Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 37, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 20 January 1905 — Senators chosen [ARTICLE]

Senators chosen

(Beveridge and Hemenway Art Elected k by General Assembly. ?Y UNPRECEDENTED MAJORITIES .. i,‘in 1..- -4— ~ ~.r.T.^rz fcoth Senators Deliver Notable Addresses— Senator Beveridge Speaks j With Splendid Eloquence on the ■ Growth of the National Idea—Sena- | ator-Elect Hemenway Discusses j Forcefully the Greatness of the Republic. Indianapolis, Jan. 18.—At the joint session of the house and senate this pftornoon Albert J. Beveridge was declared re-elected to the United States {Senate to succeed himself for a term Of six years, and James A. Hemenway at the successor of Senator Charles W. Fairbanks in the same kreat legislative body for the four ssars period of tue senior senator’s tom yet remaining, beginning with (Senator Fairbanks’ accession to the ttfce presidency on the 4th of March The entire session of yesterday was Jlren over in both branches of the general assembly to a series of nominating speeches. The canvass of the rote today showed that Beveridge and Ijemenway received 117 votes eaoh, !i£hlle Shively and Kern, the Demotfratic nominees, had received 33 votes each. The Republican majority was eighty-four, the largest in the history (Of the party In Indiana. Senator Beveridge, who will become the senior Senator from Indiana after March 4th, End Senator-elect Hemenway received tin enthusiastic greeting from the members of the general assembly and As assemblage of onlookers which jfaxed the capacity of the lobby, the galleries and even the adjacent corridors of the capital. The speeches of both senators-elect JRpre notable. Senator Beveridge •Aid: BenUemon of the Senate and House ol Representatives: An American senator Is the servant Of all the American people. He must qpaalder every law, every policy, tor(sgn and domestic, from the viewpoint t# the nation and not from the viewpoint of the state; or rather, he must understand that the viewpoints of (gate and nation are the same. Whatever is good for the nation Is good for &e state. Hostility ci interests or of heart between any portion of the Itaerioan people constituting the state —and the whole American people constituting the nation, is unthinkable. Our nation is the most vital fact In the political life of every American. jDur whole history is nothing hut the ttory of the developing nation. Now t{r war and now by peace, now on battlefield and now in furrow, forge and counting-room, from the very beginning within the republic the sublime process has gone on of the compounding of a people. And we are today Still within the inspiring operation of those forces which, for a hundred pears, have been welding separated communities and alien bloods Into one Ss&*t Indivisible and indissoluble brotherhood call the American People—a tgothorliood which other nations alIpady realize will be the dominant hoJhan force of the world’s near future. For we Americans, great, strong, free and enlightened as we Ire, are •till » nation in the making. And Jrhat a glorious circumstance for us Who live in this constructive hour! for ours Is the privilege of helping to fuild American nationality even as our lathers helped to build it in their day. Dure is the opportunity of being craftsmen of our national destiny. Ours is the distinction of being artisans working the will and accomplishing in part the plans of that great Architect ■those infinite wisdom has designed bur place among the children of men, •nd for whose wise and righteous pur poeos in the economy of this world, the making of our nation was begun find will be finished. Considering himself the servant of the nation as a whole and of such a nation, the duties of an American legislator become nobler, larger, more easily understood; laws have a broader, simpler and truer meaning; policies become wiser and more uniform; treaties have a deeper and wider significance; and our history itself, instead ©f being a tangle of events, takes on the regularity and inevitableness of • Byllogism. For example, the powor and duty of the nation to build roads, dredge rivers, maintain harbors, is so clear that It is no longer questioned. Yet within •he memory of living men that power aras denied upon the ground that we Were not a nation, but merely an as■emblage of separate sovereignties. Put the people knew better. The people had - the consciousness of unity. The people had the Instinct of nationality. The people understood that. In •plte of artificial lines, they were one {people, speaking one tongue, acknowledging one faith, conducting among themselves a common commerce, and ©wing allegiance hicher than all other allegiance to a supreme and common flag. And so the people worked out for themselves the grand and simple argument of nationhood, beside which 12m contentions of the past against It appear today little. Irrelevant and absurd. No man doubts today the power of Ee nation. Inherent In our nationality lelf, to extend the republic's hounrles; and the conquest of a continent by the American people Is the •host brilliant chapter In the history flt modern civilisation. And yet wben

Jefferson, against his constitutional judgment, but In obedience to hia national instinct, acquired from Napoleon not only the Mississippi’s mouth, but our whole mighty Middle West, it was gravely declared on the floor of oongress that the Union, by that act, was actually dissolved. A few short dsoades have made this position appear so foolish that we must twice read the record to believe that such a position was In reality ever assumed. The growth of the national idea has settled forever the nation’s power to unfurl its flag wherever interest or duty calls It; and today the only question is the wisdom and righteousness of the policy in each particular case. It was once said that the republic was in reality a mere jointure of sections; that each section had interests peculiar to itself and antagonistic to the others; and that any section might even have institutions alien to those of other sections of the country. Even now it is sometimes asserted that an equilibrium between these sections must be maintained; that this Is not a government of people, but a government of areas; that, for illustration, the West is hostile to the East, or the South unfriendly to the North. But war settled that; peace settled it; railroads, telegraph, telephone—the network of intelligence which progress has woven all over the land, settled it. And today the American people are making their laws and institutions as harmonious and uniform throughout the republic as their interests and sympathies are similar and fraternal. Thus we see that all our history is a record of the making of the nation; and the moving finger of events still writes that noble chronicle. Within the recent past the three permanent American achievements have been developments of American nationality. The results of the war with Spain are important, considered merely as independent historical events. But when we heboid the Gulf sentineled by the flag and forts of the republic; when we see the gateway of the East an American possession, and another and enduring step taken toward that mastery of the Pacific to which our situation on the globe and the necessities of our future entitle ns; when we realize that with these material and permanent national advantages comes also the quickening of that national spirit and pride which always follows snch national endeavor abroad; and when we feel within ns that, as a people, as a nation, we have been called to the performance of ennobling duties where help and light are needed; when the whole field and far consequences of our recent foreign activities are considered, how plain is the truth that it is all another and a world manifestation of our nationality. How clear it Is, even to us who are a part of the movement, that here is a call to duty, opportunity and power which comes only to a people who are realizing their unity and their possession of a national mind, a national purpose and a national will. The great waterway across the isthmus will he monumental as an engineering feat, invaluable to the commerce of mankind, historic as a method of the closer relationship of the human race. Yet for us its deepest meaning is the growth of our nationality. It links our coast lines and forges our ports from Maine to Oregon into an unbroken and unbreakable chain. It makes our Atlantic and Pacific seaboard one. even as the law which governs our coastwise trade is one. In short, it consolidates the nation. The feeling among the people that the canal would accomplish this has been the deeper reason for the demand of Americans everywhere that it should he constructed. And this feeling was the force which at last swept away all opposing Interests and compelled the beginning of this mighty enterprise.

* * ***** So all our past history and the large and lasting statesmanship of the present is but the development of a single principle as simple as it is irresistible —the principle of nationality. And just so the laws of congresses and policies of presidents in the future must spring from* this same eternal principle. What is good for all of the American people; what will bind closer and still closer together all the American people; what will make more fervent and lasting the spirit of brotherhood among all the American people; what will best destroy the spirit of provincialism wherever found and brighten and strengthen the spirit of Americanism over every inch of the republic?— these are the questions which American law givers should ask themselves in determining every public act For our country is broad; rivers divide it; mountains separate it; the speeding years promise a hundred and fifty million people within a single existing lifetime; and in the distant future it can be held together only by a national wisdom in the minds of the millions profound enough to understand that the interests of New York and Nebraska are one; that the destinies of Michigan and Mississippi are identical; that the opinion and ideals of the people of Indiana are the opinion and ideals of the people of all the land, even to its uttermost borders; and that the thought and aspiration of Americans living on oiir seaboard are those of Americans dwelling midway between the oceans. Of all the American people, none know this so well, or should know It so well as the people of Indiana, within the borders of whose state Is the center of population of the nation, whose commonweslth Is Itself the very heart of the republic, who have abolished their state flag and acknowledge today no banner but the common analgn of our common land. If one etate more than another may claim the proud distinction of being the moat national of American commonwealths, may It not

justly be, by tbe location, training and Instinct of its people, the state of Indiana? We Indianiana are proud of our record in war and in peace, proud of the hero hosts we have sent to the battlefields of the republic, proud of our public schools, of our institutions of learning and benevolence, of the character of our citizenship, of the great names we have given to the nation In the past, of the work of our living sons in letters and science—work which is enriching the literature and knowledge of the world. But our chlefest pride—a pride which exalts all other pride— Is that we are Americans, citizens of the greatest nation in the world, a nation whose star is only rising and whose full glory the future alone will behold. This is Indiana’s conception of the principle which should govern and inspire the public men she gives to the service of the nation. And in accepting the priceless honor you again confer upon me, I can no more earnestly express my appreciation than by pledging you that I will be guided by this spirit in the study of every problem and the discharge of every duty. To serve the people of the nation and all the people, regardless of party, creed or section —this is at once the task and reward of him who sits in the republic’s councils. I say to serve all the people regardless of sections, because all sections are dissolved in the nation; of creed, because all faiths are tolerated by the nation; of parties, because even the judgment of majorities should be tempered by consideration for the views of honest minorities, since all parties are included in the nation and ail opinions make up that composite intelligence which we call the mind of the nation. And he sure it must be service of the people in very truth—a service so whole-hearted that it takes the best energies of the life of him who serves; so spotless that it welcomes light like snow-clad peaks and shines as white and pure as they beneath it; so wise and brave that in the real interests of the people, it will resist, if need be, the temporary and mistaken demand of the millions until their unerring second thought brings to the stateman’s support the people’s Just and final judgment. Such is the obligation which should fill the heart and uplift the soul of’him who enters the service of the American people—a service which in its sacredness is second only to that of the ministry of God. For this honor and privilege of serving the nation I thank you. And I thank you, too, that, in naming a successor to my distinguished associate whom the American people have called to a higher station, you are sending to my side so able a man and so agreeable a colleague as James A. Hemenway. The Nation! That is our ideal. We" look to the time when the American people shall have come into their own and taken the place appointed for them by the Master of human destinies —the first place among the nations by right of power and justice and that righteousness which exalteth a nation; the first place in the governments of men by right of that superior worth we have wrought out of our opportunities—by right of the greater increase of the talents given into our keeping; the first place among those human forces that work for the upliftmont of mankind and the spreading of the light; the first place among the powers of earth, not for vainglory or the vaunting of ourselves, or even for our selfish interests, but, in the distant end, for the advancement of all the race and the Increased peace and happiness of this troubled and war-worn world. This is the American ideal, broad as humanity, holy as religion—to this ideal we will be faithful.