Semi-Weekly Journal, Volume 3, Number 257, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 September 1841 — Page 2

demonstrated to us, in the most absolute form of proof,

to be eminently necessary and proper in the present

emergency. lwice have we, with the utmost dih gence and deliberation, matured a plan for the collec tion, safe-keeping, and disbursing of the public mo

neys, throngh the agency of a corporation adapted t' that end, and twice has it been our fate to encounter

the opposition of the President, through the applica

tion of the veto power. The character of that veto in

each case, the circumstances in which it was admin

istered, and the grounds upon which it has met the

are sufficiently apparent in the public documents and

the debates relating to it. J. his subject has acquired a painful interest with us, and will doubtless acquire it with rou, from the unhappy developments with which it is accompanied. We are constrained to say that we find no ground to justify us in the conviction that the veto of the President has been interposed on this question solely upon conscientious and well-considered opinions of constitutional scruple as to his duty in the case presented. On the contrary, too many proofs have been forced upon our observation to leave us free from the apprehension that the President has permitted himself to be beguiled into an opinion that, by this exhibition of his prerogative, he might be able to divert the policy of his Administration into a channel which should lead to new political combinations, and accomplish results which must overthrow the present divisions of party in the country, and finully produce a state of things which those who elected him, at least, have never contemplated. We have seen, from an early period of the session, that, the Whig party did not enjoy the confidence of the Fressident. YVith mortification we have observed that his associations more sedulously aimed at. a free communion with those who have been busy to prostrate our purposes rather than those whose principles seemed to be most identified with the power by which

ho was elected. We have reason to believe that, he

has permitted himself to be approached, counselled, and influenced by those who have manifested least in

terest in the success of Whig measures. What were represented to be his opinions and designs have been

freely, und even insolently, put forth in certain por

tions, rnd those not the most reputable, of the public press, in a manner that ought to bo deemed offen

sive to his honor, as it certainly was to the feelings of

those who were believed to be his friend. In the earnest endeavor manifested by the members of the Whig party in Congress to ascertain specifically the

President s notions in reference to the details of such

a bill relating to a Fiscal Agent as would be likelv to

meet his approbation, the frequent changes of his opinion, and the singular want of consistency in his views have baffled his best friends, and rendered the

hope of adjustment impossible. , Congress, early in the session, called upon the Secretary of the Treasury for the plan of a Fiscal Agent; the result of this call was a bill which was reported in detail, with an argument in its favor, am it was, as we have a right to regard it, received by all as the bill of the President. In fact it was known to contain provisions, in reference to the assent of the Slates, Which corresponded with the private opinion of no member of the Cabinet. This bill the President had even informed more than one member of the House he would be willing to sign; if passed by Congress; yet it contained provision fur local discounting, in regard to which his Veto Message affirms his objection to be altogether insuperable. ThePresident has subsequently declared that this was not his measure, and that when he said he would sign this bill he had not read it. The plan of an exchange bank, such as was reported after the first Veto, the President is understood, by more than one member of Congress to whom he expressed his opinion, to have regarded as a favorite measure. It was in view of this opinion, suggested as it is in his first Veto, and after using every proper effort to obtain his precise views upon it, that the Committee of the House of Representatives reported their second bill. It made provision for a Bank without the privilege of local discounting, and was adapted as closely as possible to that class, of mercantile operations which the first Veto message describes with approbation, and which that paper speficially illustrates by reference to the "dealings in the. exchanges" of the Bank of the United Spate's in 1833, which the President affirms "amounted to upwards of one hundred millions of dollars ' Yet this plan when it was submitted to him, was objected to on a new

ground. The last Veto has narrowed the question of

a bank down to the basis of the sun-treasury scheme, and it is obvious from the opinions of that Message, that the country is not to expect any thing belter than the exploded sub-treasury, or some measure of the same character, from Mr. Tyler. In the midst of all thee varieties of opinion, an impenetrable mystery seemed to hang over the whole question. There was no such frank interchange of sentiment as ought to characterize the intercourse of a President and his friends, and the last persons in the Government who wmild seem to have hern entrusted with his confidence on those embarrassing topics were the constitutional advisers which the laws bad provided for him. In this review of the position into which the latf events have thrown the Whig party, it is with profound sorrow we look to the course pursued by the President. He has wrested from us one of the best fruits of a long and painful struggle, and the consummation of a glorious victory: he has even perhaps thrown us once more on the field of political strife, not weakened in numbers, nor shorn of the suppo?t of the country, but stripped of the arms which success had placed in our hands, and left again to rely upon that high patriotism which for twelve years sustained us in a conflict of unequalled asperity, and

which finally brought us to the fufillment of those brilliant hopes whicli he has done so much to destroy. In this state of things, the Whigs will naturally look with anxiety to the future, and inquire what are the actual relations between the President and those, who brought him into power; and what, in the opinion of their friends in Congress, should be their course hereafter: On both of these questions we feel it to be our duty to address you in perfect frankness, and without reserve, but, at the same time with due respect to others. In regard to the first, we are constrained to say, that the President, by the course he has adopted in respect to the application of the veto power to two successive bank charters, each of which there was just reason to believe would meet his approbation; by his withdrawal of confidence from his real friends in Congress and from the members of his Cabinet; by his bestowal of it upon others notwithstanding their notorious opposition to the leading measures of his Administration, has voluntarily separated himself from those by whose exertions and suffrages hewas elevated to that office through which he reached his present exalted station. The existence of this unnatural relation is as extraordinary as the annunciation of it is painful and mortifying. What are the consequences and duties which grow out of it? The first consequence is, that those who brought the President into power can be no longer, in any manner or degree, justly held responsible or blamed for the administration of the Executive branch of the Government; and that the President and his advisers

should be exclusively hereafter deemed accountable. But, as by the joint acts of Providence and the People he is constitutionally invested with the powers of Chief Magistrate, whilst he remains in office he should be treated with perfect respect by all. And it will be the duty af the Whigs, in and out of Congress, to give his official acts and measures fair and full consideration, opproving them and co-operating in their support where they can, and differing from and oppo-i

sing any of them only from a high sense of public duty. ' ;' The more important, question remains to he touched. What ought to be the future line of conduct of

the Whig party in the extraordinary emergency which now exists They enme into power 'to accomplish great and patriotic objects. By the zeal and perseverance of the majorities in Congress, some of the most important of those objects have been carried at the extra session. Others yet remain to be effected. The conduct of the President has occasioned bitter mortification and deep regret. Shall the party, therefore, yielding to sentiments of despair, abandon its duty, and submit, to defeat and disgrace? Far from suffering such dishonorable consequences, the very disappointment which it has .unfortunately experienced should serve only to re

double its exertions, and to inspire it with fresh courage to persevere with a spirit unsubdued and a resolution unshakei., until the prosperity of the country is fully re-established, and its liberties firmly secured

S UMI-WE i: UIjY .1 OUBtNAL.

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INDIANAPOLIS

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1811,

Extracts of a letter from a gentleman in Washington City to a friend in this place: Washington, September 16, 1841. Dear Sir; This city is settled down into the

quiet calm that usually follows a storm

Human

excitement could not have been greater than that which raged here last week. The stake was a great one commercial prosperity against commercial ruin; and the dark clouds that lowered around the political horizon burst on the eve of the dissolution of Congress, deluged the conjurers of the storm, and washed clean the Whig party of all blame. ''' The second Veto, the resignation of the Cabinet, Mr. Evving's expose, and the proclamation of the Whig members of Congress, followed in such rapid succession that there was scarcely

time to breathe between the succeeding blasts of

against all danger from the abuses, encroachments

or usurpations of the Executive department of the the storm. The Whig address is a second Dec

(jovernment.

At the head of the duties-which reinnin for the

Whigs to perform towards their country stands

conspiciously and pre-eminently above all others First. A reduction of the Executive power, by

a f urther limitation of the Veto, so as to secure obedience to the public will, os that, .shall be expressed

by the immediate .Representatives' of the People and

me oiaies. wan no otner control than that winch is indispensible to avert hasty or unconstitutional legislation.. By the adoption of a single term of. the incumbent of the Presidental office. By a separation of the Purse from the Sword, and with that view to place the appointment of the Head of the Treasury in Congress; and By subjecting the power of dismissal from office to just restrictions, so as to render the President amenable for its exercise. Second. The establishment by Congress of a fiscal agent, competent to select, safely keep, and disburse the public moneys, to restore the currency, and to equalize the exchanges of the country; and Third. The introduction of economy in the administration of the government, and the discontinuance of all sinecures and useless offices. To the effeetonti'or. of these objects ought the exertions of the Whigs hereafter to be directed. .Those only should be chosen members of Congress who are willing cordially to co-operate in the acomplishtnent of them. Instead of striking our ring let. it be reared still higher, with a firmer hand, bearing upon its folds in conspicious letters, "The Will of the Nation uncontrolled nv; THE WILL of ONE MAN: ONE

presidential term, a . r hug al government, and no sub-Treasury, open or covert, in substance or in fact : . no Government Ba'nk, but an institution CAPABLE OF GUARDING ' THE PEOPLE'S TREASURE AND ADMINISTERING TO THE PEOPLE'S WANTS." . -. Rallying under the banner, let us appeal to that

People whose patriotic exertions led to victory in the late glorious struggle. Lot us invoke the action of

the Legislative Councils of the sovereign States of this Union. Instructed by their immediate constitu

ents, let them ascertain and express the public will

in relation to these great questions; and especially le! them, within their respective constitutional spheres, exert themselves to give it effect. Animated by these principles, and guided by Providence, defeat is impossible, and triumphant, success is inevitable. We may confidently hope that vast numbers of our fellow citizen, who have been hitherto separated from us, will unite with us under such a glorious standard; and that majorities in both Houses of Congress sufficiently large may be secured to carry any measure demanded by the welfare of the nation, in. spite Of the interposition of the power with which any one man may have been accidentally invested. Disappointed in that, if such should be our lot, there will remain the hope of an amendment of the Constitution curtailing the Executive, power. And if that should fail, we have only to recur to the noble example of our ancestors, to recollect the duty which we owe to ourselves and posterity, and to bear with manly fortitude three years longer the sufferings inflicted during the last twelve years by the mal-administra-

tion of the Executive department of the Government. We shall have the consolation of reflecting that, in the meantime, if the President can prevent the attainment of all the good which Congress is desirous to accomplish, Congress may check or prevent some of the mischiefs which, under a different state of majorities in the body, he might have the power to impose. . J. MACPHERSON BERRIEN, N. P. TALL1VIADGE, 0. II. 'smith, Committee of the Senate. J. P. KENNEDY, S. MASON, HORACE EVERETT, J. C. CLARK, K. RAYNER, Committee of the House of Representatives. Whereupon the question was taken upon the adoption of said Address, and it was unanimously adopted. Ordered, That twenty thousand copies of said Ad

dress be printed, and circulated among the People of

the United States. Ordered, That said Address be signed by the members of the committee appointed to prepare the same, and that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Presidents, and countersigned by the Secretaries. On motion, the meeting then adjourned sine die. NATHAN F.DIXON, Pres,erits JEREMIAH MORROW, if lresiuu s" K. Rayner, J Christopher Morgan, Secretsries. R. M. Thompson, )

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ADMINISTRATOR'S NOTICE. THE subscriber lias taken out letters of administration on the estate of Andrew Lawson, deceased, lale of Hancock connty. Those owing said estate will please make immediate payment; and those having claims will present them properly authenticated. The eitate is solvent, sept 15-3 p . ISAAC WILLET, Mm'r.

laration of Independence, and George the Third and his Cabinet could not have been more overwhelmed by the first, than Capt. Tyler and his "Corporal's guard" have been by the second. Wise and his Virginia associates were struck dumb. Gushing, who has no soul or feeling, but is simply animated by a cold calculation of his own advancement, bit his lip in bitter disappointment. He expected Webster would crawl out, and let him run in. But Webster was not like the crow in the fable; that dropped his cheese to the fox that praised his voice, to give a specimen of his singing; he clung to his office and his wily countryman got nothing for his pretty speeches. Before Evving's letter appeared, Gushing was loud in denouncing him for resigning; and when he was told that the Cabinet justified

themselves by the lact that the President had not consulted them on the last Veto, he said that "they had better beware how they gave out one reason and wrote the President another a very

different reason had been assigned in their letters Of resignation, which he had seen, and if they did

not confine themselves to facts they would be exposed he knew that they were consulted on the second Veto message." When E wing's letter ap

peared, no doubt much of Cushing's confusion was at being detected in endeavoring to make it appear that they had written one thing and spoken another. Much of the regret at Mr. Webster's retaining his office is removed by the knowledge that Mr. Cushing would have gone into the Cabinet had he resigned. Had Webster resigned, Upshur would have had the State Department, and Cushing the Navy. The Navy may sincerely congratulate themselves that they have not fallen into such hands. They have not one feeling in common. A political intriguer is not what they require for their commander-in-chief. An honest, high-minded, liberal statesman can alone serve them. Except that all changes are ruinous to that Department, as it throws the duties into the hands of clerks for several months, the Navy have lost less than any! of the other Departments by the change, though Badger has served them nobly. I

When Ewing's letter exposed the true cause of their resignation, Cushing and others of the "Cabal" sought to divert the attention of the peo

ple from the facts, by crying out against the ex

posure of Cabinet secrets. Thank God, and our

forefathers, this is not a government of secrecy

Every thing should be done openly. They should

have no secrets that could make them blush when

revealed. They should entertain no secrets that

destroy their harmony and thwart the prosperity of the whole community, as existed in Capt. Tyler's late Cabinet. It is the duty of every honest statesman to lay such matters before the sovereign people, that such conduct may receive their just indignation, to deter the accidental President from playing such "fantastic tricks" in future. It is not the exposure of the shameful conduct of the President that should attract our attention, as the "Corporal's Guard" would wish, but that the President shoidd have been guilty of condemnable conduct, is the fact that should engross our attention, that the evils may be corrected. The truth is there were no Cabinet secrets to divulge; for every thing of importance that occurred at the council board was given by the Tylers to the correspondent of the New-York Herald, and appeared in that dirty paper, which now bears the double character of "the organ of bawdy houses," and "the Court Journal."

During the past week Messrs. Smith and Wallace arrived home from Washington City, the scene of their arduous duties as members of Congress, During the same time Messrs. White and Lane passed through this place to their homes in the Wabash valley. .'.- With two exceptions in the Indiana Delegation that of no other state stood higher as sterling

Whigs, talented and liberal statesmen, and active.

attentive and efficient members. Those two exceptions are known to our readers, so it is hardly necessary to point them out. Andrew Kennedy, of the Fifth district, never imbibed or entertained a wholesome political principle; and as for the bearing of a gentleman and the attributes of an honest man he never has been suspected of possessing any. Of Proffit it is unnecessary to speak. Every body knows him. He has foolishly and thoughtlessly shot from his orbit, and all know he will spring back again, if he can. Of the Whig members it can be said in all truth, that they have done their duty in an emi

nent degree. We return thanks to all of them for their favors to us, such as documents, speeches, &c. Particularly do we thank Messrs. Wallace and White, and our readers will thank them, for their trouble and attention in forwarding us by letter immediate information of the important and most interesting incidents as they occurred at Washington. We always received from those gentlemen the news of the passage or approval of any great measure one day in advance of the same information by the ordinary channels. Thus our readers iii this part of the state are indebted to thrn. for the earliest information on momentous subjects during the session.

The Sentinel says, in a spirit of ridicule, that the Whigs of Columbus in this state, are led by a tailor! Oh, most horrible! Why should a mechanic set himself up as a party leader? Let

THE TEA AND COFFEE TAX. The dolt of the Sentinel is still attempting to make his readers believe that the proposed tax upon tea and coffee was a Whig measure. We

have heretofore shown that Mr. Woodbury, among the last of the iniquitous and oppressive acts of Van Buren's administration, sue-g-ested that tea and coffee should be taxed for the purposes of revenue. The following account of the matter in the House of Representatives will explain why the revenue bill went to the Senate levying a tax on those articles. It will be seen that the Opposition alone are to blame: "There is one feature in which the hill was particularly objectionable to most of the Whigs, to-wit: the tax on. tea-and coffee. The Whig members held a caucus on this subject at which a large majority determined that tea and coffee should be exempt from taxation. Accordingly when the bill was under consideration in the committee of the whole, Mr. Lawrence of Pa. a prominent Whig member, moved to amend the bill by adding tea and coffee to th-i list of free 'articles.- Before the question could be taken on the proposition,' Mr. Gilford of Maine, a leading Locofoco and a ready parliamentary tactician, (having been Speaker of one branch of the Legislature of Maine) immediately moved to amend the amendment of Mr. Lawrence by adding to tea and coffee, "sugar, molasses, and salt." The whole Locofoco party then united with Mr. C. in voting for the amendment to the amendment, and in conjunction with si ch of the ultri anti-tariff Whigs as wished tea and coffee to be taxed, carried the amendment. The Whigs were thus placed in a very awkard predicament; from which they in vain nttempted to extricate themselves. .Winthrop, of Buston, called for a division of the question on the amendment as amended so as to present the question separately, but the Chair very promptly decided that the vote of the committee having joined them together, the chair could not put them asunder. The Whig party were thus compelled either to vote for the entire proposition or to vote the whole down. Under these circumstances they could not hesitate to reject it entirely. And thus it. comes to pass that by a dexterous manoeuvre of the Locos, tea and coffee are to be taxed! And yet with these facts stannir them in the face,! should not be surprised if the Locos had the hardihood to attempt to raise an outcry against the Whigs for taxing articles which entered into the consumption of the poor! I hope you will keep these facts prominently before the public, and let the people see the measures which are to be resorted to, to make political capital."

MAINE ELECTION. The Whigs have met with a considerable defeat in Maine. It has resulted from their apathy. Kent's vote falls thousands short of that received by Gen. Harrison, while Fairfield's receives about the same vote that Van Buren did. Returns from 255 towns give Fairfield a majority of 7,727, which will be increased by the returns yet to be received.

The editor of the Dunghill Oracle has resorted to the use of the contents of a whiskey bottle in which to drown the sorrow and trouble we have brought upon him. Last Saturday afternoon he was found in a most pitiable and disgusting con-' dition. He had taken about a dozen glasses; which, as might have been anticipated, brought him from a perpendiculae position. When our

informant last saw him he was in the same condition of the bird that defiles its own nest. On learning the condition of their friend a meeting of the Dunghill Clique was immediately called,and a committee, consisting of Tim and FalstafT, appointed to wash and dress him. After a two hours' operation with soft soap and water, the

eommittee reported that they had attended to the

him stick to his needle and goose! In the opin

ion of" the Dunghill Oracle he knows nothing of i business referred to them, that the friends of the

the principles of government. By the by, 'the editor could again approach him without putting

editor's party are better off in this place. They are led by a little fellow who wears gold spectacles, and who, instead of being only the ninth, is at least the eighth part of a man.

handkerchiefs to their olfactories, and asked to be discharged. They were accordingly discharged, and the editor, like a dog, returned to his vomit again.