Shelby Volunteer, Volume 20, Number 25, Shelbville, Shelby County, 25 February 1864 — Page 2
cf the original anil illustrious, thirteen. Ar thee trn r olitical.aommuoiV.ea a part of die Union thU day, or. in tHe eye f ihe Constitution, art they outside the Union ? If they art4 onUideand no long r Slates of the Union, by what power that we recognize and by what action that we respect rli I thi occnr ? It wai by BO action of tht United States. The
Federal Government has all the while claimed jurisdiction over them, and by UgUlattve and executive action has exerriied that jutisdiction when and wheie not hindered by armed resistance. If wot by the action f this Government, then are theie States out of the Union by their own action, each State bv her
separate act of secession taking herself
out " It would & rank political hercsv
to assert it. They are yet State of the Union, but States in which the people arc in armed resistance to the United States : and thT can cease to be State of the Union ily by the success ot tli tevolutin. We have but t restore the lawful authority of the IVleial Jovcmment over the people thereof, and heenre their attiiiKceitoe and obedience, and tho Union i restored. In thee ten States the President prnTt"es a plan for nrcanixint; "new State
convicted of treason are disfranchised and J President and his party from power be rendered incapable of holding office of j fore a stream of popular indignation in trnst and pro6t, it is well ; but if the the ilavs of public and political virtue. State laws do not so provi vde, the Presi- Mr. lreident. at the beginning of the war dent can not disqualify. The President J uh assurances were given, both to the coun-
cannut ditTianchise him whom the state
has enfranchised. The Constitution for
bids it ; tha right! of tha States forbid it. The President sof gesta to his sworn men that in demolishing and teconstructing State institutions, they shall not change tht name of the State, its boun
dary, its subdivisions, its constitution or general code of laws, only so far as may be required by the terms and conditions of the proclamation, or as may be deemed by them expedient. Every step taken bv
tho President in this direction, is upon the fragments of a broken constitution. The Carolina and Georgia had their
boundaries before the Union was formed, fixed and a!ablihed by colonial charters, and with their ancient natnos and boundnrie. they agreed to the Union ; and of the remaining seven of the States
mentioned by thtt Presuleut, it is enough to say that under their names and boundaries were estab)ihed by the people when the States were foimed.and agreed
to bv Lou giess I v
try and foreign nations, by the executive and
legivative departments of the dovrrnment, touchingthe purposes and policy of the war, and the" principles that would be respected when it ah on 14 cease, that they cannot now be disregarded without a breach of public faith. In his inaugural roe-snco delivered when hostilities were impending tho Presi
dent said :
stage of the war, oi its objects : "1. It was not waged tor oppression, conquest, or subjugation, or to overthrow or interfere with the rights or institutions of the
States. "2 It was waged to maintain the Constitution to preserve the Union with the
uignity, equality ana rights it the several States unimpaired." "3. As oon as these objects (the maintenance of the Constitution, preservation of the Union, and protection of the right of the several Stats) are accomplished the war ought to cease."
What was the immediate effect of these sol-
IHK SHELBY VOLUNTEER.
governments, ' with the assurance that
"I have no purpose, directlv or indirectly,
to interfere with the institution of slavery mjemn and unequivocal assurunces givn by the States where it exists, I believe I have i two of the departments of the Government ? no lawful right to do so, and I have no iucli-jThc Confederate States, although recognized nation to do so. jas a bellrgerent, failed to secure their reeo j nition as a government de jure, and their "I understood a proposed amendment to I position abroad became every day more cmthe Constitutionwhich auicniinent, how-j barrassin ; and although thev urged the
ever, I have not seen has passed Congress. ; derangement ot trade unJ commerce, the to the effect that the Federal (invcrnnient short supplv ofcotton. and their own iiintic
shall never interfere with the doinctie insti-j eff'itH to maintain their independence, yet (2en tutions )f tlie States inc'udins that of per- j they emil i not win a recognition, for the gov
sons hei'i to service. In avoid misconstrue-1 eminent ol hurope had been assured that the
tiott ol what 1 hare said. I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far us to say that, holding such a privision now to he implied constitutional law, 1 have no objection to its being express and irrevocable.''
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8HEL13YVILLE, THURSDAY. FEBRUARY 25.1804
R.SPICKR EDITOR.
FOR PRESIDENT IN A
GEO. D. jrCLELLAX,
From hubill..i.. S.40 . m. I For Colun: ...SiS k
trow Celumtttit,.-.. XIj y.
These declarations of his pnrpoe, ami
war was prosecuted on the part of tho United States to re establish legitimate authority Hut at home, sir, the effect was yet more astounding The call for oluntecrs was responded to with fierce zeal in every state and couuty througout the Xorlh ; men rallied to the standard, without distinction of political
parties. an-J a mighty army sprana into ex
the acta admitting' ja,5:,: r i
them into the Inion. These ancient at-! rvPriltivp rower were mr.de bv the President i tence ns if railed up bv the wand of a mas-
ther "shall be lecr.gnii'd as the true gov- i tributes of tho States, confcritnl in t he 1 under most solemn circumstances, forming! ician that shook the solid earth beneath its liible space this week to the speech of lion.
drnmuhl rtf I rir Stutn. It,.- nu.lmoi.t solemn Tlloiie known 1 1 i as ninlnn.tf n iiiirl tlia rvlvi, nl n.ifli- nnil no. ne.IV Irt.lM.
Democratic State Convention. The Democratic State Central Committee for Indiana have called a Convention for the nomination of State officers at Indianapolis on Tuesday, the l'Jth of July next.
Speech of Hon. Tho's A. Hendricks.
We devote the larger portion of our avail-
thority is thin assurance given? What provision of the Constitution constitutes him the architect to tear down and lebnild State eovernmeuts ? Our fathers
people, cannot thus be disturbed by the President, or by the few who may act mule; his assumed authority. Bui, sir, the Constitution forbids argument on this
held, and the patriot statesmen from their ! question by the provision protecting the
day until now have held, that the people
only could lay th foundations of Mate governments, and build thereon the institutions of their choice. This work, howwar, the President commits to he hands of such as shall take the oath that h re uuitfls, being not less than one tenth of
tho voting population. Has it been jtho constitutions of these States, pi ovis-
integritv of State boundaries unless bv
tho consent of the States affected and ot Congress : article four, section three. The President also requires, in effect, that the State constitutions shall be hanged so as to conform to his proc
lamation. Inmost 8IK4 perhaps U of
heard of before in modern times that one tenth of tf.e people shall frame the government and enact the law s that the other nine-tenths are to respect and obey ? It has been a cherished American sentiment,
Inn ltt man.i fnr than ri-i ntunn.lnirtiii
... ll'lt .v. .& J It U IUv'llllllvllv , and it is clear where there are no such provisionsthcy can be changed only by the people acting in their sovereign ca
pacity, through their delegates selected
. i i-ti . .1... ' .1. i .
na esteemer vital 10 noeiiy, mat "gov- ior inai purpose. iut wituout reierence ernment dcrivo their just powers from to the provisions of the constitutions for tha consent of tho governed but now i their own amen hnent, and without rewe are told that they may derive their jgard to the original and exclusive right powers from the consent of one man out of the people to make and change their
of ten ; provided, however, that he may
consent only to that which the President consents to, aud do what he requires, and must first be bound by oath to support the executive policy. We were told at one time that popular institutions were being established in France ; that all were allowed to vote for the chief executive officer, provi led, however, they must vote for Louis Xapoleon ; and we laughed in derision, ami said that a slavish despotism was being established. What think yon then, sir, of this scheme of allowing political power in ten States
of the union to none but such as the
President shall designate, and thev iirst
to be sworn to carry out his wishes '?
And the President nays the new State governments must be republican ! 0xr fathern thought, and we were taught, that a republican government was one in
which tha people, through representatives chosen by themselves, make their own laws ; and that where the few govern
the ruanv it was an oligarchy. But now
we must unlearn all that and allow that i.publicanism may survive when the fov form the government and make the laws which the many must obey. When so Tnany as one-tenth of the people in any S:Ue shall have taken the oath and have formed the new State government, the question will arise what representation nhallthey have is Congress? When recognized as a State-,, tho Constitution iixes the representation ut two Senators
and a representation based, uot upon the
mate constitutions, the rrcstdent pro
poses to conform them to his own policy, through his agents sworn to that end in advance. Mr. President, can any pretext of State necessity, can any pretend
ed exigencies of the war, or any conceiv
able hope of future good, justify so clear
a violation oi tnc constitution, ana disregard of the principles upon which our
institutions are based? lo preserve the Federal Government is the duty of eveiy
citizen; but co-existent is the duty of preserving tho Stat.s with all their rights and the privileges of the people unimpaired. Measures that destroy the States, or impair tho rights of the people under them, strike a blow at the Union and endanger the Federal Government. Can the supporting columns be stricken down and the temple yet stand ? The States and Federal Union form one harmonious whole they must stand to gether or fall in a common ruin. The people of the United States have
been wisely jealous of power in its efforts
to perpetuate itself. The history of the past two years, and the present condition of the country, admonish us that they cannot now be too vigilant in guarding their liberties. An important Presidential election is approaching, in which the people will struggle to maintain their lights and privileges, and th Administration to hold its power. The President commands tho most numerous and powerful
army known to history ; he controls the
dressing his "dissatisfied fellow country-
men," he said : "Yon have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect and defend it.'" Is it not enough now to nsk what change has since been made in tin Constitution which gives him "lawful right" to "interfere with the institution of slavery in the States." or to do any other net whudi was not lawfully riht for him to do when sworn into office? After the war had commenced, in his message to Congress on the 4th of July, SGI, the President repeated the assurances given in his inaugural. He said:
"Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what it to be tho
course of the Government towards the Southern States after the rebllion shall have been
suppressed, the Ksccutivc deems it proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no different
understanding of tlie powers and duties ot
m.ii tuuwR me slum c-ariii ueneaiu us i jinie space this wees 10 me ppeeco oi lion. ieayy tread. The patriotic feryor knew no TlI0-8 A. HENDr,Cks on the abolition test With dmtetaent until the country was shocked bv . , . t, w ... , , imtui he reclamation of September. 180l ff oath proposed in Congress. It will also be
ah:
tli
Senators nsk what has discouraged enlist
ments why it is so ditlicult to till up the army, and why, in the language of another, men have to be dragged by the draft like bullocks to the slaughter pen, let the inquiry be made at the other end of the avenue, and of those who advised that ill starred measure. Kven in Massachusetts we have not an equivalent for the losses in the more conservative sections, although her Governor did, as I believe.
assure the President ami the country that, if
a radical policy were adopted, the highways and the byways would be thronged by crowd ing, jostling multitudes, eager for the places of rendezvous.
Mr. President, I ask Senators if they do
belieye that the President's proclamation and the proposed rule of the Senate will promote and hasten the return of an honorable and
permanent peace ? Very recently one of the mwst powerful journals of the country in the support of the Administration, said : 'We must not shut our eves to the fact
that if we are lo restore the Union at all we must do it with the assent and cooperation
Eve and Ear Infirmary j. w. PAiuusn, m. d:,Oculist and Aurist GENERAL SURGEON, Inflrmarjr on lljirriaoii Stn-rt, Uetaa' buiMing, Sewtfc f tiuifV llrlrr tt-rr. pUin, MiLLlTVUXK, I SO. f WIRE ATS mil Jur of he E n I r. Tim will opr-" X tn t'auract. Arhtoul i'UK I'UTjfium, Strimu (enws fcys). mixi Wt c-t t f Svf ., tuck 4 (irauuUU-J Lid. Furulaut OUialiium, Oiot-rt ! Crt, Ilc. All format of CHRONIC DISEASES TrUs! on Scientific I'rlocir-l".
Teotli lxt ot Oil more (kill an.l LKs PAIN Uin i uulia this 4-
iMrUueulwt Surjcry. IVllf
the Federal Government, relatively to the0f tj10 great body of the people in the rebel rights pi the States and the people under 1 1 States
tlie Constitution, tnan that expressed m tut
observed that he refers to the abolition scheme
of confiscation eoniewhat at length. The
speech is an able and lucid exposition of the folly, mallacc and groveling vindictiveness of these abolition conspirators against the Union and the Constitution although couched in mi!d but none the less forcible language it breaths the spirit of the magnanimous patriot, the shrewed statesman and the humane christian, in most striking con
trast with the fanatical cant and ravings that
ol late have characterised the cminations
from the United States Senate, with few rare
exceptions, for abolition holds full sway there, and the places once filled by enlightened statesmen, and the arena where intellectual giants once contended, are now monopolised
bv adle brained bigots, the heighlh ofwhose
ambition is to indulge in pitiful diatribe, im
pose taxes uji'in the people an I concept Uto
pian schemes for negro equality.
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inaugural address'
And to remove all possibility of doubt, and all hesitation in the support of the war, he repeats the assurance in his message of December o, ISO I, as follows: "The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration, and tho message to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly devoted to domestic controversy, out of which the insurrection and consequent war have sprung. Nothing new occurs to
add or subtract to or from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those documents." These repeated assurances were iven to the people at home that they miht be united in the support of the war, upon the conviction
that it was and would be prosecuted for the sole purpose of restoring the Union and not at all for any purpose of the abolition of cla
ve ry ; but it became important also to give the assiuancc to foreign Governments, so that they might not interfere by recognition or otherwise, and to that, end Mr. Seward, in his letter of April 112, 1861, to our minister to France, said : 'The Territories will remain in all respects the same whether ths revolution shall succeed
or shall fail. The condition of slavery in the several States will remain just the same whe ther it succeeds or fails. There is not even a pretest for the complaint that the disaffected States are to be conquered bv the United
States, if the revolution fail ; for the rights of the States and the condition of every human being in them, will remain subject to exactly the same laws aud forms of administration
tenth ot sworn men voting men but disbursement of larger sums of money
upon the "whole number of free persons,"
which will then include all the negroes, for the new State would then regard them as free ; so that the President's new made voter, in his new Staie. would have a political power equal to ten men in Indiana. Who are likely first to take the prescribed oalh, and thus lecime the President's voting clansmen, clothed with political power above all the men of the country ? It is proper to presume there will be many true Union men, who opposed secession ; then will come that class who always array themselves on the strong aide, and who wero noisy and active supporters of the Southern cause in the days of its triumphs, but abandon its waning fortunes. But prominent and powerful will be tho camp-followers
man were ever ontroaea oy any one power, ami reaches every neighborhood by his all-prevading patronage. Prostrate Iventuckv, Maryland, and Delaware admonish us that the brave and timid alike are paralyzed at the polls by the sword ; and in all the States we behold the power of patronage and moivey over the venal and corrupt. There are appalling odds in the contest between power and the people, and the only hope is in the virtue of the people and their devotion to their ancient liberties. But, sir, the President's proclamation seeks in addition to place ten States under his absolute control to exclude all who will not swear fealty to bis measures, thusecuring Presidential electors who will lav their votes at his feet. Can the liberties
What believer in popular institutions can
hesitate to adopt the sentiment ? And yet, sir, by the rule of the Senate resting upon the act of 18)2, it is proposed to close the doors of the Senate nnd House and all the avenues to positionss of honor and profit against all the people oi the South who ran not come without fault touching the rebellion, and by the proclamation of the President to exclude from pardon and citizenship all who will not nbjnrn their rights and privileges and the rights and prerogatives of theirSiates. Sir, we need not deeive ourselves; these are
not peace measures, thev are not inspired hv
i hop to restore our one jrlorious Union ,
thev are hindrances and impediments, deer
ditches and high walls, to be in the wav of
the people coming together airain. We know
that if the desire be for permanent peace and
reunion we ':iust throw the proclamation to
the winds, and asain, high above all, raise
the banner nnd Constitution of our country. Then, if suffering and desolation hare opened the eyes of the sxreat body of the people of the South to the error of the past and the hopelessness of tho future, we may hope that they will come bapk if we but open our arms to receive them. In the Northwest we want peace, we want
peace in a restored Union and upon terms honorable to the North and just toward the South; upon terms that will leave us friends nnd not enemies ; and we want pea;e before the North is exhausted nnd the South destroyed, so -that the shores of the Gulf and the borders of the Southern rivers may again wave with the sugar cane and whiten with t i . i . .
me nursling cotton: ttiat in all that region
whether the revolution shall succeed or whe-1 we may find a remunerative market for the ther it shall fail. In the one case, the States heavy products of our rich lands, and o that
northern men, with, but no: of tlie Army of the people survive the success of a!
win heck fortunes in speculaticn and
pi under. Lan we, sir, consent that po
scheme so dangerous ?
Without questioning that the Presi-
litical power shall be confcried upon such I dent may grant a conditional pardon, I
men ten times greater than the free and
true men whom we represent enjoy ? 1 .would not feel that I had done my duty toward the voteis of Indiana did 1 not rutormy protest agaiust a scheme sounjnmt to them. The Constitution, article one, section two. leaves to the States to define the qualifications of voters; but the Picsidentnm'.ertakes to exclude all who de tiiaetobiud themselves by oath to his policy. It may be said that none are thrm disfranchised but rebels ; for I cannot doubt that thousands who have been true to the Uniou all the while, and who now labor for its restoration upon the baU of the Constitution, will decline an oath unknown to the Constitution, humbling to the ir manhood, and which strips them of their freedom of opinion and action touching matter appertaining to state government. And however good nnd true men they may have been, and atillare, yet they are excluded. Without the oath, they are disfranchised, while tho motely assemblage of public virtue, the President's own sworn men. are allowed the rights of citizenship and the exclusive power of government. If ender iUt State Uw& f?rsaaft tried and
do deny that he may impose a condition
that will control the action of the pardoned man touching the policy of his State, for that policy being exclusively of the State, shall be decided by the people thereof, uninfluenced and uncontrolled by Federal power, for the reason that it is by the Constitution exprovdy reserved to the State and to the people ; aud an attempt by Federal authority to control it is a usurpation. And I dewy that a condition may be imposed upon the pardoned man which interferes with his freedom as an elector, for the reason that, so far as our institutions rest upon popular suffrage, their spirit require that the voter shall vote for the man of his choice, for such reasons and upon such considerations as satisfy his own judg ment and conscience ; and any interference with the absolute and (entire freedom of suffrage is a blow at our popular institutions. Was there ever a time in our history whira President, elected by the Whig or Democratic party, in granting a pardon would have dared to require the man to swear that he would support the policy and vote for the men of the party in power? A single inUttee of this tort would have driven the
would be federally connected with the new-
confederacy ; in the other, they would a now be members of the United States; but their constitutions and laws, customs, habits and institutions in either case, will remain the
same. "It is hardly necessary to add to this incontestable statement the further fact that the new President, as well us the citizens through whose suffrages he has come into the administration,. has always repudiated all designs whatever and wherever imputed to him and them, of disturbing the system of slavery as it is existing under the constitution and laws. The case, however, would not be fully presented, if I were tooifiit to say that any such efiort on his part would be unconstitutional, and his actions in that direction would be prevented by the judicial authority, even though they were assented toby Congress and the people."
Under date of Mar 6, 1SG1, to ourMJnister to Bussia, Mr. Seward said: ''All existing interests of slavery are protected now as heretofore, by our Federal and State Constitutions, sufficient to prevent the destruction-or molestation of the institation of slavery where it exists by Federal or foreign intervention, without the consent of the parties concerned. 'J These extracts are takg from letters of general instruction to our foreign ministers, furnishing the grounds-sfiey should assume ai d the arguments they should urge in maintaining, before the Governments to which the- were accredited, thar we-are in-the-right; that we prosecute the war to re-eta.With- the rightful authority of the Government,. a;nd not to destroy or disturb established institutions. tt'Jt that there should remain no doubt in the country, or in the world, upon the great question, at the special session of .lulv, 1861, Congress, with great unanimity, declared:
uTbat the war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired. "and as soon as these objects are accomplished tho war ought to It O cease. I will quote Irora the writer upon this resolution : "Here was a distinct and formal declara
tion by the National Legislature, at aa earl
from the sources of the Ohio, the Wabash,
and the Mississippi, throughout their entire flow to the Gulf, there may be a united, bar
monious and happy people, bringing recipro
cal blessings by the exchange of all acts of
kindness, and a restored and growing com merce.
Republican State Convention. The Republiean-abolition-"unconditional Union," and '"truly loyal" Convention assembled as per announcement at Tndianapolis on Tuesday, nnd after the usual amount of
caucusing and thimble-riging proceeded to nominate a State ticket, Presidential electors, appoint delegates to the abolition Convention at Baltimore, and pass resolutions. The eminent fossil and Mr. Jas. Buchan
an's ex-Minister to Berlin, Jos. A. Wright, was chosen permanent Chairman. 0. P. Morton .was nominated for Governor by acclamation. The Committee on nomination reported the following, which were adopted: ForLt. Governor, Nathan Kimball, For Secretary of State, Nelson Trusler. For Treasurer, John I. Morrison, For Auditor, Tho's B. M'Carty,
For Attorney General, Delano E. William
son.
For Clerk Supreme Court, Laz. Noble, Reporter, Benj. F. Harrison. For Supt Public Instruction. G. W. Hoss. John C. Green, of this county, was nominated for contingent E'ector for this (6th ) District, and Ja's B. McPadden was appointed on of the contingent delegates to the
Balti mom Convention. Lincoln' Lad his administration was en
537 The old Laven of intolerant Know
Nothingism e-ery now and then breaks, out
in a fitful glare along the ranks of the in
tensely "loyal" abolition organization, show
ing most plainly that the fires of intolerance
and persecution are not subdued but smouldering, liable at any time to break forth
with increased riolcnce and destructiveness.
You hardly pick up an abolition paper or
talk on political affairs ten minutes with an
abolitionist but he throws out something
about the Catholics -that they are ignorant,
are led by the Priests, &c. This charge of
being led by leaders certainly comes with a poor graee from aft abolitionists we know not whether the members of the Catholi
Church are led or controled by the Priests or not, nor does it matter but admitting they are, no one can deny but what they are led aright the Church is eminently conservative and patriotic it has furnished as many soldiers for the present' war, we venture to say, as all the olhersectarian denominations put together the Church was never known
to meddle with secular affiirs. in this country, nor its priests to preach politics, with now and then a rare exception when one of them strays off into the infidel camp of ab
olitionism. But that the abolition organization is a leader led one no sane and observing man can deny. The principles, (if such they can be called) of the party are the very quint essence of ignorance, intolerance and bigotry its leaders are as corrupt as they are wicked, unscrupulous and dishonest they put forth a fallacy, no matter how ab surd, inhuman or repulsive.thcy nnd the par.
ty organs declare its adoption the test of
"loyalty," and at once the great mass of the
party gulph it down shut theireyes and ears to all that conflicts with this insane fallacy, and continue to stumble along in darkness
and bigotry more profound than that which surrounded and possessed the heathen ilol-
ators of the dark uges "we read about A
foolish proclamation is issued by a weak anl
imbecile man at Washington and made para
mount to the Constitution and the laws, of
which it is a palalde violation, and at once the party, so blinded by prejudice that they
cannot see the gulf yawning before them
endorse it as & party creed. But speaking of the laven of Know Noth
ingism pervading the ranks of the abolition
party, there is every evidence that the hatrc
and intolerance against Lathnlicura is as virulent and prescriptive now as at any previous time in the past We think it was the present abolition Governor of Ohio,
Frough, who declared that when the knife
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a new awl economical invention. Ca'l ana U.
CHEAP FURNITURE ! C O KEY V II A !V D j, iSucccMori to Jaoiecon It Ct.nrey.)
A-ain .e Grand Aiiry of th Pot- if r-yorteda- akaat ad"vncit:i-it "t w tn u iu Ui H;ceat - IncniiaraLle Slock of Furniture & Chairs, Which will actually ld at a reduction cf from IS U tS ter cent, on foruieJ pri .--. tf tuto of m Uch w,ll he read'.y ai.prei.t t all wh..i'.i U'.e the tronMetocall and cxamifi fir thcm-elvet. The itkiifuU in every department, cPlain and Upholstered Work,
. t r. .... f.n n.f.rial TA kv tlMri.
- . . , AlranuiKii. " r tvnsj taken frfm the throats of the out!iern j acrl workir.en.
rebels it would le applied to the throats of the Catholics. During a trial in IJurlinton. I.wa, the other 'lay. between a Mr. M' Donald and Ja's flattery, a Citholic 'riet The attorney for M'Dona'l l was TWa W. Newman, who served a short time in the army as Captain, hut resind and returned home toasfutne the leadership of the Loyal Leaguer. In the couree of the trial Newman said:. "I speak by authority what I know, and 1
here warn them that every catholic I'nest
BritrAl'S TASD1, DINING AND CENTRE TABLE 8,
soon to lose their ha l.
dorsed, and the delegation instructed to po j amj Bishop in America may prepare Tery
for him for re-nomination first, la&t aad all the time. 5-Gov. Morton is charged by his "Ioya 1 friends," with conniving to procure the credit to Marion county of one or two of the reenlisted veteran regiments, none of which belong to that county. It is said the fraud was successfully accomplished, and the prob. abilitr it, the county ia free from draff.
y According to Max Miller, well educated man in conversation uses only aboHt three thousand or four thousand word. Eloquent 6peakera may command 10,000. Shakespeare wrote all his plava with 16.000. Milton works are built up with 8.000, and the OM Testament aays all it hi to say with 5,012 words.
Ojjxct, Kitchen, Cane and Ftaj Eottend and Cpholttered CHAIRS, IZoclting Cliairs, Looking GlasceG &c In Bd;e varictj, fcf iba Tajioe Kjtot, aaJ at all prieea. Undorto.Kiiig. Wthave Firt'tlro W-iriai t'tM. var-tatad aire water tieht- A1a, U Ce-c l-- on Land r sad ! rWTein every ityk. ne-wln ck- We- have a tf d HIAfcM In attend fuoerala, charfinf f-iUta omlj. alea Rao-ai Eaat tiJe Uarriwn S., Vota of Faalia Sa.ar SIIELBTV ILLS, 15 . Spermatorrhoea Van te Cured DR. R4.ND'9 SPECIFIC cnrtffrmUrrl.Siminal '--, Itnj.ty. Lo f W, Me.. ity and ttctw y. IuenetaarcralTBiace-U. A. .-i.i ok- rinc wUe-cvilCe t' ta eat aker teal of It
menu. Price 1 a bi. toll ty ail V1 eraent post-paid to ai y a-Mrcea. n J. HKOm.fc 4CX Cbesmat Sate. mAZwau. Pa- CtT-lxii-t-.
I
