Semi-Weekly Journal, Volume 3, Number 253, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 September 1841 — Page 2

SEMI-WEEKLY JOUKIVAL. INDIANAPOLIS:

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1841.

THE LAND BILL A LAW Jit It is with unfeigned pleasure that we are enabled to announce to our readers that the Distribution and Pre-emption bill has received the signature of the President. This is a measure of relief by a Whig Congress that will be felt by the people of Indiana. Read the letter below and see how much it will yearly throw into our treasury. This is glory enough. What do the Vetoites think of John Tyler now? He has approvpd what they have termed the "atrocious measure:" Washington, Sept. 4, 1841. Gentlemen I am now enabled to inform you that the Distribution and Pre-emption Bill having received the signature of the President, has become a law. By the success of this prominent Whig measure, Indiana will receive more than one hundred and thirty thousand dollars per annum, thus diminishing the taxes of her people by that amount. -We shall see whether the threatened cry of repeal will continue to be urged by

our opponents. Most ardently do I hope that the harmonious co-operation of every department

of a Whig Administration may secure tothecoun

try, what it has long been seeking, many more

practical benefits, of which this bill is the first

fruits. Very respectfully, Yours &c. ALB. S. WHITE.

To secure the adoption of salutary measures

and the triumph of correct principles, it is essential in the highest degree that the Whigs 3hould

be found standing together shoulder to shoulder

Much has yet to be done to redeem the country from that embarrassment and distress which has

been brought upon it under the shifting, and ruinous policy of Martin Van Buren. Nothing but a steady and determined course of reform can ef

fect this great work, so dear to the hearts of all

who are not laboring under a blind infatuation. It is but a poor compliment to say of an individual that he heartily espoused the cause of his country and her best, her most vital interests for a . time, and then become disaffected, and abandoned both. Sternness and integrity are essential, and indeed indispensable requisites in the character of every man who wishes to maintain a fair reputation even in private life, but more particularly of him who aspires to places of high public trust. The individual for instance, no matter what his party designation may be, who is clamorous in his devotion to an important public interest at one time and who will willingly abandon it at another, demagogue like, deserves not the confidence of his fellow-citizens at any time or from any party. NATHANIEL WEST, JR. This gentleman is the veto candidate for the State Senate; and he is resorting to every species of the lowest demagoguism to secure his election. He tells the Whig farmers that he is a "no-party man," that he never uttered a disrespectful word

of Gen. Harrison that he is the poor man's candidatethat he will go for a stay law of "one

crop" duration on small debts, and "two crops"

on large that he never sued a poor man in his

life, &c. &c. &c.

This is all tuage ana taisenooa. mo man in

the county last summer was more lavish of his coarse abuse and vile detraction of the character,

both public and private, of General Harrison than

was this same Nathaniel West. This can easily be substantiated by respectable witnesses of both parties. His being the poor man's friend is all gammon. Until he was a candidate for the Senate, he was

never known to express any solicitude about their

interest or welfare. Until then he never took the

large number who attended his mills by the hand

and invited them to eat and drink with him. In fact it has been asserted most positively by those

whose words we have no reason to doubt, that

until then he made the laborers he hired eat in his kitchen and sleep in the wagon house, or hay loft. This may not be so, but it is a fact that he has, ever since residing in this community, exhibited strong symptoms of being a purse-proud and austere aristocrat of the first water. Until this summer, although a man of strong frame and constitution, he never , walked our streets while the sua was darting his hot rays upon the earth, but that he had an ample umbrella spread out above him, and his hands secured by the softest kid, from the tanning influence of the atmosphere. This is the sort of a mau that now calls himself a great friend and admirer of the people; and who has stooped, as he deems it, to their level, that he may conquer the Whig party in Marion county. The veto candidate, Mr. West, exiled on the the Collector for one of his notices, and upon receiving it, said he intended to electioneer like the yery dev il with it. Of course he will tell the people all manner of lies. That's the way the devil electioneers.

MR. WEST AND THE RAIL ROAD. The veto candidate for the Senate, professes to be a great friend to the Rail Road, and tells the people that he can procure its completion at an earlier day than any other man. Last spring in his great zeal for the road he voted for the Jive cents additional tax to be paid by the counties interested, as a bonus for an appropriation to the road. Of course it was supposed that he would

pay that tax. Not so, however. He told the

Collector a few days since that he would not pay

it, and would suffer himself to be sued for it before he would do it. Here is candor for you.-

Tells us that he is in favor of the early completion of the road, and yet he refuses to adopt the

only course that will afford a reasonable hope of

the consummation so devoutly to be wished. Behold his honesty, too. Last spring , he was strongly in favor of the tax, but now, forsooth, because he thinks a little political capital can be made by it, he is as strongly opposed to it. MR. PROFFITT. We suppose that we will have to give up this gentleman. He forbade the Reporter for the Intelligencer from reporting his remarks on any occasion. The editors of the Globe, however, publish the following, which, we suppose, correctly define the gentleman's position: "Mr. Prcflilt said he believed the Whig party was not to be found in these halls they were to be found at the plough bundles nnd in the workshops. The Whig party succeeded by the addition of the old Jackson men, who wished to reform the abuses of the Administration. He compared the vetoed bill, which was concocted in the Senate to make great men to make Presidents to a limping animal that stalked up

the avenue with a leg or brass and a leg of wood, and finally died with the Botts. He said he belonged to the corporal's guard; and if the member from Virginia would permit him, he would march as the humblest member of the forlorn hope. He thought the President ought to have a new cabinet; and if he was' asked when, he should say now. If they went out. of their own accord, so much the better. ; He went against Mr. IClay with sorrow, but he never could have Mr. Clay for his President. He felt the chains upon his wrists now; he did not feel them when he advocated Mr. Clay's cause before the people for thirteen long years. He said the name of the bill would be changed before it was passed, and he should not be surprised if it was, called the Sub-Treasury Bill. "Mr. Proffift defended Mr. Tyler with eloquence, and to the fullest extent."

brand with falsehood the imputation that "Republics are ungrateful." It has ever been to us a matter of surprise and regret that there should be existing in the minds of a certain portion of the Whig party, a prejudice against Mr. Clay, and a disposition to keep him in the back ground. It originated we know in a misunderstanding of the man, but we rejoice to see that that prejudice is at last dispelled and that he is now viewed in his true character, a patriot without selfishness, and a statesman of the soundest and wisest po

licy.

The dolt of the Sentinel is attempting to make his readers believe that the proposed tax on tea and coffee, for the purpose of raising revenue, is a Whig measure. This is not so. Mr. Woodbury, one of the Loco-veto party, as late as last January, while Secretary of the Treasury under Van Buren, recommended the tariff on Tea and Coffee, in a report to Congress as follows: "Another mode of raising the same amount of revenue would therefore bo preferable, if it could be accomplished without including those articles. Suppose, then, that there should be selected from the free articles those which may be regarded most as luxuries, though not in every respect belonging exclusive ly to that class, such as tea, coffee, and silks," &c, "a duty of twenty per cent, on those, after paying the expenses of collection, would yield about the same amount of five millions."

PUBLIC OPINION. We notice that many of the western papers are running up the name of Henry Clay, to their mast heads, as a candidate for the Presidency in 1844. Many of the people in this section of country, particularly since the veto, are anxiously looking to the Western Statesman as their only sure hope in matters of Government. In fact, we think we might with all truth say, that the Whig party of Indiana are unanimous in the de

sire that he should be the Whig candidate for the

next Presidency.

The following are the remarks of the Knights-

town editor, on unfurling the Clay banner to the breeze: From the Knightstown Courier.

Our Banner. This week we nail to our mast head

the broad banner of Henry Clay, for the Presidency in 1844; and life lasting us so long, there it shall

wave, in calm and in storm, until the verdict of the

poople, from whom there is no appeal, shall be rendered. We have all along deprecated the agitation

of the Presidential question by others, and shunned it

ourselves, as dangerous to the union of the party. But the exigency in which the extraordinary action of President Tyler places the great Whig partyleaving it without a head, calls for immediate action. No Whig can hereafter, place any confidence in John Tyler, truckling and time-serving as he has shown himself; and casting our eyes around, where shall we turn them, but to the "Old Harry of the West" to whom is the country now to look for the fulfilment of those hopes which have been so ruthlessly blasted by the ipse dixit of a deceptive aud false man. Let the issue come, we are ready for it the country is ready for it. Henry Clay and a National Bank." There is no necessity for a Convention to go through the forms of a nomination. By an unanimous impulse all eye are turned upon him as the Whig candidate for the next Presidency. Wp need not speak of Henry Clay his lofty and disinterested patriotism his more than Roman devotion to the interests 6f the

whole Union his stern integrity the faithfulness, fidelity and honesty with which he has discharged every public trust confided to him---all these are known to the people, and none but the demagogue, the interested party hack, would dare dispute his claims to the gratitude of the American people. We speak but "plain unvarnished truth," which will be responded to universally, when we say that Henry Clay has done more for the prosperity and welfare of this nation than any man living. But his noble, self-sacrificing spirit, which has ever led him to sacrifice bis own personal advancement on the altar of the country's good, has hitherto kept him in the shade; but we rejoice to see that throughout the whole country in all the varied ramifications of society, that there is an increasing disposition to do justice to the old, tried, and faithful puklic servant a desire to

We have "hung out our banner." We hope to see

the movement extensively followed by our brethren of the Whig press. It is the last and only chance to rally and concentrate the distracted forces of the Whig party. As an attempt as slanderous to the dead, as it is unjust to the living has recently been made to prove that Gen. Harrison did not hold Mr. Clay in high estimation, we extract the following from a speech made by Gen. Harrison at Georgetown, D. C. a short time before his inauguration. Mr. Clay having been toasted, Gen. Harrison rose and said: "Itakegreat pleasure in responding to the sentiment which has just been received with so much enthusiasm by the company, for I am proud to be able to state that the distinguished individual alluded to is my firm, personal and political friend. My own inclination, as well as a duty which I owe to the country, prompted me to tender to him the first post in my cabinet; but in his own good judgment, and no earthly man was blessed with a better judgment, he had declined it, and I felt willing to yield to his wishes, both from the knowledge tht my administration would receive cordial support from him as a Senator of the United States, nnd from the experience which had taught me, that Henry Clay was always right, let him differ with whom he may. I consider his judgment superior to that of any man living, for during my political life, I have never differed with him on any important subject that I did not. afterwards become convinced that he was right and I was wrong.1' The veto candidate says he intends to election

eer like the devil. That is not difficult for a chip of the old block to do. From the Cincinnati Chronicle. FURTHER ACCOUNTS OF THE RIOTS. We shall attempt at, present little more in the account of the recent riots, than a statement of such facts as we can rely upon. In Saturday's paper, we stated, that parties were taking up colored persons to put them, for safety as we supposed, within the enclosure. It turned out, however, that these were bands of the rioters, engaged in the mean and inhuman conduct of dragging barbers and waiters, innocently engaged in their usual occupations, into confinement and, if the mob succeeded, to probable death. This transaction was one of the worst features of the rio because in most Cases submitted to, where it should have been resisted on the spot. In two or three instances it was, and the villains compelled to retire. Many of those engaged in this affair were quite young, and the greater part were vagabonds and loafers, ready for any mischief. In the afternoon, the negro men enclosed within the line of sentries were placed between the lines of military, and conducted to jail, for safety. There they were guarded by a portion of the military. During the day, a number of volunteer watchmen were put on duty, and the military kept under arms. In the evening it was apparent, at an early hour, that tne riotors were out in full force. Squads were seen, whose character could not be mistaken, gathering aroung certain quarters. The military companies and a body of citizens were placed on duty; but notwithstanding this precaution, scenes of greater real atro

city, though with less personal injury, occurred dur

ing the night. One of the first operations was the destruction of a part of the Abolition Press. After

this the mob moved to a Bakery, kept by an Englishman (Burnett) who was concerned in the last affray,

and had become very much hated by a number of the rioters. His shop was attacked and his fixtures destroyed. After this, negro houses, where they were known as such, were visited, windows broken, doors smashed, children frightened, and poor women insulted. In the latter part of the night, we are told, the negro settlement on 6th street was again visited, although occupied solely by women and children. Doors

and windows were broken, the African church injur ed, and we are told some atrocities committed shock ing to humanity.

These were the doings on Saturday night. Sunday morning the town was, of course, greatly agitated; and during the day, the civil authorities took new and more efficient measures for the protection of the

city. Governor Corwin happened, without know

ledge of these matters, to arrive in, town on Saturday,

and co-operated in the measures taken.

It was thought by some of the civil authority that they had no power to direct the military to fire; and this idea getting abroad, occasioned, we doubt not, some of the difficulties. At the suggestion of some

respectable citizens, Governor Corwin authorized the

detail ot a large military force; and we feel assured that this, with other active measures, contributed to

the peace and quiet of the city during the night. About five hundred citizens, in all, were enrolled

as patrol men, and were divided into parties of twen

ty-five each, who kept a watch most of the night. The measures taken yesterday by the City Council

in connection with others, were very efficient. The organization was complete and energetic. There was material enough in the city for further outrages; but

these measures happily suppressed them. Such is the brief account of affairs here up to this morning. Every thing is now quiet, and we do not expect any other violence at present. The future, however, must be taken care of, by means far more decisive than those heretofore relied on, in the civil arrangements of this city.' We shall enter hereafter fully upon the causes and consequences of scenes like these. That they are disgraceful to any civilized community, no man in his senses doubts, and that they are injurious to its best interests, there is just as little doubt. BUSINESS IN MADISON. The fine state of the roads in the interior, and the excellent prices given in our city, for the produce of the interior, viz: wheat, flax-seed, &c, has given new life to many of our merchants, for some weeks past, especially those in the salt, iron and grocery line. Hundreds of wagons have come in, some of them more than an hundred miles distant, and all returned with such articles as are needed in the interior, for which the cash was left in our city. It must be evident to all, that it only needs a proper effort on the part of our merchants, in keeping up full supplies of every variety of merchandise, in order to a full command of the trade of the most fertile region of the West. Whilst speaking of this subject, we will take occasion to say, that we have no hesitancy in believing that some half dozen more heavy substantial wholesale dry good houses and some two or three heavy grocery houses, would do not only an excllcnt business themselvs, but would improve materially the business of those engaged now

in the same and other branches of trade. Banner. 1

Correpon4nc of tbe Baltimore Patriot. HINGTON, Sept. 2, 1841. THE FISCAL BANK BILL, &c. The Bank Bill has been the all-absorbing subject before Congress to-day. The expectation of a continued discussion of the bill, drew a crowd of persons to the galleries. An early adjournment of the House, after a session of but two hours, increased the number of hearers. The discussion commenced with Mr. Archer, of Viginia, in a .very excellent speech. Mr. Archer spoke for nearlv two hours, and with

great clearness and beauty of illustration, in defence of the constitutional power of Congress to pass a bill incorporating a Bank of Exchange. I have not often heard a better argument, or one more forcibly stated, or a speech, upon the whole, embodying sentiments more in harmony with sound principles. It was a speech worthy cf Virginia in her proudest days, and honorable to the distinguished Senator who delivered it. Mr, Archer took occasion to add to his argument in behalf of the Fisca Corporation of the United States, some notice of the rumor afloat in reference to the veto of the President to the bill now before the Senate. He said he was neither disposed to believe there would be a veto of the bill, nor to defend one, if it came. Though dwelling no great length upon the subject, and within the rules of Parliamentary propriety, it was apparent to all that another veto would be a matter not only of great disappointment, and bitter regret but of stern condemnation to h'im. Mr. Archer addressed his speech particularly to Virginia and it would be a reflection on that, ancient commonwealth not to suppose that he spoke the opinions of the majority of the people of Virginia. Mr. Buchanan followed in the discussion, and provoked a dabate which continued until nearly sunset, and which goes over even to to-morrow. A m re irrelevant, out-of order debate has never been heard, and the effect of it has made more than one Senator, even of the minority, believe that discussion, such as has been customary in the Senate this session, is the greatest abuse of the freedom of speech ever tolerated in an enlightened assembly. Mr. B. 'had made his speech for the ear of the Executive, and apparently for the. reason that his remarks were sure to reach the President's ear. His remarks abounded in eulogies to John Tyler. John Tyler was almost the entire burden of the song, and as often as a compliment came for the veto of the President to the late bill, as often a taunt, in man.ner and language, was added to provoke the Whig Senators: "It was your President who did this;" and then followed the idea that he would do it again, and that the Opposition party and the disgraceful intimation was near like the "amen" of Macbeth, to stick in his throat would rally around him and sustain him! Mr. Calhoun, in another part of the debate, spoke in the same insultingstrain insulting to the President and to Congress, as well as to those whom the People had willed shooJd be in power; and, going one step further, the Senator from South Carolina even entreated the President of the United States, "in his place," (to use his own words,) "to veto, not only the second Bank bill, but the atrocious Distribution bill," as he called it. If the President would veto' two bank bills and a land bill, during a special session of Congress, Mr. C. seemed to think he would win an immortality for boldness and independence Mr. Buchanan went so far as to say that he wanted "a good old Jackson veto." It was in this strain that the Senator from Pennsylvania ran on, until Mr. Clay could bear it no longer. He rose to reply in perfect good temper, however, and mingling wit, satire and argument together,' he addressed the Senate for thirty minutes in one of the most eloquent and masterly speeches I have ever heard. He first corrected a half dozen shamefulma v I not say, wilful? falsehoods uttered bv the Sen

ator from Pennsylvania in reference to the Bank Bill the Whig party the Harrisburg Convention and the recent campaign. He told Mr. Buchanan "not to lay the flattering unction to his soul," that a dissolution of the Whig party was to take place. The Whigs differed with the President upon the single question of a Bank and monstrous as the veto power was, a shower of vetoes would not subdue the Whig party. Their principles were as eternal as truth itself..-"The. Whig party had united to resist Executive power, and they would resist it again and again, if it became necessary so to do. It was not possible for any one man to break down the Whig party even a Corporal's guard could not do it! If another Napolean were to arise, he could have no influence in the defeat of a body of men held together by great and immutable principles. In reference to an alliance between the Executive and the Loco Focos, Mr. Clay said it was impossible. It was a libel upon the President to insinuate such treachery. The President held no opinion in nnmmnn with the nnnnsiti'nn Ho ui th nnthnpnf"

I I ..v. - " " " . the one term principle he was the enemy of Executive usurpation he had resisted the Expunging Resolution, by which the Journals of the Senate were mutilated and to suppose that a President, elected by the Whigs, could be guilty of such treason as to desert his own party who had so honored him and so defended him as the Whig party had done John Tyler and join the enemy- who had so abused and would dishonor, if they could, this same John Tyler was to suppose him capable of turpitude uneqnalled for its atrocity. He would not believe the Loco Foco party base enough, even, to receive a treacherous President, much less would he believe the President base enough to join the Loco Foco party. He spoke thus freely, because he felt that the honor of the President was involved in the insinuation of the Senator from Pennsylvania, and as a true friend f the President, he could not say less. The soil of Virginia, said Mr. Clay, in another part of his speech, has no capacity to produce traitors, and less than all, the blood of old John Tyler, the father of the President, (who was a patriotic, a noble citizen, above suspicion, and pf integrity unquestionable,) his blood, said Mr. C, could never

flow in the veins of a man capable of sueh treason as Mr. Buchanan had invited the President to commit! The invitation, therefore, carried with it an insult, grossly offensive to the man to whom it was addressed. Other parts of Mr. Clay's hurried and off-hand reply to Mr. Buchanan, were full of humor and spirit. He wound up one of his most finely wrought sentences, relative to the great Whig party, as he was connected with it, by saying: "Believing, as I always have, in the Whig party glorying, as I always shall, in their principles living with them as I shall die with them I ask no other fate than to share with them in the common lot of prosperity or adversity before them." Another part of his speech kept the Senate for some fifteen minutes in a continued roar of laughter. He reminded the Senate that a few days since the Senator from New Hampshire, the ex-secretary of the treasury, had offered a resolution calling upon the District committee to hunt out the persons who had created a disturbance in the vicinity of the White , House, on the night of the 16th of August the nisht

of the Feto of the Fiscal Bank Bill. If the Senator

had persevered in his resolution, said Mr. Clay, humorously, I would have proposed that the commit-