Semi-Weekly Journal, Volume 3, Number 259, Indianapolis, Marion County, 2 October 1841 — Page 2

S ETI I-WEEK li Y JOlJiSXAL. I N 1) I A N A P O Ii I S : 7 SATURDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1841.

INDIANAPOLIS. Notwithstanding the hardness of the times, the depression of business, and the prostration of credit, more -general improvement is going -on-this season in Indianapolis, than has in any former year. Masons and carpenters, who for years had relinquished their trades, have been called from retirement and made again familiar with the trowel and the plane. We are glad to see that the buildings are of a much more durable and substantial nature than those generally erected in former years. Our citizens heretofore, on account of the high price of brick, have been compelled to erect wooden or frame dwellings; and from the same cause, houses for business in the very centre of town have been constructed with the same perishable material. This state of things is happily passing off. Brick can now be afforded at such rates that it costs but a trifle if any thing more to build and finish a substantial brick house than it does a frail wooden tenement. The time is rapidly approaching when no man will be found erecting a frame house in Indianapolis even for a dwelling, no matter how small it may be. This will not only add to the beauty and value of the place, but it will also add greatly to the security of property. In many parts of town at this time a fire in an ordinary wind would be extremely destructive, such are the number and compactness of frame buildings. Without enumerating the many lesser buildings that have gone up this season, we will designate only those of larger dimensions and more costly superstructure. Our enterprising fellowcitizen, N. B. Palmer, Esq., has erected on the south-east corner of Washingron and Illinois streets a large brick edifice intended for a hotel. It has three rooms on Washington street intended for store rooms. Directly opposite and on the north-east corner of the same streets, Messrs. Norwood, Roll, and Griffith have erected a block of three story buildings to be finished off for stores, shops, offices, &c. The Congregation belonging to the First Presbyterian Church have commenced a house of worship that will, when completed, exceed, except the Capitol, any other public edifice in town in strength, size, and beau'y. Mr. Matthew Little has put up, in the upper part of town, a large and commodious brick building, elegantly designed, and intended for a dwelling A. F. Morrison, Esq., is, also, about erect

ing a dwelling, on the corner of Pennsylvania j and Market streets, that will surpass we learn, any other similar edifice in town in commodiousness and size, and richness of architectural de- . s'gnMany others, of our citizens, we understand are making arrangements to erect superb and substantial dwellings next season. URBANA BANK. A rumor having reached this place a few days since prejudicial to the credit of the Urbana Bank, the holders of the notes in this quarter became alarmed. Having the utmost confidence in the solvency of that institution we did not credit the rumor. It appears that we are correct in our belief of its entire soundness. A gentleman of Urbana, well acquainted with the business and strength of the Bank, in writing to a friend in this place, states that "the Bank is prepared as well as ever to meet promptly all its engagements;" and that the report was put in circulation for political effect. Our sprightly and excellent friend of .the Knightstown Courier is informed that we sincerely regret that we have permitted ourselves to be provoked into the little and undignified controversy that has existed between ourselves and the Sentinel since its existence. The only excuse we have to offer, which we admit is a lame one, is, that we did not commence it. We have, however, made the fellow beg, even at his own game, and hereafter we intend to let him alone, always remembering the old saw, "If you lie down with dogs you must expect to rise up with fleas." ' A Generous Compliment. We understand,

says the Louisville Journal, that the citizens of

Woodford have purchased the fine farm, in that

county, on which the Hon. J. J. Crittenden was born, and made him a present of it. The price paid was $17,000. Afr. Ewing in the North. The Boston Atlas says, Mr. Ewing spent the Sabbath in Salem. We hear that immediately upon his arrival, on Saturday evening, it became known to the throng About the depot that he was in the cars, and as he came forth, the cry was raised, "Three cheers for the honest Secretary!" Three enthusiastic cheers followed this call.

We hae received copies of the speeches of

Messrs. Bolts and ProfStt on the second veto, which we shall publish as soon as we can find room for them.

IOWA ELECTION. The following are the official returns of the late election in Iowa for Delegate to Congress. Rich was the Whig and Dodge the Opposition candidate: Counties. Dodge. Rich. Des Moines 601 , 581 Henry 304 465 Jefferson - 342 : 270. .. Johnson 225 196 Lee 587 515 Scott 228 . 235 Jones 51 69 Clinton 89 79 Jackson 240 137 Louisa 190 233 Clayton . 67 57 Dubuque Si Delaware 363 225 Muscatine 252 216 Van Huron 715 585 Linn 221 140 Cedar 180 125 Washington 173 18G V . 4,828 v . 4,314

Dodge's majority 514.

oi i i iai By the Ireident of the United States of America. A PROCLAMATION. Whereas it has come to the knowledge of the Government of the United States that sundry secret Lodges, Clubs and Associations exist on the Northern Frontier; that the members of these Lodges are bound together by secret oaths; that they have collected firearms and other military materials and secreted them in suudry places; and that it is their purpose to violate the laws of their country by making military und lawless incursions, when opportunity shall offer, into the Territories of a power with which the United States are at peace; and whereas it is known that travelling agitators, from both sides of the line, visit these lodges, and harangue the members in secret meeting, stimulating them to illegal acts; and whereas the same persons are known to levy con'ributions on the ignorant and credulous for their own benefit, thnu snnniirtinnr nrul enriehino- themselves bv the ba-

IT I- c !' r sesc means; and whereas the unlawful intentions ot

tlte members of these Lodges have already been manifested in an attempt to destroy the lives and property of the inhabitants of Chippawa, in Canada, and the public property of tne British Governmei!t'therebeing: xr'w, therefore, I, John Tyler, President of the United States, do issue this proclamation, admonishing oil such evil-minded persons of the condign punishment which is certain to overtake them; assuring them that the laws of the United States will be rigorously executed against their illegal acts; and that if in any lawless incursion into Canada they full into the hands of the British authorities they will not be reclaimed as American citizens, nor any interference made by this Government in their behalf. And I exhort all well-meaning but deluded persons who may have joined these Lodges immediately to abandon them, and to have nothing mere to do with their secret meetings, or unlawful oaths, as they would avoid serious consequences to themselves. And 1 expect the intelligent and well-disposed members of the community to frown on all these unlawful combinations and illegal proceedings, and to assist the Government in maintaining the peace of the country against the mischievous consequences of the acts of

these violators or tne taw. Given under mv hand, at the City of Washington, the

twenty-ntth day or oeptemper, a. u. one uiuul. 9. sand eight hundred and forty-one, and of the In

dependence ot the U nited btates the sixty-sixin.

By the President: JOHN TYLER.

Daniel Webster, secretary oj :ate. ?

re

think ho will resign his judgeship for the post now

tendered mm. ITit.h S. Leo are. Attorneu General. Mr. Lega

is ft citizen of Charleston. S. C. and we believe a de

scendarit of one of the old French Huguenot families

which settled there over a century ago. He becamt eminent by his writings in the "Southern , Review," a Quarterly published in Charleston some years since He was appointed Charge to Belgium, by Gen. Jackson, being a warm "Union" man as opposed to Nul lification. He returned to Charleston in 1836-7, om was sooirafter'p'n'Jpcist'd' T6fConirress and ""tied ed turning out Hon. II. L. Pinckney (Nullifier) out

medly of political and local issues. Mr.; L. went to

Congress in 1837 as an Administration man, buton the Sub-Treasiny being proposed by Mr. Van Buren, he took ground against it in a profound and masterly

speech, as also in a powertui ".better to a constitu fint." For his course he was thrown out of Conrrres!

at the next election- Charleston being the strongest

fcub-treasury city in the union Din he aoated nothing of his warfare upon the Sub-Treasury project speaking luminously ut our Conservative State Convention last October, and repeatedly in this city and elsewhere. Tie has recent' v contributed several mas

terly articles on classical Literature to the New York

Review.

. From the New York Tribune. THE NEW CABINET. The opinions ond character of the men whom President Tyler has called around him as advisers have become the subject of universal inquiry and interest. We give such facts with regard to each as are fresh in our memory: Walter Forwaed, Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Forward is a citizen of Pittsburg, Pa. Our first knowledge of him was as a Democratic Member of Congress from his District in 1824, and an ardent champion of the American System. He united in the Caucus nomination of Mr. Crawford for President but afterward recanted, when the Jackson whirlwind swept over Pennsylvania, and went with the current. He abandoned Gen. Jackson when it became evident that he was identified with the enemies of the Protection of Heme Industry. He has since been mainly out of public life, but known as a National Republican or Clay Whig, in contradistinction from the Anti-Masons, who bear sway in his section. In 1S36 he was chosen a Member of the Constitutional Convention of Pennsylvania, and distinguished himself in the deliberations of that body. But he has not for many years been active in politics till last season, when he took the stump for Harriscn and Tyler in Western Pennsylvania with great efficiency. His high personal character and reputation for independence gave him great weight. When Gen. Harrison became President, he made Mr. Forward attorney for Western Pennsylvania, which he declined; then First Comptroller of the Treasury, which he accepted, and has since discharged the duties of that office. He is well qualified for the station to which he has b?en called. John McLean, Secretary of War. Mr. McLean came into Congress, if we mistake not, in 1916, as a Democratic Representative of the Warren District, Ohio. He there distinguished himself by industry and efficiency, and in 1829, was appointed Postmaster

General by President Monroe. Mr. Adams was in

augurated President, and requested Mr. McLean to retain his Department, which be did throughout, though avowing himself a supporter of Gen. Jackson for the Presidency. But this made no difference, since

he and Mr. Adams were united in the principle tha

no Postmaster should be appointed or removed on ac

count of his politics. But when Gen. Jackson was in

augurated, a different rule ot action was resolved on.

Mr. McLean frankly signified to the President that he

could not be made the instrument ot proscription, being committed against it by his public career and adverse to it in principle and feeling. Gen. Jackson thereupon appointed him an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court, to fill a vacancy just then occurring, and get him out of the Post Office, which he had conducted with signal ability and success, and which was afterward so wofully mismanaged by Mr. Barry. Mr. NcLean accepted the judgeship, and has since discharged its duties. In 1S32, the Anti-Masonic National Convention would have nominated him for President had he not declined. He is resident, we believe, of Lebanon, Ohio, highly respect-

pd in private life, but verv moderate in politics. If

r - - - - -j j Mr. Tyler had made him Postmaster General, it would have been a popular selection. We can hardly j

LETTER FROM HON. JOHN BELL. To the Editors of the National Intelligencer. Washington, Sept. 20, 1841.

Gentlemen: Doubts have been attempted to be cast

upon the correctness of Mr. Ewing's statement in relation to the part taken by the President in getting up the Fiscal Corporation Bill, by arguing that there was an impropriety in making it which ought to deprive it of credit. There are circumstances in this oase distinguishing it from all others that I recollect of the kind. It prows out of a matJer of official business, transacted between high public functionaries, and is of public and general concern. The public and open conduct of one of these high functionaries is in direct opposition to what the other had, by his express direction and authority, affirmed as to his intentions and purposes. ".There can, I humbly sub

mit, be no serious question in such a case upon the point of personal propriety, when the injured party seeks to vindicate his honor by disclosing the truth. The obligations arising out of confidential relations, in private or public affiiirs, are founded in mutual trust. He that disregards his own confidential pledges and engagements cannot allege the obligation of confidence, in the same transaction, against the natural right of self-defence belonging to the injured party. For any thing that can ever be known to the contrary, it may have been the object of the original pledge to sacrifice those who trusted or were misled by it. For these reasons, I do not hesitate to furnish for publication, the accompanying statement, which contains all the facts and circumstances Within my knowledge, that occur to me as being material, connected with the subject of difference. I do this as an act of justice not only to Mr. Ewing, who requested it, but to myself and the public. I avail myself of this occasion to say that I have, at no time, regarded a difference of opinion between the President and myself in relation to the Bank, however important the subject, as sufficient of itself to justify a resignation of the office which I lately held in the Executive Administration of the Government. Nor was it because the President thought proper to trifle with or mislead his Cabinet, as there is but too much reason to believe he intended to do, in the affiiir of the last Fiscal Bank Bill, that I resigned my place. There were other, and some of them pre-existing causes, for such a Course, which many will regard as sufficient of themselves; and which could not have been overlooked. But it was possible to explain or remove them, and therefore they were not promptly acted upon, The last act of the President, however, was conclusive of the true character of all the other occurrences or circumstances which had previously awakened curiosity or excited distrust. I shall, at my leisure, state the reasons more at large which impelled me to the course I have thought proper to adopt, and at the same time furnish a narrative of all the causes, so far as they fell under my observation, which have resulted in the separation of Mr. Tyler from the party which brought him into power, and the breaking up of the Whig Administration..' I am, respectfullv, vour obedient servant, . " ; JOHN BELL. Messrs. Gales & Seatonv

STATEMENT. ; I called to see the President on official business 00 the morning (Monday, 16th August.) before the first veto message was sent in. I found him reading the message to the Secretary of the Treasury, He did me the honor to read the material passages to me. Upon reading the part of it which treats of the superior importance and value of the business done by the late Bank of the United States in furnishing exchanges between the different States and sections of the Union, I was so strongly impressed with the idea that he meant to intimate that he would have no objection to a bank which should be restricted to dealing in exchanges, that I interrupted him in the reading, and asked if I was to understand, by what he had just read, that he was prepared to give his assent to a Bank in the District of Columbia, with offices or agtn cies in the States having the privilege, without their assent, to deal in exchanges between them, and in foreign bills. He promptly replied that he thought that experience had shown the necessity of such a power in the Government. I could not restrain the immediate expression of my gratification upon hearing this avowal. I said to the President at once, that what I had feared would lead to fatal dissensions among our friends, I now regarded as rather fortunate than otherwise; that his veto of the bill then before him would lead to .the adoption of a much better one. I also congratulated him upon thehappv circumstance of the delay which had taken place in sending in his veto message. The heat and violence which might have been expected if the veto had been sent in immediately upon the passage of the bill, would now be avoided. Time had been given for cool reflection, and as the message did not exclude the idea of a bank in some form, no unpleasant consequences would be likely to follow. He expressed his great surprise tht there should be so much excitement upon the subject; said that he had had hi mind made up on the bill before him from the lirst, but had delayed his message that there should be time for the excitement to wearoff; that nothing could be more easy than to pass a bill which would answer all necessnry purposes; that it could be done in three days. The next day, having occasion to see the President again, he requested me to furnish him with such information as the War Department afforded of the embarrassments attending the transfer and disbursement of the public revenue to distant points on the frontier, in Florida, &z,c. He at the same time requested me to draw up a brief statement of my views upon thesbuject, showing the practical advantages and necessity of such a rlcal institution as he had thought of proposing. Such information as I could hastily collect from the heads of the principal disbursing bureaus of the De

partment I handed to him on the evening of the same day, knowing that time was of the utmost importance in the state in which the question then was. He received the statements I gave him with manifest indifference, and alarmed me by remarking that he began to doubt whether he would give his assent (as I un-v derstood him) to any bank. The next day (Wednesday, 18th August) was the stated time for the weekly meeting of the Cabinet with the President. Mr. Webster, Mr. Ewing, and myself, went at ten o'clock in the morning, and were informed that the President was engaged with Messrs.Berrien, Sergeant, and I think, Mr. Dawson, of Georgia. We waited until they retired, and the President made his appearance about three quarters of an hour r-fterwards. Mr. Badger came in soon after the President joined us. Messrs. Crittenden and Granger did not attend. The conference which ensued was a long one lasting two hours at least, according to my recollection. I cannot pretend to detail all that was said, neither can I undertake to give the language employed by the President upon every point, nor of the members of the Cabinet. lean only state the substance of what was said upon those points which most attracted my attention. The President commenced by stating that he had been waited upon that morning by a committee of Members of Congress, who desired to know his views upon the subject of a Bank such a one as he could sanction. He had given them no satisfaction upon that subject, hut had informed them that he would first consult with his constitutional advisers his Cabinet, through whom he thought it most regular that hia views should be communicated. He asked the opinion of his Cabinet upon the correctness of the ground he had taken; remarking at the same time, that the habit of expressing his views to Members of Congress upon subjects of so much interest, subjected him to great embarrassment and much misrepresentation. That question being disposed of, the President adverted briefly, but without, much connexion, to the relation in which he stood to the Bank question, and his disposition to go as far as he could to comply with the wishes of his friends. He spoke of the relation that existed between him and his Cabinet, and how necessary it was that he should have their support. Would they stand by him? He much preferred that the whole subject should be postponed until the next

session; but if it was necessary to act now, he thought a plan might be devised which, with their co-opera

tion, might be carried through. He wondered why

the Senate continued to postpone acting upon his veto :

message, which was yet to be disposed of. He sup

posed it might be to hold it as a rod over his head, and had some doubts whether it was proper that he should consider further upon the subject until the Se

nate had decided what they would do with the bill then

before them. Some one present assured him that the postponement of the question pending in the Senate was intended to give time for reflection, and to pre

vent, an intemperate debate.

The President then gave the outline of such a bank

or fiscal institution as he thought he could sanction.

It was to be in the District of Columbia, to have the privilege of issuing its own notes, receive moneys on

deponte, and to deal in bills of exchange between the States and between the United States and foreign States. But he wished to have the opinion of his Cabinet upon it. His own consistency and reputation must be looked to. He considered his Cabinet his friends, who must stand by and defend whatever he

did upon the subject. He appealed particularly to

Mr. W ebster for his opinion upon tne point ot con

sistency; and whether there was not a clear distinc

tion between the old Bunk or the United states a

bank of discount and deposite and the one lie now

thought ot proposing; and whether the constitutional

question was not different. He reminded us that, in all his former speeches and reports, he had taken the ground that Congress had no constitutional power to charter a Bank which had the power of local discount.

Mr. Webster pointed out the distinction between the

two plans in a manner which appeared to be satisfac- ; tory to him. The substance of what he said was, as I understood him, as follows: He had a decided pre

ference for a bank upon the plan then proposed over either of those which had been previously spoken of.

He reminded the President that he had expressed his preference for a Bank which should be restricted in

ts dealings in bills of exchange, when certain gen

tlemen from the city of New York were present several weeks before. He then thought, as he did now, that it would answer all useful purposes. One ground

of this reference was, and it had great weight with

him. that the plan did not contemplate the consent of

the States as, in any way or at any time, necessary to

its existence or efficiency. He thought the plan pro

posed at the commencement of the session, generally known as Mr. Ewing's bill, as incongruous and ob

jectionable on this ground. His general course of

thinking on such suojecis iea nun io preier inai.,- whatever power this Government asserted, or was autho

rized to assert, should be exercised independently ot the State authority, and of the interference of the

States. He thought there could be no doubt of the constitutional power to charter such a bank as was

hen proposed, according to the President s own modes f thinking upon that subject, if he understood them.

Certainly there was a clear distinction' between such

a bank and the late Bank ot the United btates. I he

one now proposed was to be limited in its operations

to such objects as were clearly within some of the general provisions of the Constitution, or such as were

clearly necessary in the execution of others. The privilege of issuing its own notes, of dealing in exchanges, and of receiving moneys on deposite, all ap

peared to have immediate reference to or connexion

with the power given in the Constitution over commerce between the States, over the currency, and the necessary fiscal operations of the Government in the collection, safe-keeping, and disbursement of the public revenue. These were all subjects of national, and local or State concern. The distinction between this plan and the late Bank of the United States lay in this; the privilege enjoyed by the old Bank, of dealing in local paper, or discounting notes having no circulation, as it might be, but between the different streets or commercial points of the same city, had no connexion with the trade of commerce between the States and remote sections of the Union, nor with the transfer of the public money from one point to another; and it had, therefore, no necessary connexion with any of the great national objects for which the bank was chartered; nor could it be claimed as an incident to any of the powers given to Congress by the Constitution. That privilege, he apprehended, was conferred upon the late Bank from the belief that without it the stock of the Bank could not be made profitable; and it wa therefore considered a9 a necessary incident to an institution which was itself but the offspring of an incidental power. Experience, he thought, had shown clearly that such a privilege was no longer important or necessary. By confining the discounting privilege of the proposed bank to bills of exchange between this country and foreign States, and between the several States of the Union, this objection would not lie against it. The President expressed his regret that he had not used the words "bank of discount nd deposite,' in his late message, so that the distinction he now took might be clearly inferred from that message, and her could not then be charged witb inconsistency, Mx-