South Bend News-Times, Volume 36, Number 306, South Bend, St. Joseph County, 2 November 1919 — Page 32

ONLY SI:MAY Nrv. si'MM.U IN NnliTHKKN INDIANA.

Mailed ßingle Cop'.f. Sundtj Ii cnt; with morning or er-n'.r.s dnr.r',: tie a. 13 rrnt "rekl7 or T per yar !n lTn-, JilTrM y carrier; $4 by rctil la first and rond ton?; o bejond torvl t ,r.. SOUTH BEND NEWS-TIMES SUNDAY EDITORIAL PAGE 1. R. SUM MKT. S. l'rr! !rt.t. J. M PTF.riir.NSON. Tublithfr. JOHN HENRY ZUVER. Editor.

TINGS arc happening ivitli lightning-like rapidity in these latter clays. It is even unsafe for an editor to finish nn editorial at midnight based on the status of affairs at that lour. Developments between midnight and press lime arc likely to make him loo!; foolish by dayight. Thunderbolts from a clear sky. and then the vanishing of black and ominous clouds, revealing a blue dome that to the naked eye. bodes sunshine unchallenged as if for all time only to be suddenly concealed aain, in short order, from another storm king, threatening from another quarter! If it isn't a strike here, it is a strike yonder, or if not a strike, maybe it is the moonshiners of Kentucky and Tennessee, possibly a poet at Fiume, a United States senator anticipating America going to the Hamnition bow wows on the rocks of the Paris treaty and League of Nations, or a James Eli Watson pleading for the rescue of the "bis five' packers from the ruinous investigations of our ''bolsheviki' Federal Trade commission. Indeed, yes. these are troublous times! Just now, at midnight, Saturday, we are entering upon the second clav of a miniature Civil war; a war between your Uncle Samuel and the United Mine workers the government having taken up the cudgel, for once, determined to see whether the American people, sovereigns if you please, in this republic, shall continue to be the subjects of either capital or labor, when these latter come to invading the public domain as has been undertaken by the miners in this instance. There must be no mistaking the issue. The United States government, proposes here and now, and once for all. to establish its superiority over any of the groups within it, just as it once established its superiority over the individual states within it, squelching their traditional claims to the right of secession. It is Americanism versus bolshevism; the republic versus the soviet; democracy versus the autocracy of a class, the latter of which is bolshevism, and bolshevism only, regardless of which class it is; capitalistic or laborite. II RESORT to the courts to the injunction, has a saving significance to it, well worth the while. It shows that the United States the people are not afraid to arbitrate, which is all the resort to the injunction amounts to; a forced arbitration, not of the merits of the controversy between the miners and mine owners, but between the miners and the public, anent the miners right to strike. It robs the quarrel too of the significance of a Civil war; making of it a Civil rather than a military controversy. Uncle Sam approaches his revolution, undertaking to restrain it in that orderly manner, respecting the rights even of the revolutionists to the point of giving them a hearing on such points of law as they may see fit to raise in th eir behalf while seeking to overthrow the government that gives them force. The military will back the civil process to be sure. United, States marshals will have at their back the entire force of the secretary of war. The cry of "usurper" which Pres't Lewis of the mine workers, hurled at the president, becomes a boomerang under civil process. The president, acting through the department of justice, will feel his way by leaving it to the courts to order the operations, such as the military may have to carry out. another good lesson for the bolsheviki, that this is an orderly government that does things according to law, rather than by the Lenine and Trotzky methods, such a3 they pretend to condemn, yet try to emulate. Then too, there is the criminal processes, open to employment against the conspirators who cooperated to egg the mine strike into being; not a court martial, as Lenine and Trotzky would proceed, but a civil process, same as the injunction only more civil still. Under this the conspirators can have their suilt or innocence established by a jury of their peers. This is a civilized country; civil even to its enemies revolutionists, rebels, traitors, within it. The United States government seems quite void of that Russian barbarity of which Mr. Lewis, while spouting "usurper" at the president, evidences a pronounced disposition to emulate. He is vouchsafed a hearing on his cussedness, here in America, that no other nation on earth would afford him but that is not the point. America is proverbially more considerate of the claimed rights of its traitors, than is any other earthly power. It is a part of our Americanism; one of those things that all this trouble is about whether or not the use of it shall be made subservient to the abuse of it; whether the sovereign people, while protecting the rights of the individual and the group, are without rights to be respected by such individuals, and such groups. Ill pORMER PREST TAFT in an address the 1 other night, down east, touc hed the point off pretty conclusively and though we are living in an age of the most insane partisan bigotry, we shall be surprised if all the patriotic parties in the republic do not form in solid phalanx behind the ex-president, at least, if not behind his "partisanly much hated" successor. The president and his predecessor seem to agree quite clearly on this proposition just as they have agreed on a number of things, where true statesmanship is wont to rise above partisanship, and serve the public, for the public good, rather than some party for partisan advantage. Quite a both of thm have said in this matter, in an ordinary strike, incidental annoyance to the public may he negligible, and not render the strike illegal, but when enormous combinations of workingmen deliberately enter upon a country-wide plan to t.tke the rnuntrv bv the

Organized Society and the Problem

throat and compel the country to compel the employers in that particular field of industry to yield to the demands of the men, they are engaged in an unlawful conspiracy. The sacredness of their individual right to labor on such terms as they choose and to leave their employment when they will, does not protect or justify them in such a conspiracy. The extent of the suffering that the bituminous miners could impose upon the public can not be measured. 9 The suffering would be entailed on those who are so poor that they could not buy their coal in advance. It will fall upon the poor wage earner whose employer would have to shut down for lack of coal. The locomotive firemen are threatening a similar strike. If they enter upon this plan it will constitute a conspiracy to starve the people of the United States into some kind of action to compel the authorities to pay the wages they demand. It is a process that must be stopped. Whenever an industrial tie-up becomes of a nature that it can be employed to coerce the people, it is no ordinary tie-up, and thereupon the public welfare becomes paramount to all others. It is regretable that federal legislation to date has not made it possible for the government to proceed more upon the broad principle of peace rights rather than having to resort to the utility of war legislation, but it may serve to point the way to the peace legislation that is needed, and encourage the passage of it which is a considerable gain at that. We need a congress, capable of seeing the significance of the existing clash; that there are possibilities of like conditions returning some day, after the war legislation really has run out and we need a congress with the backbone to provide in advance for that emergency, as the war. and the legislation incident thereto, has provided for tius one. IV rUT congress must not stop there. While the people of the United States, insofar as they are not wedded to the twin-reds of Moscow, will stand firm behind the president in his fight with the United Mine workers, for government supremacy, underlying it all there is another issue that must be met else the quarrel is bound to amount to little more than episode. Congress must lend it aid to a readjustment of industrial and labor conditions, providing the machinery for settlement of future disputes on some basis of justice and equality that will render recurrence of these strenuous times, the less likely. As Pres't Wilson said in his appeal to the industrial conference, or words to such effect, underlying this industrial unrest, are conditions that have aggravated the American mind, particularly of the working class, into a receptive mood, susceptible to the bolshevik theories, and to overcome the menace, we must correct the conditions. If America were just right, in other words, if industrial justice prevailed; "if there were more industrial democracy, and less industrial autocracy," as John D. Rockefeller, jr., discussing the situation, has put it, "the American workingmen would not be susceptible to this filthy foreign philosophy.' And th at is the thing we must settle down to, regardless of the outcome of the quarrel with the mine workers; or, in other words, it must be the outcome. The lesson to be taught the mine workers is that the pursuit of industrial democracy and justice, must follow the channels of due process of law; this as a lesson, not only to mine workers but to all workers and then having taught that lesson to the workers, we must apply it to the employers as well. No other process will ever resettle the American mind to a point where its susceptibility to the menacing philosophies and panceas that threaten our institutions, will be transformed into a force of resistence. Sen. Kenyon's idea is a good one, as a temporary expediment, for the settlement of present strikes the coal strike in particular, but the future demands more than a temporary expedient; say, for instance, after next April 1, when the government's contract with the coal miners expires, and perhaps, our war legislation will have lost its force. V T EGISLATION that the government needs right now is exactly of the kind that should have been passed in 1 9 1 6 in the stead of the Adamson wage law; the law that has been a cue to the railroads every since, and has furnished the cue to the coal miners. The Adamson law was forced through congress to prevent a tie-up of the railroads, with the approach of winter, setting a new pace in wage legislation, and providing for investigation and arbitration later on, and we have seen how well the railroad men have regarded the arbitration award. Recently they tried the same old trick over again a strike being averted only by earnest appeal of the president; this and a gentle hint from somewhere that it might be dangerous business, the railroads .still being under government control as a war emergency, a condition quite similar to that which has been put up to the coal miners. But in both cases, the appeal of the president, supplemented by the government injunctions, only serves to preserve the status quo, and does jiot settle the disputes; disputes that will have to be settled, regardless of who is right, and who is wrong, in their contentions. Get the significance of that. Some system must be evolved for bringing capital to the mat in the

settlement of its differences with labor and it must be made just as effective in that direction, as the militia and the injunction have been made in curbing the operations of the strikers. The strike, under present and past conditions, has been the working-man's only weapon. But for the strike, and the power to wield it, our workingmen would still be living in caves and wearing fig leaves. He has had to fight for every advance ' that he has ever made. Only once in a million times has the employing class increased wages, or improved working conditions, save under some form or degree of force. To deprive the workingman of his right to strike, or to suppress or enjoin him from the exercise of it, without providing him with some other weapon equally potent and powerful, or more so; well, we have had too much of that al

The Worst Bit SEX. EDGE of New Jersey wanted to have a speech of his printed In the Congressional Record without delivery the other day; a speech on the momentuous question of labor. It was objected to under the rules. The senate rules, unlike those of the house, do not admit of the publication of speeches in the Record, that have not been made"My only purpose was to save the time of the senate," said Sen. Edge. "The senate is not a time savins Institution," was the vice president's sudden comment, and thereupon Sen. Lodge, majority leader, called up arain the amendments to the Paris peace treaty and the League of Nations, and Sen. Edge, speaking to the subject, delivered his speech on labor. And the amendments were killed, all of themi the Shantung amendment, the equal voting amendment, and so on, some two score of them, fathered by Fall, and Hi Johnson, and Moses and Aaron and the "Bullrushes." "The senate not a time saving1 institution We should, with the vice president, say not For four months now, or nearly so, it has been chewing the rag over this treaty matter, making speeches under its head, touching: every subject under th-a sun. And after the amendments had failed. Sen. Lodge came forward again, with a report of the foreign relations committee al! prepared, recommending the ratification of the treaty and the league, "with res ervatlons," good for another month or to of ragchewing. ONE good thing, Justice demands, shall be the outcome of the Welfare drive. Failure of a considerable portion of the population to contribute to the Welfare fund, must, in Justice, preclude a like proportion of the population from the sacred privilege of flannel-mouthing criticisms about the way the fund Is administered, or of the Institutions that become the beneficiaries of it. "Let those refuse to sing who never knew our Lord;" or, in other words, let them padlock their gabs. It U none of their business, how the fund Is administered, nor what use the beneficiaries make of it. Until they can show their interest in these things by taking some interest in them, say nothing of justice; common decency requests of them a discreet silence. However, you may depend upon it; they won't WHY all those vacant, unused rooms In tho Oliver annex; formerly an annex to tho Oliver hotel, but disconnected when the hotel passed from the Olivers? We understand that since then it has been put to no use, save during the war when it was liberally utilized as the headquarters for the War Savings campaign. We also understand that there is a woeful lack of hotel rooms in South Bend; a woeful lack of rooms for men and women who Just want rooms. Why isn't the Oliver annex being put to some use? The rooming problem Is pretty near as much of a problem In South Bend as the housing problem. Not everybody who comes to the ctiy needs a house. Unmarried folk wouldn't know what to do with one, especially if here but for a night. The other day some school ma'am came over from Elkhart to visit our schools- It was to be a two-day visit and they hoped to stay over night, but they couldn't. No ho WHEN Gov. James Putnam Goodrich took occasion the other night to deliberately hurl an Insult at Pres't Wilson, whllo introducing Maj. Gen- Wood to make a Roosevelt memorial bpeech, it passed off, at least temporarily, as the vomit of a cheap, vulgar, assifled political low-brow, who from his proverbial hatred of the Oyster Bay man in previous years, might as well have been trying to kill contributions to the memorial, as seeking to encourage them. Goodrich. It will be remembered by ex-progres-siver. Including perhaps even Ed. Toner, who wants now to succeed him as governor, was one of the pirate crew who "framed" Roosevelt in 1912. and draped him in crepe, expresstvo of a wish at his demise, and while a great many followers of the president, no doubt laughed in the fund solicitor's face, as the result of the Goodrich remarks, there appears now to have been more of a menace In them than was originally thought. This menace is divined in connection with an analysis of the attitude toward the president, shown everywhere that he spoke, by ex-Sen. Albert J. Bevcridge. who was a close friend of Roosevelt. Certain remarks of Mr. Beveridge, might almost be taken as a warning to contributors that under the program of Americanization to be put forward with the Roosevelt fund, anti-Wilsonization was to be a particular feature. Possibly Gov. Goodrich, in his de light over the prospect, and lack of political acumen, could not resist spilling some of the beans.

of Industrial Justice

ready government protection of capital to the disadvantage of labor, and it is exactly the thing to which Pres't Wilson, and to which the Younger Rockefeller referred as previously quoted, as rendering the American mind susceptible to the bolshevik doctrines that are our present menace. Labor must have a way of bringing capital into court as well ns capital such a process for reaching labor. It must be understood that it is the governmentorganized society that is employing the injunction in the present instance, but capital has employed it at other times and to its decided advantage. Why not a court of arbitration for the settlement of labor disputes same as we have civil courts and criminal courts for the settlement of civil disputes? It would not prevent capital and labor settling

of League-Killing Deceitfulness Yet

This ratification resolution is. indeed, interesting; almost as Interesting as Sen. Edge's labor speech on the amendments. In the preamble, for instance, we find that It is "not to take effect or bind the United States" until the numerous reservations proposed have been "accepted as a part and condition of said instrument of ratification by nt least three of the four principal allied and associated powers." In other words, as we get it in Washingtonian reflections upon our local curbstone "copperheadism," the senate foreign relations committee in it determination that "the president shall not have a complete victory" anything to beat Wilson, proposes still to kill the treaty and the league, in the Interests of Germany, if In any way possible, and the amendments to that end, all having been voted down, it Is now proposed to amend it by indirection, and yet quite as effectively as If by direct action. The demageguery, charlatanry, two-facedness and insincerity of the supporters of these reservation, is easily dlscernable, with just a little application of memory to what has been going on during the past few months. Sen. Lodge, two months ngo, gave expression to some very interesting views on this subject- The question then was whether the adoption of reservations would make necessary the resubmission of the treaty, this possibility being greatly feared by those who favored reservations and yet did not desire to see negotiations reopened. That was the great stumbling block.

Let Those Refuse to Scold Who Never Give

comply. None are so talkative as those who are constantly minding somebody's else business; having none of their own. The reason they have no business of their own, too frequently too, is the result of their minding other people's business to generouslyA lot of JUHt such will be giving considerable of their time, for the next year, endeavoring to educate their consciences into consenting that they did the right thing by not contributing the process of education, of course, being all sorts of criticism of the way In which the Welfare fund Is being handled. Neither will It be necessa:-y for the critics to know anything about how It is being handled. If they knew they might not be able to criticise so glibly. If the facts were placed before them In type a mile high they would not be able to see it. Anyhow. It couldn't be true. Some people are so confounded

One Way to Help Solve Our Hotel

tel room. Something of this sort is a daily or nightly incident. One thing more that the hotels miht do to aid In the accommodation of these occasional visitors. They might acquire a list of rooms, near down-town as possible, in which to house their overflow; rooms in private residences and additionally It would be no less patriotic for people having such rooms, to cooperate with them, than a lot of things that they liked to have themselves advertising as doing during the war. It is high time that something be done to meet this rooming situation. Of course, you can't conscript room?, but, "By Hecky" you can ostracise the vacant ones whatever that means. We have got to have more public spirit in South Bend If we are ever going to plow through the housing and roomirg dllemmae that confront us. We'll be having workingmen living in tents and barracks before the end of another year, if the present cut-

Another Seeming G. 0. P. .Ladies' Aid Society Disguised

Possibly you didn't hear Beveridge at the high school last Monday night. Maybe you did. Anyhow, cne of his strong points of Rocseveltian Americanization never dreamed of by Roosevelt himself so far as it is a matter of record, is American nationalization as opposed to internationalism, as he chose to call It, dropping more than a gentle hint that Roosevelt, if here, would be one of our "splendid isolationists" and opposed to "entangling alliances;" or as l.e put It for "an American strong enough internally to lead and resist the outside world, without casting our lot in with them, in som scheme of international comity." He might as well have said what he meant to anyone analytical enough to decypher it. Everybodv anticipates that the issue in the next presidential campaign will b? our "splendid isolation" against the League of Nations, in which case it is easy enough to construe Mr. Beverldge's remarks as contemplating that the Americanization money in the Roosevelt fund, going to teach his announced brand of Rooseveltlan Americanism, will serve as a sort of campaign fund for the "splendid isolationists " You know who they are. Is the Roosevelt Memorial association, so far as concerns its Americanization fund, to :?erve as another one of those Ladies' Aid societies to the republican party; something like the German-American alliance did In 1916, and the very evident effectual tendencies of the Irish-American alliances, for 1&20? If the Roosevelt Americanization committee is to conduct a campaign of al

their disputes without arbitration, any more than our civil courts forbid a man paying his debts without being sued, but in case an amicable settlement should prove impossible, the right of thepublic to step in and force arbitration upon both parties, in prevention of a strike, should immediately be made possible. America is coming to it. The exigencies of industrial injustice and capitalistic autocracy facing a clash with the forces upon which these things have been opposed meeting in turn some taste of their own medicine, is forcing the people, innocent third parties but too often the most pronounced sufferers, to take a hand. We may have to go a bit turther down into the gutter before we will have sense enough, and determination, to really and effectually rise about it, but we will we eventually will.

In order to meet the difficulty, n. I"1r sid. on Aug. 19, that there was no need for the f rn.U acceptance of reservations by the other pwcrv Th general practice with regard to rerrvati-t h:ol. h said, been "that silence was regarded as ;i'-''-j-!ar.c and acquiescence." And Sen. Knox declared that s-ich matters are ordinarily covered by an exchange of not es "statin that they understand in this or that sense " Hut now it seems that "acceptance ;ir.d a-rp.jie-cence" through "silence" on the part of other pow -ers are not enough, and that a "mere exchange notes" will not serc. Consent by three of ihe fo-:r great rowers is demanded, and until given thi.- go -eminent will not bo bound by the treaty Here apparently is a repudiation of the opinions expressed by Lodge and Knox in August, or. if r.T that, an admission that the changes in the treaty are, not reservations, hut amendments, and th.it th purpose is to force reconsideration and n-v t!io!i by the other powers. Don't be fooled by this ratification resolution. n"r by the efforts of Washington copperheads," or th ir home "rattlers." to make It appear -that the "n sol vations" do not mean much; that they are only "interpretations" rather than amendments. The reservations are the worst bit of deceitfulness and hypocrisy, calculated to idlocize. the puldic, that have been trotted out by the oppr Mtion:!s. throughout their whole treaty and I'-.'ifiiio kdhr.ir program. crooked themselves that to conceive of ai.y::( ' being straight is beyond thorn. The we g-u? frequently, who are so all-rir-d ertrun tint :;:!..: is ever, done save for srlMth jidvaniage. jut ni r ly wipe to their own eubs-dnes . M est people are just as good .. y u ;r; -'-n more?o. None of us are so cry vcoo.l. "Tin re . niurh human nature in some folks as th. re i others, and sometimes more." said M livid ).. and the old horse-trader was no v'.ou'li. V. s -t another one of his dlctums. ua a slogan f .- ! non-contributing critics of the Wolf. ire f -rid. :nd hope they'll enjoy it. When you hear someone fndir.g r with it. Just find out firs-t if he i- ;j :pp.: t r and if not. then say: "Fweet. subtle satisfaction, cnjo..d ui:! In other word?, a piker." Problem look does not miscarry but barracks are T."t a very nice place to house girls, or tho stranger that .-'ov off for the nisht. The fitting up of the Oliver annex by s":n .r.e. would be a good start, and no doubt there arc :') r places that culd 1. fittingly arranged if :!. ttt- r were looked into. We do nd know the nurnb r of rooms in the annex, but just now it i an economic crime, that they nre not being u-d. By the way, whose business is it t look afJei thi housing and rooming problem anyway? If the hotels, that complain of their lack of rcor... !o :: care to look into it, permit us to sm;cret th.it the Y. M. C. A. tackle the Oliver annex and see what sn be done townrd converting it into a V. M. C A. hotel. Maybe that will serve to prod someone ir.:-) activity; into sowing it up, In d isusr f ulne. if r.o tiling elsePerhaps that has been done already as a reason for its emptinfs?. leged Americanism, following the cnr.'r.l:. of th republican party on the league of Nations, why not contribute direct to the republican campaign f -ni and be done with it? However, that is not all. Will H. Ha-. , i -;- ih.i an national chairman, in taking a hand in the :oovelt memorial movemor.!, hat i confirmatory of this analysis of Mr. Beverldge's rrn.irks; tonf rinatory too, of Gov. Goodrich's insulting s!i:r. rn'.;.":!) the Stationen' of the republican national r omr..itt-e, the national chairman has be n caught urging Lis lieutenants in the various states to g t 1-ehir.d the Roosevelt movement, and rivlr.g as his r-a'r :.t the worth to the country of Mr. Kooev. ':, but the fact that "a campaign for his line of America r.im will be in keeping with republican Id'-.i's, preparing the way for our attitude on the L'aue of Niliorn which is to follow." Ye gods! Can't the Americn r. op e. erj he:. or their ex-presddents; can't they do anything, witho it the republicans seeking to turn it t" ptrti-iv. advantage? If not, well, we desire to rev:ie our attiture of a week ago, and advocate putting all th money raised, into a I!ooe-.e'.t m.onum v none of it to go to Americanization. If Roosevelt Americanism and rep;:!d.c.ir.;.-m have in their partisan poisoned judgments l'f.'om so synonymous as all that. thr.. ir.dd. idn.ire the gall of thot-e Roo-eclt committ'-. s who hv been asking supporters of l're.-'t ! ' it to contribute to such a fund.