Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 35, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 19 September 1902 — Page 7

FARMS AND FARMERS

How to Rojl Barbed Wire. The illustration shows a home-made device for rolling barbed wire which will work well and enable one to handle the wire without trouble. Use any sort of a small barrel and nail the ends in tight and see that all hoops are securely f astened on. On the center of each end or head nail a block of wood thick enough to be above the level of the edges of chimes. Through this bore a hole into the barrel. Make handles of material an inch thick, two inches wide and five feet long. Take an iron rod, pass it through the ends

FOR ROLLING BARBED WIRE.

of the handles and through the barrel, as shown in the cut, fastening at the ends w'ith a nut Nail a piece of board across the handles, or use iron bars, if possible, to stiffen the handles, and the machine is complete. Stretch the wire out on the ground, fasten one end to the barrel and then simply roll the barrel over the wire until the latter is wound around the barrel.

Hay in Round Bales. The cylindrical bale has become very popular for hay and cotton, and many shippers are discarding theirold presses to get one that will press it in this form. The standard bale is eighteen inches In diameter and thirty-six inches long. The pressure used In packing for home use puts about two hundred pounds in such a bale, but when intended for export they use higher pressure and get In about 275 pounds. A bale put up for army use is but half as long, or eighteen inches, and wergs about 140 pounds. It Is calculated that a good pack horse or mule will travel with one of these on each side, and they can go where the army wagons could not. Thousands of tons of these round bales have been shipped to our army in the Philippines, and a large amount to the British army in South Africa. In this form a given weight of hay is compressed into about one-half the space that It occupied In the square bale, and the fact that it does not pack as closely in car or vessel, there being spaces between the bales, which prevents moulding, preserves the sweetness of the hay, and the close pressure in the bale reduces the combustibility. For cotton many of the same advantages are claimed for the round hale, that is, getting more in small space and reducing the danger from Are.—American Cultivator. Catting Potatoes for Seed. Here are some outline drawings Bhowing how to cut potatoes for seed. In the first case the potato is cut in two pieces; in the second and third, in three and four respectively. By cutting potatoes as indicated about ten

POTATOES CUT FOR SEED.

bushels of seed are required per acre. Much of the success with the crop depends on starting right With a good strong growth at the start the battle is half won. The other half of the battle may be won by proper spraying and tillage. The Strawberry Pests. < The most objection to continuing to keep the strawberry bed In one place for several years Is not the exhaustion of the soil, because the fertility can be applied. It Is not the matting of the row, because after runners have put out into the paths between them, if they are worked mellow a*d enriched, the old row of plants can be cut out, leaving the path there, and the new plants can be thinned. If too abundant, and the weeds can be taken out, but Insect pests are so numerous now that It may be easier to set a new bed than to try to kill them. There are more than a dozen that are well known, and the root borer, crown borer, stalk borer, leaf rollers, cutworms and grubs are probably those which do the most damB;e. Nearly every one of these can be und in the toll as eggs, larvae or pupa soon after the fruit Is picked, - and when any of them have been especially troublesome, we would advise the setting a new bed at some distance from the old one, and plowing up the old |bed in August, which will destroy most gs them. If any plants are takes from

the old bed to set in the new one, yrasb all Boil from their roots before they are set, to pKviraFlmrqrQg' ifce pest to*, the new bed, and reject all that are not strong and vigorous.—American Cultivator.

Our Fanner Aristocrats. Tales of sudden wealth are quite common in the famous Kansas and Oklahoma wheat belt; fine houses, modern In every appointment, are the rule; rubber-tired buggies and automobiles are nothing to attention. In certain communities even the farmer has grown metropolitan to the extent of building an opera house on a school lot and securing some of the best attractions in the, theatrical line. It was not uatil the present winter that Wichita could afford a guarantee for certain notable singers. Among those occupying front seats were well-known wheatgrowers. Farmers’ daughters and farmers’ sons form a goodly part of the Kansas society element, while piano salesmen look to them for their quick deals. It is nothing uncommon for a farmer to come to town and buy two or three rubber-tired buggies, or even to place an order for an automobile. Mr. D. W. Blaine, a rich farmer of Fratt County, superintends all his harvesting in an automobile. Many others are equally plutocratic. One of the richest farmers in the Kansas wheat belt is John T. Stewart, who came to the State five years ago. He borrowed SSO from a friend, rented a quarter section of land in Sumner County and began work. To-day he is worth $2,000,000, and his Income fr6m wheat in 1901 was $64,000. He is known as the wheat king of Kansas. There are twenty-three millionaires in Kansas, fifteen of whom are farmers living on farms and running them as,an investment. Perhaps they have not all of their fortune invested in land, but a goodly portion of it is. Solomon Besley, 04, Wellington, placed $31,000 in wheat land last year and realized 30 per cent on his investment, or ten times as much as he receives from money loaned in Illinois. —Ainslee’s Magazine.

Snowshoea for Horses. Over the light crust that form on the snow in the dense forests and deep gulches of Northern Idaho the

SNOWSHOES.

dention tp fit the horse’s foot is branded in with a hot horse shoe, and an iron clamp, secured by a screw bolt, holds it over the hoof.

Alfalfa on Sandy Soil. The claim that alfalfa will not thrive on sandy soil is not borne out by experiment. Col. B. W. Richards, secretary of the Laurel Hill Cemetery Company, who has a farm at Hammonton, N. J., has grown Jjlfalfa for several years, and on a’plot consisting of white sand. The plot was seeded in August, 1898, and another later. As many as four or five cuttings are secured every season, and from two to three tons of hay per acre are cured. Manure Is spread over the land every fall and lime (mostly from burnt oyster shells) is broadcasted. The land has become very productive, and more animals were necessary in order to consume the hay produced. The experiment 's a valuable one, as it demonstrates what can be done with alfalfa on the lightest kind of sand.—Philadelphia Record. In Favor of Sheep. It is sometimes asserted that cattle and sheep require the same amount of feed per 1,000 poundfe of live weight, according to Prof. Curtiss. This statement seems not to be well founded, In some experiments at the lowa station the cattle consumed 19.6 pounds of dry matter per 1,000 pounds of live weight against an average of 29.7 by the sheep. Both cattle and sheep were on full feed. The sheep made a dally gain of 8.78 pounds per 1,000 pounds of live weight and the cattle 2.14. In sunfmlng up this comparison we find that while the sheep ate 48 per cent more than the cattle they gained nearly 75 per cent more. Topdresalns Winter Wheat. In some sections of the country it Is a practice to top dress the wheat In the fall, and this regardless of the quantity of fertilizer applied to the field before seeding. This Is an excellent plamand should be more generally practiced. The idea Is to apply this top dressing Immediately after seeding, using a manure spreader arranged so that the manure will be scattered evenly but quite thin. During the winter the strength of the manure Is washed down to the roots of the plants while the coarser portion acts as a mulch. Feed Balky Food. Growing animals need bulky food to keep the stomach distended? Whey feeding Illustrates the point to an extreme. One hundred pounds contain only abont seven pounds of solids. The animal therefore must drink and void nine-three pounds of water to get tbe seven pounds dry matter. While not an Ideal food, the growth obtained serves to show a demand for bulk.

horses of the winter mall carriers make their way on snow shoes, and wooden snow shoes at that. These shoes are made with a double thickness of Inch boards, the whole about 20 inches long and 14 wide. An in-

TRUSTS LIKE A RIVER

PRESIDENT SAYB THERE !8 NO WAY TO STOP THEM. In His Address at Wheeling, W. Va., Executive Declares Wisp Action by the Nation Con Control Combines and ■—Keep Them Within Bounds. 'Like to a great river are the trusts, according to President Roosevelt tn his speech at Wheeling, W. Va. The nation, the President said, cannot dam a big river without imperiling all in its vicinity, but the government can, by levees and other works, control and regulate the stream, keep it within bounds, and make it do its work for the good of the majority of the people. The simple comparison was the feature of the President’s first extended address In his Southern trip. Mr. Roosevelt explained in extent his ideas on the solution of the >trust problems and insisted that he would make no promises he did not intend to keep. Again he declared publicity of corporation affairs the first step in correcting the evils of the trust system, but he warned his hearers that it would take time, wise and careful work, good laws honestly enforced, and cool judgment to cure wrongs in a way that would injure no one. The President addressed an enormous crowd. He said in part: Every period has Its own trouble and difficulties. A period of adversity, of course, troubles us all, but there are troubles In connection with the period of prosperity also. When all tblngs flourish It means that there Is a good chance for things that we do not like to have flourish, just exactly as there Is for things that we do like to have flourish, and a period of great national material well befng is unavoidably one In which human ml has are turned to the way in which those Interested ih the management of the gigantic capitalistic corporations, whose growth has been so„notcd a feature of the laßt half century, flourish. We have grown to speak of certain corporations rather loosely as “trusts,” using the word In Its usual and common significance of n big corporation, usually doing business in several States at least, besides the State in which it Is Incorporated. It seems to me that In dealing with this problem of the trusts (perhnps It would be more correct to call It a group of problems) we have to class all of our fellow-citizens. One class Is composed of those men who refuse to admit that there Is any action necessary at nil. The other is composed of those men who advocate some noneffective action, or. If effective, would be effective only by destroying everything good and bad connected with our Industrial development. One Point to Be Remembered. In every governmental process, the aim that a people capable of self-government should steadfastly keep In mind Is to proceed by evolution rather than by revolution. On the other hand, every people that has self-government must beware of this fossillzatlon of mind which refuses to allow of any change as conditions change. Now, In dealing with the problem of a change In our great industrial civilization, In dealing with the tendency which has been accentuated to on extraordinary degree by steam and electricity and by the tremendous upbuilding of Industrial e.nterprises—dealing with these problems I think we must set before ourselves n desire not to accept less than the possible, and at the same time not to bring ourselves to a complete standstill by demanding the impossible. It Is n good deal like tuklng care, by the engineers, of the lower Mississippi river. No one can dam the Mississippi. If the nation started to dam It, its time would ty, wasted. It would not hurt the Mississippi, It would only damage the population along the banks. You cannot dam the current; you can build levees and keep the current within bounds and shape its direction. Now, I think that Is exactly what we can do with these great corporations known as trusts. We cannot dam them, we cannot reverse the industrial tendencies of the age. If you succeeded in doing It, then the cities like Wheeling will have to go out of business. Remember that. You cannot put a stop or reverse the Industrial tendencies of the age." You can control and regulate them so that they will do no harm. A flood comes down the Mississippi river. You cannot stop It. You can guide between levees, so as to prevent its doing injury so as to insure Its doing good. Another thing, you do not build levees in a day, or a month. The man who tells you that he had a patent device by which, In sixty days, he would solve the whole question of floods along the great rivers would not only be a wise man but be would be a perfect miracle of wisdom compared to the man who tells vou that by another patent remedy he can bring tbe mlllenlum In our industrial and social affairs. We can do something. I believe w# can do a good deal, but our accomplishing what I expect to see accomplished Is conditioned upon our setting to work In a spirt as far removed as possible from hysteria. A spirit of steadfast, kindly (I want to emphasize the word kindly) determination not to submit, to wrong ourselves and not to wrong others. Not to luterfers with the great business development of the country, but at the same time so shape our legislation and administration as to regulate, If we cannot remedy, the vicious features connected with that Industrial development. Promises Mast lie Kept. In the long run, It is more comfortable to inakp promises that can be kept, instead of making promises which are sure of an Immense reception when made, but which entail intolerable humiliation when it Is attempted to carry them out. I am sufllclcntly fortunate to be defending now, as President, precisely the remedies that I advocated two years ago. 1 am advocating them not In any partisan spirit, because, gentlemen, this problem Is a problem which affects the life of the nation as a whole. I am udvoeating them simply as an American citizen, who for the time being stands as the Chief Executive and the speclul representative of his fellow‘American citizens of All parties. A quarter of a century ago there had been no development of Industries such ns to make It a matter of the least Importance whether the nation or the State took charge of the great corporations and supervised the great business and industrial organizations. A centnrj and a quarter ago, here at Wheeling. commerce was carried on by pack trains, by wagon trnlns, and by bonts. There had then been no radical change In any essential features in the ways of commerce from the d-jys when the Phoenician galleys plied the wolers of the Mediterranean. For 4,0 Gtj or 5,000 years, perhaps longer, the great civilized nntlons, dutiug back into the immemorial past when Babylon and Niuevel) stood in Mestopotumln, when Thebes one, Memphis were mighty In the valley of the Nile —from that time on through the supremacy of Greece and of Home, through tbe upbuilding of the great trading cities like Venice and Genoa In Italy, like the cltl&< of the Uhlnc and tbe Netherlands In uoftnern Europe—on through the period of th* great expansion of Europcnn civilization which followed the voynges or Columbus and Vasco da Gama, right on down to the time .when this country became a nation—the means of commercial Intercourse remnlned •übatantlolly unchanged. Suddenly, daring our own lifetime as a nation—a lifetime trivial In duration compared to the period of recorded history—there came a revolution In the means of Intercourse which made a change In commerce and in ail that springs from commerce, In Industrial development, greater than all the changes of-the preceding thousands of years. A greater change lias taken place since Wheeling was founded, a greater change In the intercourse of mnnklnd has taken place, than in all the previous periods daring which man had lived. You have right in this neighborhood a much larger population than any similar region In all the United States when the Continental Congress first sat. The change In Industrial conditions has been literally Immeasurable. Those changed conditions make necessary governmental changes through regulation and supervision. Such changes were not provided for and could not ha vs been provided for in default of s

knowledge of prophecy by the men »M ! founded the republic. In those days each Btate could take cars perfectly well of any corporation within its limits, and all It had to do was to try te encourage their upbuilding. Now the big corporations, although nominally are creatures of one State, usually do business In other States, and in a large number of cases the wide variety of State laws on the subject of corporations has brought about tfie fact that the corporation is made in one State, but does almost all its work in entirely different States. It has proved utterly impossible to get anything like uniformity of legislation among the States. Some States have passed laws about corporations which, if they had not been Ineffective, would have totally prevented any important corporate work being done within their limits. Other States have such lax laws that there is no effective effort made to control any of the abuses. At a result we have a system of dividend control—where the nation has something to say —but it is a little difficult to know exactly how much, and where the different States have each something to say, but where there Is no supreme power that can speak with 'authority. It is, of course, a mere truism to shy that every corporation, the smallest as well as the largest, is a creature of the State. Where the corporation is small there is little need of exercising much supervision over It; but the stupendous corporations of the present day certainty should be under governmental supervision and regulation. Present Daws to'Be Enforced. The first effort to make Is to give somebody the power to exercise that supervision, that regulation. We have already laws oq the statute books. Those laws will be enforced, and are being enforced with all the power of the national government and wholly without regard to persons. But the power Is limited. Now, I want you to take my words at their exact value. I think—l cannot say I am sure, because It has often happened In the past that Congress has passed laws with a given purpose In view and when that law has been judicially Interpreted It has proved that the purpose was not achieved—but I think that by legislation additional power In the way of regulation of at least a number of those great corporations can be conferred. But, gentlemen, I firmly believe that In the end power must be given, probably through a constitutional amendment, to the national government to exercise In full supervision and regulation of those grent enterprises. That is not new doctrine for me. That Is the doctrine thnt I advocated on the stump two years ago. Some of my ultra-conservative friends have professed to be greatly shocked at my advocating governmental control of corporations. I would explain to those gentlemen once for all that they err whenever they think that I advocate on the stump anything I will not try to put Into effect after election. Now the point is made that working along these Rues will take time. So it will. Let me go back to my Illustration of the Mississippi river. It took some time to build the levees, but we built them. And If we have the proper intelligence, the proper resolution, nnd the proper self-restraint, we can work out the solution along the lines that I have Indicated. What we need first Is power. Having gotten the power, gentlemen, remember that the work will aot be ended. It will be only fairly begun. And let me say again, snd again, and again, that you will not get 'ihe millennium. The millennium Is some way off yet. But you will be In a position to make long stride* In the direction of securing a Juster, and fairer, and more Intelligent, and more holiest management of those corporations, both as regards the general public and as regards their relationships among themselves. When you have the power I should jnost earnestly advocate that It be used with the greutest wisdom nnd self-restraint. The first thing would he to find out the .'n-ts. For that purpose I am absolutely clear that we need publicity, not as a favor from any oqe corporation, but as a matter of right. The mere fact of the publicity Itself will tend to stop many of the evils, and it will show that some of the alleged evils are imaginary. We should have, under these circumstances, one sovereign to which the big corporations should be responsible—a sovereign In whose courts the corporations could be held accountable for any failure to comply with the law's of the legislature of that sovereign. I do not think you can accomplish that among the forty-six sovereigns of the States. I think that It will have to be through the national government.

Imperialism Not an Issue.

The intelligent and really influential class of Democratic newspapers are not at all backward about admitting that it is going to be impossible to make an issue out of militarism or an-ti-imperialism In this campaign. The Detroit Free Press, the leading Democratic newspaper of Michigan, which has never been a champion of expansion or of American occupation of the Philippine Islands, declares that “the whole matter is eliminated from the present congressional campaign by reason of President Roosevelt’s course during the past few mouths.” Anent the charges of cruelty which have been alleged with such incessent vociferation, the Free Press holds that the President “has taken the matter out of the field of political controversy by his unqualified condemnation of acts of savagery on the part of the comparatively few offenders in the army, and particularly by his stinging reproof of General Smith;” while on the Issue of the permanent retention of the island, “again the President spiked the guns of the enemy by leaving this an open question and displaying an admirable conservatism.” It is safe to say that the Free Press represents the progressive and thinking element of the Democratic party, but as that element is not accustomed to dominating the Democratic party It is quite likely that the campaign will present the familiar spectacle of Democratic editors and spell-binders erecting men of straw for the sole purpose of beating them Into the earth again.—Des Moines Capital.

Work at the White House.

Aside from the President’s salary nnd the expense of keeping the White House in repair it costs the government only abont $65,000 a year to operate the establishment. Of this amount $50,000 Is expended In the salaries of the thirty men on the executive pay roll. These range from tho secretary to the President, with a salary of $3,000 a year, down to messengers and doorkeepers, whose pay is in some instances perhnps one-tenth that sum. The remaining $15,000 defrays all the other expenses—the replacing of worn-out office furniture, typewriter repairs, stationery and feed for the half dozen horses in the Wlilto llouso stables. Of course the executive office has tho benefit of many economies beyond the reach of the thrifty merchant For instance, all official mnll is franked, saving approximately S2O a day. Special telegraph and cable rates are also secured.—World’s Work. Fqrty-flve hours constitutes a tfeek’i wort for women pud girls In New Zealand. Massachusetts bos 4,500 reglsterel physicians. ' *

POLITICAL COMMENT.

•‘PrQKresslYc.”.RiumMU:a»*, The Chicago Tribune began Its freetrade work a few days ago by advocating free wheat from Canada to help the Minneapolis mills. Now the Tribune has gone a step further and advocates free beef cattle from Mexico and Canada. Says the Tribune: “The cattle-raising industry needs no bounty encouragement. So long as the cattle raisers of the country and the butchers, wholesale and retail, were able to supply meat at a fair price the duties whose repeal the biitchers ask for were unobjectionable. As soon as prices reached a point where meat became a luxury the duties became unnecessary for protective purposes. If they have any effect ft is to add slightly to the cost of meat.” The farmers of lowa would discover the difference so soon as the present duties were removed. Cattle can be grown in Mexico and Canada cheaper than In the United States on account of cheap lands and cheaper labor. The Mexicans and Canadians are not entitled to the splendid American market without paying for it In lieu of the taxes they would pay if they were growing cattle in the United States. Forgetting that train loads of Mexican cattle reached the Chicago market under the Wilson law, the Tribune says:'

“The cattle raisers of the country are not threatened with any competition which will be destructive of their profits, nor Is there any possibility of the foreign or domestic supply becoming so great In the next few years that the market price of meat will not be a sufficient Inducement to men to engage in the raising of live stock.” The Tribune argues that the consumer is better entitled to low prices than the producer to a protected price as’follows: “Vastly more people are affected favorably by the low price of meat than by Its high price, and consequently the repeal of the duties on cattle and meat will meet with more support than opposition.” With the Tribune It seems to be only a question of securing a low price to the consumer. That is a cardinal doctrine with the free-trader. The “progressive Republicans” have now demanded: Free wheat from Canada into the United States. Free beef cattle from Mexico and Canada. Free iron and steel from all the world. Free hides from South and Central America. Free wool from South and Central America. And the list is growing. What Is a protectionist to do in times like these? Republicans bad better get out-their facts and figures before joining In any free-trade cry.—Des Moines Capital.

Export Prices. Volume XIII. of the report of the Industrial Commission tabulates 416 replies received by the Commission bearing on the question of foreign and domestic prices. The report says: “The great majority of the answers Indicated that prices are no Ipwer abroad than they are for domestic consumers, and a considerable number Indicate that foreign prices are higher.” A few, however, state that they sell a portion of their goods abroad lower than at home, and the reasons are as follows: “Cash -payments and large purchases in the foreign trade, whereas the domestic trade Is based on credits and small purchases. “The drawback or rebate of the tariff on imported raw material <}f goods manufactured for export “To overcome the tariff of other countries. “To secure new markets. “To hold a market against new competitors. “To clear out surplus stock or to prevent a shut-down and increased cost of production, by keeping mills running and men employed. "To get rid of samples and out-of-date goods. “Because tbe expense of selling and advertising Is less abroad than at home.”

These arc the reasons attributed by manufacturers of all countries for sometimes selling a part of tbelr stock at a lower price abroad than at home. It cau&s no injury to the domestic consumer and gives added employment nnd wages to laborers, besides keeping the home market firm and stable and preventing ruinous competition in cutting prices. There Is another reason why some American manufacturers sometimes sell a portion of their goods at a lower price abroad, and perhaps tbe chief reason. Most of our machinery or articles produced by machinery are covered by patents which are exclusively controlled and operated In this country. For example, take' agricultural Implements. It can be shown that where such articles are sold more cheaply abroad than at borne It is because of patents. If not covered by foreign patents it is obviously the policy to sell In foreign countries at a price that will discourage production in those countries. And yet of the manufacturers of agricultural Implements reporting to the Industrial Commission, all, with only one exception, stated that prices to fo*r-

lower than those for domestic pur-i chasers. Not one per cent of our out-* put is sold at a lower price abroad, 1 and only for some special reason connected with that particular consign- 1 ment The Maine Election. That Maine would go Republican last Monday was as certain as that the sun would rise on the morning of that day, bat that it would go as strongly Re-' publican as It did was not expected* even by the most sanguine prophets.' It Is a State where pluralities have fluctuated widely in off yean. That the Republicans should have piled tip' a plurality, exceeded only once In the last twenty years, shows that they are; not dissatisfied with tbe policies of the administration, and that the party in the State Is united. What is true of Maine It is safe to say will be true of every other Republican State. The result has a national significance. The keynote of the campaign in , Maine was stated in a general way in' a speech delivered in the Senate last June by Senator Gallinger of—" New) Hampshire: “Our friends on the other side are looking for an issue. They need nob worry; the issue is looking for them. Prosoperity is the issue and all other! questions are secondary.” Prosperity was the issue In Maine.; Southern Ooougressmen, orators from l New York, even Bryan himself, labored? with the people of Maine to divert* their attention from this issue and filled the State with lamentations over Impending calamities, but it was all liv vain. All that President Roosevelt had* to do was to make a plain statement of the administration’s policy on this and other questions. The Issue found the Democrats in spite of all their efforts to evade and elude it and it will* find them everywhere. The Democratic party never succeeds) in time of prosperity because nothing* conduces so much to personal satisfaction with existing conditions as pros-! perity. When the country Is prosperous people have no desire t 6 make a change in any of tbe conditions which) has secured that prosperity. Least of all is It a time for political resentments or personal malignity. The prosperity of one class involves tbe prosperity of other classes, so interdependent are we. It is not astonishdng, therefore, that the majority of the people of Maine* should have voted for prosperity. It. would he remarkable if some did not 1 vote far It who have become tired of! voting against it. So long, at least as 1 this Issue remains, the prophets of ca-j lamity will shriek in rain. Tho policies of the Republican party have ffivenj to this country a measure of prosperity, which has placed it industrially and l commercially at the head of all nations. ~ It is not conceivable that its people knowingly will do anything wantonly to retard its wonderful progress.—^Chicago Tribune.

What Ftood in the War. Secretary Shaw remarks that the tariff does not help the food trust toi maintain its monopoly. The food trusts is greatly obliged to Secretary Shaw,; of course, but even Secretary Shawl cannot alter facts. If the tariff doesn’t; help the food trust, why did the food' trust forbid the Republican Congress! to remove the duties on foreign meats and cattle?—New York Journal, Yellow Free Trade. It was not the food trust which stood In the way of the removal of duties; on foreign meats and cattle. If that had been the only obstacle, a bill repealing these duties would have been, passed at tbe last session of Congress without hesitation or hitch. It was tbs American farmer that stood In the way. He is the one that would be hurt by free trade In meat and cattle. The b«ef trust would not mind it at allin such an event the trust would doprecisely what It Is now doing—buy and slaughter all the meat and cattle) that come in from Mexico, Canada and| South without any rednetioni In the price of meat to the consumer.* Secretary Shaw made that point perfectly plain. There Is another and ai better way to throttle the food trust.* Tariff smashing would be a foolish a nil a worthless remedy.—American Economist. President Roosevelt. But then Theodore Roosevelt Is noted for luck and pluck.—Omaha Bee. The President always speaks his mind, nnd that is what we like about hlui.—Springfield (Mass.) Union. It takes more than a fiery, untamed trolley car to scare Theodore Roosevelt.—Pittsburg Chronicle-Telegraph. There were no political boundaries to the profound feeling of thanksgiving that President Roosevelt escaped.—St Louis Post-Dispatch. President Roosevelt's speeches are doing more to further the fight against the trusts than all the convention resolutions that ever were written.—Baltimore American. Tbe whole country congratulates President Roosevelt on hla narrow escape from death. It was a close call, but he fortunately escaped with slight injury —Nashville American. The announcement of the President’s escape from death or disabling Injury will be received by the American peo» pie with thanksgiving and rejoicing.-* Philadelphia Ledger.