Semi-Weekly Journal, Volume 3, Number 256, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 September 1841 — Page 1

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BY DOUGLASS & NOEL. INDIANAPOLIS, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1841, VOL. 3. NO. -256.

Published three times a week during the session OF THE 1 LEGISLATURE TWICE A WEEK FOR THE REMAINDER OF THE YEAR. Tkrms. Four Dollars a year, payable In ndvnnce, and con tillered due at the dale of the subscription. If not paid in ad"vance. liowcver. Fivb Dollnrs will be the price.'

Advertisements will be inserted at the following rates: Ten lines or less, for one or three insertions, oxx dollar, and twkn-TY-rivB cents for each continuance. Or, will ho continued on contract one yeer, for $15, and will he altered occasionally if desired. On longer advertisements, a reasonable deduction will beinade. Q3SINGLK COPIES 6J Cents. TO THE PUJIILC. , ...... Suite Library Notice again!!! FOR the information of those who may yet have oilier Books belonging to the State of Indiana in thoir possession, or may know where such Books are, a list of those missing is published below. I sincere ly trust that those who have Books belonging to the State will not disregard this notice, but will return them immediately.- .j'hose knowing where State Books are, are requested to inform me so that I can obtain them. It may he some of the Books out mav not have the words "State Library" in them, or, as I have found, with those words effaced and others written in their place. This is one reason forpublishing a list of missing Books. It will be seen by the list that many of the lost Books render useless whole sets of very valuable works. Take for example Itecs' Encyclopedia Americana. The 17th volume is missing; consequently a set of 47 volumes is broken. Who can havo this Book and not know that he is not the lawful owner'.' This is only one case out of many. Give the Books up and you will feel better, and the State will be much accommodated. I hopo this will be the last time I shall have to present this matter to the public in this manner. ' I trust those persons who stand charged with Books, and to whom I have written and spoken on the subject will attend to their delinquencies, or I shall have to put the law in force against them. JOHN COOK, State Librarian. Encyclopedia Americana, 17th vol. quario, Humes' England, 1st volume, Lingard'a England, 3d volume, Domestic Encyclopedia, 1 st and 3d volumes, Schlegel's Lectures, 1st and 2d volumes, Life of Jackson, Stanhope's Greece, Uphon's Witchcraft, Aiken's Letters, Humbugs in New York, Retrospects of American Travels, 1st and 2d volumes, Complete Farmer, La Marten's Pilgrimage, Espriella's Letters, Waddington Church History, Domestic Happiness, Charcoal Sketches, Dictionary of Quotations, Chambers' Rebellion in Scotland, Autobiography of Scott, Bemhard's Travels in America, 1st and 2d volumes, Mansfield's Political Grammar, British Drama, two volumes, Hemans, Ileber, and Pollock, Jefferson's notes on Virginia, Lexicon of Useful Knowledge, Murphey's Tacitus, 4th volume, Burli's Works, 1st and 8th volumes, Dick's Improvement in Society. 4th and 5th volumos. Sparks' American Biography, 1st volume, Kent's Commentaries, four volumes, Kirby's Connecticut Reports, New England Magazine, 4th and 6th volumes, Eloquence of the V. S. 1st volume, Niles' Register, Nos. 10, 20, 23, and 42, Bride of Lammermoor, 1st and 2d volumes, Legends of Montrose, 1st and 2d volumes, Travelling Bachelor, 2d volume, Universal History, 1st and 2d volumes, Curiosities of Literature, first series, 3d volume, d0t do. second series, 1st volume, Annals of Education for 1839, Henry's Chimistry, two volumes, Female Sovereigns, 2d volume, Eminent Painters, 1st, 2d, and 3d volumes, British India, 1st volume, Livesof Celebrated Travellers, British Poets, 2d and 18th volumes, History of the Bible, 2d volume, Court and Camp of Bonaparte, Lardner's Africa, 1st and 2d volumes, Discoveries on the Northern Coast of America, Life of Washington, F. L. two volumes,

MR. EWING'S LETTER. OF RESIGNATION OF THE OFFICE OF SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.'

P.ir.firo.

Horace, 2d volume, Lockhart's Bonaparte, Life of Isaac Newton, Intellectual Poems, History of India, Nubia and Abyssinia, Natural History of Insects,

History of Italy,

History ol Lhina,

Gordon's Dieest,

Webster's Dictionary, Quenten Derward, Maid of Perth, Geristeen, Gil Bias, British Spy, two volumes, Pirate, two volumes, Headsman, two volumes, Bravo, two volumes, ' Virml

fjp-Sentinel copy 3 weeks

.: IX1ST; ON the 3d-of this month; between Indianapolis and i. I. Stretcher's mill, on the Noblesville road, a Silver Watch, with a ribbon chain, fastened on with large riiiiss, there were a ring and key at the end of the chain. Any person finding said watch, and leavinp it with Mr. Baker on said road, or at the Journal office, shall be liberally rewarded. ept8 3w JOHN 11. SMITH.

sept 4 3w

FOR THE FACE. 2 DOZ. Oriental Powder of Alabaster, 2 Rose Toilet Powder, just received and for sale by aUgll TOMLINt-ON BROTHERS.

ICASK Fine Orange Gum Shellac 1 do Superior Glue, 1 do 'Venitian Bed, 1 Barrel Copal Varnish, 5 do Spirits Turpentine, june 9 Ree'd and forsnleby CRAIGHEAD BRANDON. THE JVEJV YORKER. SUBSCRIPTION for the New Yorker, received by the undersigned at his Bookstore, one door west of the Washington Hall. july22-lw C. B. DAVIS, Agent. OLDRIDGE'S BAI.M OF COLUMBIA. ASUPrLY ofOldridge's Balm of Columbia, the best and cheapest preparation for the Hair ever ottered to the public received and for sale ot the Drug Store of july 31 CRAIGHEAD ft. BRANDON. WHITE LEAD. 1 OO KEGS, Avery & Ogden's white lead, warranted fine. 1UU For gaie by TOMUNSON BROTHERS, june 25 e'Pn f lhc Golden Mortar. THE SCHOLAR'S COMPJJTIOJf, or guide to the Orthography, Pronunciation and Derivation of the English Language, by R. W. Green, A. M. Received st juiy 2 DAVIS' Bookstore. Joyne's Vegetable Ague Pill. THE citizens of Indianapolis are informed that they have received from the western depository of Javne A. 1's.nroast, St. Louis, a supply of Jayne s Vegetable Ague Pills, which have become so popular in Missou.i, nnd other parts of the wixicrn country. A trial of ONE BOTTLE is all that is required to give a decided preference over all other articles of the kind in use. TOMLIXSON BROTHERS, Ae'nii. july22 ' Sign of the Golden Mortar. JAYNE'S CARMINATIVE BALSA M. JCST received a lot of Dr. Jayne's Carminative Bstssm, 1 certain, wfe, and speedy ears for Dysentery, Drarrha-s, Cholera Morbus, Summer Complaint, Choltc, Sour Stomach, and all disease of the stomaen and bowels; also, all spasmodic and servous disease. For sale at the Drug Store of , , julyjl CRAIGHEAD fc BRANDOX.

veral States, with power to deal in bills of exchange,

withont the assent of the States, to which you re plied, 'Yes, if they be foreign bills, or bills drawn ir

---'-Tkeasu k y Department, Sept.-1 If 1841 r Sir: After the most calm and careful consideration, and viewing the subject in all the aspects in which it presents itself to my mind, I have come to the conclusion that I ought no longer to remain a member of your Cabinet. I therefore resign the office of Secretary of the Treasury, and beg you to accept this as my letter of resignation. To avoid a misunderstanding, I distinctly declare that I do not consider a difference of opinion as to the charter of a National Bank a sufficient reason for dissolving the ties which have existed between us. Though I look upon that measure as one of vast importance to the prosperity of the country, and though I should havo deeply deplored your inability or unwillingness to accord it to the wishes of the People and the States, so unequivocally expressed through their Representatives, still, upon tbis and this alone, unconnected with other controlling circumstances, I should not have felt bound to resign the place which I hold in your administration. But those controlling circumstances do exist, and I will, in tny own justification, place them in connexion before you. It is but just to you to say that the bill which first passed the two Houses of Congress and which was

returned with your objections on the l6l.li of August, did never, in its progress, as far as I know or believe, receive at any time either your express or implied assent. So far as that bill is known to me, or as I v us consulted upon it, I endeavored to bring its provisions as nearly as possible in accordance with what I understood to be your views, and rather hoped than expected your approval. I knew the extent to which you were committed on the question. I knew the pertinacity with which you adhered to your expressed opinions, and I dreaded from ilio first the most disastrous consequences, when the project of compromise which I presented at an earliar day was rejected. It is equally a matter of justice to you and myself to say that the bill which I reported to the- two Houses of Congress at the commencement of the session, in obedience to their call, was modified so as to meet your approbation. You may not, it is true, have read the bill throughout, and examined every part of it; but the 16th fundamental article, which became the contested question of principle, was freely discussed between us, and it was understood and unequivocally sanctioned by yourself. The last clause in the bill, also, which contained a reservation of power in Congress, was inserted on the 9th June in your presence, and with your approbation; though you at one time told me that, in giving your sanction to the bill, you would accompany it with an explanation of your understanding of that first clause. In this condition of things, though I greatly regret

ted your veto on the bill as it passed the two houses of Congress, and though I foresaw the excitement and

agitation which it would produce among the People,

yet, considering the changes which the bill had undergone in its passage, and its variance from the one you

had agreed to sanction, I could not find in that act,

enough to disturb the confidential relations which existed bet wen us. I was disposed to attribute this act,

fraught with mischief as it was, to pure and honora

ble motives and to a conscientious conviction on your part that the bill in some of its provisions, conflicted with the Constitution. But tbat opinion of your course

on the bill which has just been returned to Congress

with your second veto, I do not and cannot entertain

Recur to what has passed between us with respect to

it, and you will at once perceive that such opinion is

impossible.

On the morning of the 16th of August, I called at your chamber, and found you preparing the first veto

message, to be despatched to the Senate. The Sea

retary of War came in also, and you read a portion of

the message to us. He observed that, though the veto would create a great sensation in Congress, yet he thought the minds of our friends better prepared for it than they were some days ago, and he hoped it would be calmly received, especially as it did not shut out all

hope of a bank, lo this you replied, that you really

thought there ought to be no difficulty about it, .that you had sufficiently indicated in your veto message what kind of a bank you would approve, and that Congress might, if they saw fit, pass such a one in

three days. The lth being the day for our regular cabinet meet

ing, we assembled, all except Messrs. Crittenden

and Granger, and you told us that you had had a long

conversation with IVleasrs. Jjerkien and Sergeant, who professed to come in behalf of the Whigs of the

two Houses to endeavor to strike out some measure

which would be generally acceptable. That you

had your doubts about the propriety ot conversing

with them yourself, and thought it more proper that you should commune with them through your constitutional advisers. You expressed a wish that the whole subject should be postponed till the next session of Congress. You spoke of the delay in the Senate of the considerstion of your veto message, and expressed anxiety as to the tone and temper which the debate would assume. Mr. Badger said that on inquiry he was happy to find the best temper prevailed in the two Houses. He believed they were perfectly ready to take up the bill reported by the Secretary of the Treasury, and pass it at once. You replied, "Talk not to me of Mr. Ewing's bill, it contains that odious feature of local discounU which I have repudiated in my message.' 'I then said to you, I have no doubt, sir, that the House, having ascertained your views, will pass a bill in conformity to them, provided they can be satisfied that it would answer the purposes of the Treasury and relieve the country.' You then said, 'Cannot my cabinet see that this is brought aboutl You must stand by me in this emergency. Cannot you see that a bill passes Congress such as I can approve without inconsistency?' I declared again my belief that such a bill might bo passed. And you then said to me, 'What do you understand to be my opinions? State them, so that I may see that there is no misapprehensions about them.' i

I then said that I understood you to be of opinion ces, as a matter of personal honor, it would be hard tbat Congress might charter a bank in the District of. for me to remain of your council, to seal my lips and

paeu, 'i'es, it tuey uetoreism bins, or bins drawn in

one State and payable in another. That is all the powt.r necessary fur transmitting the public funds and

regu'ating exchanges and the currency.' Mr. Webster then expressed, in strong terms, his opinion that such a chartpr would answer all just purposes of Government and be satisfactory to the People; and declared his preference for it over any which had been proposed, especially as it dispensed with the assent of the States to the creation of an institution necessary for carrying on the fiscal operations of Government. He examined it at some length, both os to its constitutionality and its influence on the currency and exchanges, in all which views you expressed your concurrence, desired that such a bill should be introduced, and especially that it should go into the hands of some of your friends. To my inquiry whether Mr. Sergeant would be agreenble to you, you replied that he would. You especially requested Mr. .Webster, and myself to communicate with Messrs. Berrien and Sergeant on tbo subject, to whom you said you had promised to address a note, but you doubted not that this personal communication would be equally satisfactory. You desired us, also, in communicating with those gentlemen, not to commit you personally, lest, jf his being recognized us your measure, it' might be made a subject of comparison to your prejudice, in the course of discussion. You and Mr. Webster then conversed about the particular wording of the 16th fundamental article, containing the grant of power to deal in exchanges, and of the connexion in which that grant should be introduced; you also spoke of ' the name of the institution, desiring tha that should be changed. To this I objected, as it would probably be made a subject of ridicule, but you insisted that there was much in a name, and thirf institution ought not to be called a bank. Mr. W ebbtek undertook to adopt it in this particular to your wishes. Mr. Bell then observed to Mr. Webster and myself that we had no time to lose; that if.this were not immediately attended to, another bill, less acceptable, might be got up and reported. We replied that we would lose no time. Mr. Webster accordingly called on Messrs. Berrien and Seageant immediately, and I waited on them by his appointment at 5 o'clock on the same day, and agreed upon the principles of the bill in accordance with your expressed wishes. And I am apprized of the fact, though it did not occur in my presence, that after the bill was drawn up, and before it was reported, it was seen and examined by yourself: that your attention was specially called to the 16th fundamental article: that on full examination you concurred in its provisions: that at the same time its name was so modified as to meet your approbation: and the bill was reported and passed, in all essential particulars, as it was when it come through your hands. You asked Mr. Webster and myself each to propare and present you an argument touching the constitutionality of the bill; and before those arguments could be prepared and read by you, you declared, as I heard and believe, to gentlemen, Members of the House, that you would cut off your right hand rather than approve it. After this new resolution was taken, you asked and earnestly urged the members of your Cabinet to postpone the bill; but you would neither give yourself, nor suffer them to eive, any assurance

of your future course, in case of such postponement.

By some of us, and I was myself one, the effort was

made to gratify your wishes, in the only way in which

it could be done with propriety; that is, by obtaining

the general concurrence or the Whig Members of the two Houses in the postponement. It failed, as I have

reason to believe, because you would give no assu

rance that the delay was not sought as a means and

occasion tor hostile movements. During this season of deep feeling and earnest exertion upon our part, while we were zealously devoting our talents and influence to serve and to sustain you, the very secrets of our Cabinet councils made their appearance in an infamous paper printed in a neighboring city, the

columns of which were daily charged with flattery of

yourself and toul abuse of your Cabinet. All this I bore; for I felt that my services, so long as they could avail, were due to the nation to that great and magnanimous People whose suffrages elevated your predecessor to the station which you now fill, and whose united voices approved his act when he summoned us around him, to be hi3 counsellors; and I felt that what was due to his memory, to the injunctions which he left us in his last dying words, and to the Teoplo, whose servants we were, had not all been performed until every means was tried, and every hope had failed of carrying out the true principles upon which the mighty movement was-foanded that elevated him and you to power. This bill, framed and fashioned according to your own suggestions, in the initiation of which I and another member of your Cabinet were made by you the agents and the negotiators, was passed by largo ma

jorities through the two Houses of Congress, and sent

to you, and you rejected it. Important as was the part which I had taken, at your request, in the origination

of this bill, and deeply as I was committed for your action upon it, you never consulted me on the subject of the veto message. You did not even refer to it in conversation, and the first notice I had of its contents

was derived from rumor. And to me, at least, you have done nothing to wipe

away the personal indignity arising out of the act. I gathered, it is true, from your conversation shortly after the bill had passed the House, that you had a strong purpose to reject it; but nothing was said like softening or apology to me, cither in reference to myself or to those with whom I had communicated at

your request, and who had acted themselves and induced the two Houses to act upon the faith of that

communication. And, stranjre as it may seem, the

Veto Message attacks in an especial manner the very

provisions which were inserted at your request; and even the name of the corporation, which was not only agreed to by you, but especially changed to meet your expressed wishes, is made the subject of your criti

cism. Uineretit men might view this transaction in

different points of light; but, uuder these circunistan

Your veto to the first bill you rested on constitutional ground and the hiirh cinvictions of conscience; atid.no man, in my opinion, had a right to question your sincerity, I so said, and I so acted; for, through all the contest and collision that arose out of. tbat act,.;, you had my adherence and support. But how is it with respect to this! The subject of a bank is not new to you; it is more than twenty years that you have made it an object of consideration and of study, especially in its connection with the constitutional powers of the General Government. You, therefore, could not be, and you were not taken unprepared on this question. The bill which I reported to Congress, with your approbation, at the commencement of the session, had the clause relating to agencies, and the power to deal in exchanges, as strongly developed as the one you have now rejected, and equally without the assent of the States. You' referred especially, and with approbation, to that clause, many days' after, in a conversation held in the Department of State. You sanctioned it in this particular bill as detailed above. And no doubt was thrown out on the subject by you, in my heorincr, or within my knowledge, until the letter of Mr. BoTrscameto your hands. Soon after the rending of that letter, you threw out strong intimations that you would veto the bill if it were not postponed. The letter I did and do most unequivocally condemn, but it did not, affect the constitutionality of the bill, or justify you in rejecting it on that ground; it could affect only the expediency of your action; and. whatever you may now believe as to the scruples existing in your mind, in this and in a kindred source there is strong ground to believe they have their origin. If I be right in this, and I doubt not I am, here is a great public measure demanded by the country, pissed upon and approved by the Representatives of the States and the People, rejected by you as a President on grounds having no origin in conscience, and no reference to the public good. The rejection of this measure, too, continues the purse with the sword in the hands of the Executive, from' which we strove to wrest it in the contest which elevated your predecessor and you to power. I cannot concur in this course of policy. In or out of office my opinions remain urnchanged. I cannot abandon the principles for which, during all my political career, I have struggled; especially I cannot be one of the instruments by which the Executive wields these combined, accumulated and dangerous powers. ; These, sir, are the reasons for the important step which I have felt it my duty to take, and I submit them as its justification. I am, very respectfully, yours, T. EWING. To the President.

From the Smyrna (Asia) Journal. A dreadful calamity has just visited the town of Smyrna, and plunged twenty thousand of its inhabitants in desolation and misery. A terrible fire, such as the memory of man has never known in this country, has destroyed in the space of eight hours, nearly half the town, and wholely ruined twenty thousand persons. The fire broke out on Wednesday at midnight, in a coffee house of the Goldsmith's Bazdar. Two hours afterwards the fire had spread over an extent of half a mile, and hundreds of houses were burning at the same time. The violence of the wind drove the flames with incredible fury towards the different quarters of the upper town, and rendered all human succor useless. The nature of the localities, and the bad construction of the old buildings, which' was generally agglomerated, with the intense heat, and the want of water on several points, with the wind, all contributed to render the disaster complete. A third of the Turkish town, all the Jews' quarter, several bazaars, amongst which were those of the goldsmiths, the grain-dealers, the shoemakers, the saddlers, the confectioners, the clothes-dea'ers,the druggists, &c., a great number of mosques, seven synagogues, and nine or ten thousand houses, were reduced to ashes, and are at this moment only heaps of burning ruins. Several persons have perished in this horrible catastrophe; the number is not correctly known, but it is cal

culated at from 30 to 40. As to the loss, it is incalculable; it amounts, however, to several millions. It is impossible to give an idea of the admirable conduct of the Austrian navy in this cruel circumstance; it

was carried to the extent of heroism. Commanders,

officers, sub-officers, sailors, and soldiers, all signalized themselves, and courageously exposed their lives for several hours: all have acquired the same right to

the eternal gratitude of this place, for what remains of it was positively saved by them. The Admiral

was the first to set the example, and was repeatedly

present at the fire, giving his assistance. The French brig Alcibiade, which had been compelled to sail on Wednesday evening to give succor to a French mer

chant vessel in imminent peri! at the northern extremity of the island of Ourlac, hastened to return to, Smyrna, where it arrived in time to send ashore its-pump,

and part of its crew. This assistance was not useless, for the fire broke out again yesterday evening with some violence, and the French sailors, assisted by the Austrians, soon got it under. The detachment of the Alcibiade, which was relieved every four !hour$, i will remain on the spot until nothing more is to be apprehended.' More than twenty thousand persons, Without bread and without shelter, are scattered on the bights

which dominate the spot where were lately thoir nous-

es.

Columbia, eivingitits location here. To this you as

sented. That they might authorize such bank to es tablish offices of discount and deposite in the several States, with the assent of the States. To this you replied 'don't name discounts: they have been the source of the most abominable corruptions, and are wholly unnecessary to enable the bauk to discharge its duties to the country and the Government.' I observed in reply that I was proposing nothing, but simply endeavoring to state what Iliad understood t be your opinion as to the powers which Congress iniffht

constitutionally confer on a bank; that on that point I

Mood corrected. 1 then proceeded to say that I understood you to be of opinion that Congress might tu&crize such bank to establish agencies in tie se-

Jeave unexplained and undisclosed where lies in this transaction the departure from straight-forwardness and candor. So far indeed from admitting the encouragement which you gave to this bill in its inception, and explaining and excusing your sudden and violent hostility towards it, you throw into your Veto Message an interrogatory equivalent to an assertion that it was such a bill as you had already declared could not receive your sanction. Such is the obvious effect of the first interrogatory clause on the second page. It has all the force of an assertion without its open fairness. I have met and refuted this, the n ecessary inference from yonr language, in my preceding statement, the correctness of which you I am sure will not call in question.

A GOOD WAY. The editor of the Newburyport:

N. H. Argus, tells a story of a fellow, who after having been drawn into the meshes of love with a fair

looking one, named "Nabby" afterwards 'took a shine' to another. Thinking to cast off the old "flame" for a

new 'spark' he indictel an epistle of which the follow

ing is a copy: , ' ; . ;',, "Dear Nabby, thesf are to inform you as I nm fast coming to my latter eAd with the yaller janders--ifroin your dying Esek." '- -. -. . ') Nota Bene I oper this to let you kqow I am departed this life two (hys ago; in great agony. " Your gone Esek.' . . . . . .

VIRGINIA POLITICIAN. . He has not, says our correspondent, the slightest idea of any territoral extent of country beyond the limits of Virginia. He draws his notions of commercial greatness from the trade of oystermon'gers on the Paumunky; hismanufacturing views are borrowed from the hoop-aid-stave splitters in the pine woods of Verginia 'low dnvn;' and his agricultural speculations are compressed to such narrow compass as is natural to a man vho has Witnessed upon his own faint, for tho last iO years, the tumblebugs in the furrows playing disortive with the tassels of his corn. Prentice.

That roan wh would cheat a printer is mean enough to steal the pewter off the head of a nigger's

cane.