their professed attitudes toward Vietnam. No one, even the faker, has a solution, because peace is not in the interest of the world of socialism. Bleeding the U.S. is, in the world of Marxism, an ideal state. I would be most surprised if the Asians in Paris are there to discuss a cease-fire. The Americans dare not cross the demilitarized zone to punish North Vietnam, and they dare not abdicate their role of world leadership. Between those extremes, there is no palliative. This is why I believe that Continued on Page 5
People do not change, and patterns of a lifetime are molded at an early age. For Richard Milhous Nixon, the pattern was clear — hard work, diligence, honesty, dedication, acceptance of responsibility and duty, respect and devotion to family. These values were instilled in him from the earliest days of childhood, and they are the underlying values upon which his actions of today are based. . . . the foundation upon which his politics are built. Richard Nixon was born in the small California town of Yorba Linda on the 9th of January, 1913, the son of Frank and Hannah (Milhous) Nixon, “poor but honest” practicing Quakers. Nixon was the first child to be born in that small farming village, and it may be some kind of omen that in addition to this “first”, his birth was followed on the next day by a partial eclipse of the sun. Frank Nixon had come to California from Ohio, where he had worked as a motor man on a trolley car. He met his future wife in February, 1908. Hannah Milhous had emigrated with her family from Butlerville, Indiana, as a child. The couple met in Whittier, married four months later, and had their first son, Harold, in 1909. Richard was born in 1913, and two other brothers, Donald and Arthur, arrived in 1914, and 1918, respectively. Harold and Arthur died in childhood. It was not an easy life at best. At its worst, the family faced poverty and hardship and sickness. One brother died of tuberculosis, another brother died of tubercular meningitis, both in childhood. Richard (“We named him Richard,” said his mother later, “ and he just seems like Richard to me”) became acquainted with life at an early age, and met it head-on. In the storied format of poor but honest folks, as one biographer says, “Nixon’s parents gave their five boys each a name, a religion, a political identification and the basis for a way of life.” Hard work was necessary. He was taught that it was honorable, also. And not to shirk it. Doing one’s best at all times, pride in one’s work and honesty were stressed. Nixon began earning his way in life at the age of ien, and he didn’t stop earning his way. Six. teen-hour days were commonplace for him before he was sixteen years old, what with school, work, studies and after-school jobs. Living was not fancy, even remotely, for the Nixon family in those days.’ Sickness and the depression made their mark on all of them. From the mother, who worked endless hours beginning before dawn each day, to the chil-
dren, who had their own chores, the hours were long. On many occasions eating was a sketchy business. Richard took turns preparing the meals, such as they were. He now recalls; “There were many mornings when I ate nothing for breakfast but a candy bar.” A sustaining force in the life of the family was its Quaker faith.
Many of Richard Nixon’s early years centered around the East Whittier Friends Meeting House, where he and his family participated in services four times on Sunday and several times during the week. Richard, a better-than-average musician, played the organ at the meeting house and taught a Sunday School class. Susceptible to illnesses from childhood, and sick frequently throughout his school years,Nix. on nevertheless managed to maintain a brilliant scholastic record. He graduated from high school with honors, maintaining a four.year “A” average in Latin and taking the Harvard Club of California Prize, which was awarded each year to the school’s outstanding all-around student. He was seventeen years old when he entered Whittier College, a Quaker institution of rigid standards, an outstanding student and a debater of distinction. He won the Southern California college extemporaneous speaking title in 1934, the year he graduated from Whittier. That same institution has since given him an honorary degree and established “The Richard M. Nix. on Chair of Public Affairs.”
Magic number is 217
WASHINGTON (UPI) — For the 90th Congress, the magic number is 217—the number of House members needed to wind everything up. Speaker John W. McCormack hoped to muster that many today. Jeopardizing his chances was a dissident group of liberals, headed by Rep. James O’Hara, D-Mich., who planned to stay away in protest of the Senate’s failure to take up a Housepassed bill setting ground rules for televised debates by the presidential candidates. McCormack called an afternoon vote by the House on the congressional adjournment resolution the Senate passed Friday. But at least 217 members must be present before the vote can be taken—should anyone raise the issue, and someone certain, ly will. House Republican leaders, anxious to be done with the Democratic controlled 90th Congress joined in McCormack’s telephone and telegram drive to get absent members back on the floor, hopefully to offset the threatened absence of O’Hara’s dissidents. If McCormack fails to get a quorum both the Senate and House would evolve into day to day “pro forma” sessions, merely gaveling each house into order and then adjourning until the next day until a quorum could be achieved. O’Hara said his group would cooperate if Senate Republicans who staged a “sit out” last week to prevent the debate bill from coming to the floor would relent and at least consider the measure. But Senate majority leader Mike Mansfield said that won’t happen. “We’re through,” he
said. “Our business is done,” adding there was no chance he could overcome Republican opposition led by GOP leader Everett M. Dirksen to taking up the measure. —Executive room of the school. Mrs. Robert Morris, chairman of the Ways and Means committee with her committee has selected the timely theme of “Fiesta De La Olimpiada” for thp .family planned activity. The Fiesta will be held on Saturday Nov. 9th and will carry an Olympic Mexican atmosphere.
Woo Voters With Coffee NEW YORK (UPI) — The coffee cup is being used as a political weapon in the current election campaign by an organization of youthful Republicans. Teen Age Republicans, with membership of about 100,000, has embarked on a nationwide coffee program to win friends and influence votes. “Coffee booths on street corners, commuter stations, shopping plazas and a host of traffic locations provide an inexpensive and highly effective way for teen-agers to get their ideas across to voters,” says Barbie Wells, National Director of Teen Age Republican Clubs (TARS).
Whitcomb criticizes opponent Secretary of State Edgar D. Whitcomb, Republican candidate for governor, said today that his Democrat opponent in “taking credit for the fact that Indiana has dropped among leading industrial states.” Whitcomb toured Indianapolis and Marion County today as the Young GOP sponsored“Whitcomb Day”. In his remarks, Whitcomb pointed out that his opponent continues to talk about the “rosy” economical picture in Indiana, which, Whitcomb said, is false. Whitcomb made these comparisons; In 1958, with an expenditure of $112,182.66 for industrial promotion, Indiana, under aRepubli. can administration ranked eight! among the leading industrial states. Ten years later, under the direction of a Democrat administration featuring the present democrat candidate for Governor, Indiana dropped to ninth, despite the fact that the lieutenant governor’s office spent more than $1 million in promotion. These figures, Whitcomb said, are from the U.S. Department of Commerce. Now with that sorry record, Whitcomb said, his opponent wants to “double this tax, or triple that one.” And then, Whitcomb said, his opponent says he (Whitcomb) is irresponsible “because I want to hold the line on taxes and spending.” Whitcomb ripped his opponent on other issues. He calls a crime computer bank proposal old hat, Whitcomb said. “I defy him to show me or anyone else any crime computer bank now in use in this state.”
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DEAR HELOISE: Metal garters make wonderful coat hooks for children. Before you throw out a girdle, remove the elastic and button portion of the garter and sew it to the label in the back of the child's coat. It’s a wonderful and easy way for children to hang up their clothes on the coat closet hooks at school. Teacher * * * It’s a good idea. We mothers really appreciate all you teaehers who work so hard to help our ehiltlren. Bless you all for your patienee and kindnesses. lleloise LETTER OF TRUTH DEAR HELOISE: Can a man make a complaint anil also offer a cure for it? It seems that every time I go to the supermarket to shop, and am lined up at the check-out counter, there are several customeis ahead with carts loaded down with groceries. Most of them wait until the groceries are all checked out, and then, and only then, do they start making out a check. Usually they ask the date and the amount of the purchase while the rest of us cool our heels. Well. I also pay for my purchases by check. But I fill in the name of the stole, date and sign it as I wait impatiently in line. Or stop in an
aisle and do it before getting in the checking line. Then when I am ready to pay, all that is left to do is fill in the amount which takes verv little time! D H Sir, I know your letter referred to women eiistomers, hut I took the liberty to change it to include all customers. lleloise DEAR HELOISE: Here’s a hint foi people whilive alone. When 1 was alone recently. 1 got sole muscles in the middle of my shoulders. After trying unsuccessfully to put liniment on the sore spot with the shoe polish-type dauber that came in the bottle, 1 iemembered that I had bought a new dishwasher sponge recently and hadn't used it yet. It has a sponge piece fastened on a plastic handle. So 1 took it and saturated the sponge part with liniment and applied it to thi sore sjsit easily. Now 1 keep that one in the bathroom just for this purpose and bought anothei one foi doing dishes. Mrs. Clarence Gibbons DEAR HELOISE Shoulder pads are a thing of the past. If you have any old ones on hand they make real good pot holders. Continued on Page 5
WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY,ifts ON THE RIGHT
A wise and tough-minded academician who has not lost his hold on reality has made some highly relevant observations on creeping Black Racism. . . There is, to begin with, the affair of Huey Newton, the Black Panther recently tried in California for killing a policeman. The verdict, you will recall, was “voluntary manslaughter,” a magnificent evasion in that it was, really, the one thing Newton didn’t do. Either he should have been acquitted, or he should have been convicted as charged, of first degree murder. The charge was that he murdered a policeman who attempted to arrest him for a traffic violation. He wounded a second policeman and kidnapped a third person in order to remove him from the scene of the crime. The verdict of “voluntary manslaughter” was at best opaque. Surely the defendant knew that he might kill the policeman he shot at, and presumably intended nothing less. He had with him a loaded revolver, which does not suggest a spontaneous act. And then, mysteriously, the kidnapping charge was dropped. Mysteriously, because the vietim, who had spoken freely and convincingly before, suddenly lost his memory in the witness chair. Peculiar. Another witness, who had also been outspoken there-to-fore, refused to testify for fear of incriminating himself. This even though the danger of prosecution was remote, not to say fanciful. The court responded by granting him immunity from prosecution. But the witness continued to stand by his resolution
to muteness. (He is now being held in contempt of court.) The behavior of the key witnesses reminds one of the behavior of witnesses in Mafia cases. And raises the question whether we are going to tolerate a political power-seeking Mafia, even as, apparently, we tolerate a profit-seeking one. Nobody much seems to have shown curiosity about these sudden lapses of memory; or about witnesses who suddenly prefer jail in contempt of court to testifying under immunity from prosecution. Nobody seems to have inquired about the possible intimidation of witnesses. Let us face it, we have here a prima facie case of terrorism by militant and criminal Negroes against less militant and lawabiding Negroes. If it isn’t nipped in the bud, it is likely to spread. Terrorism always does when successful. Negro students who refuse to play along with extremist factions are beaten up. College administrators tend to hush things up. They are in turn intimidated, not so much by militant Negro students as by their own fear of being labelled racists by resisting them. Black violence and black racism are for these gentle, men something tolerable in a way that white violence and white racism are not. Black demands on college administrations and
faculties ranging from the silly and the absurd to the insulting are indulged (e.g. Cornell and Northwestern) or created (e.g. Illinois), or even financed (e.g. N.Y.U.). Negro militants have taken to calling whites “whitey” or“honkey.” But surely the liberal would disapprove the white who called a Negro “blackey,” or “nigger”? Policemen are being called “pigs” to their faces by both whites and blacks who resent them. Freedom of speech entitles them to their opinion and to the selectionof their own descriptions. But it does not entitle them to insult people to their faces. Should the community allow its officers to be insulted with impunity? Should a policeman be required to permit others to call him a pig in public? The intent is certainly provocative and the intended purpose is to reduce the authority of, and respect for, the law. Policemen, unlike judges, cannot punish people directly. Insults to an officer of the law in the performance of his duties are, how. Continued on Page 5
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