Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 34, Number 87, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 1 July 1902 — Well Worth Knowing [ARTICLE]

Well Worth Knowing

_Jacts Not Fiction—Weak Nerves—▲ll Ron Down—Constant Head. aches— Sleep Not Restful— A Victim Gives the Road to Health. Mrs. Jos. Ward of Goodland, Ind., ■ays: —“For some time I have been troubled with nervousness, sleepless. dm* and severe attacks of nervous headaches. I got a box of Dr. A. W. Chase’s Nerve Pills and from what I have used of the medicine I have found it entirely satisfactory.” Dr. A. W. Chase’s Ne ve Pills are ■old at 50c a box at dealers or Dr. A. W. Chaee Medicine Co., Buffalo, N. Y. See that portrait and signa, tore are on every package. For sale at A. F. Long’s Drug

What the platform adopted by the Indiana Democracy at its recent state convention lacks in frankness and directness, as compared with recent pronouncements of the party, it makes up in shrewdness —4f it be shrewd for political leadership to deal in vague and indefinite terms —to be construed as suits the fancy of the interpreter, and to be carried out, should responsibility come to the leadership promulgating it, inaccordance with Its own sweet will. By equivocation the issue upon which Democratic leadership has staked its political fortunes and its reputation for economic wisdom, is slurred over. The leadership which finds it necessary to repudiate its immediate past in order to ingratiate itself into the good will of the public, has made a bad start on a campaign. Changing, or attempting to change, the issue, does not vindicate the wisdom of leaders who Confess, by silence upon those questions which they insisted were essential only two years ago, that they were everlastingly wrong on the main question in 1896, 1898 and 1900. A Document of Denunciation.

The platform of the Indiana Democracy for 1902 is not a declaration of principles upon which it proposes to better conditions, but a series of complaints concerning Republican administration. The mere fact that the leadership of the Indiana Democracy is not suited with the present situation of affairs will hardly be considered sufficient proof of the ability of that leadership to improve conditions if entrusted with responsibility. Denunciation and condemnation, divorced from any definite program which promises improvement, do not invite the approval of men of sound judgment. Yet here are excerpts which indicate the character of the Democratic state platform of 1902: Plank I—"We1 —"We denounce”; plank 2 "We denounce”; plank 4 — “ We denounce”; plank s—“We5 —“We oppose • • we are also opposed ♦ * • and we are also opposed”; plank 6 —“ We condemn and denounce”; plank B—"We8 —"We deplore"; plank 11—" We deplore ♦• * We denounce"; plank 14—“ We denounce”; plank 17 —“We oppose"; plank 19 —"The vicious and cool prostitution, etc • • • ‘merits condemnation”; plank 20 —“We call attention • • • to the reckless and dangerous," etc.; plank 21 —“We condemn.” The Positive Planks. In all this chaff of negation are to be found a few grains of affirmation. The positive pronouncements of the Democratic state platform are In favor of: Legislation for the suppression of trusts; tariff for revenue orjly; additional power for the interstate commerce commission; immediate assurances of independence to Filipino insurrectionists; liberal ; enslons to soldiers and sailors; construction of an isthmian cftnal; election of senators by popular vote; changes in the rules of the house of representatives. The Utmp of experience, as a famous American orator once suggested, is the best illuminant for the path of the future. The present pronouncements of Democratic leadership must be taken in connection with the recent performances of Democratic leadership. A glance at the record is in order. Anti-Trust Legislation.

Every law against trusts now on the statute books of the nation is a Republican law. Despite the fact that the Democratic platform of 1892 declared against the trust evil, the succeeding Democratic administration not only refused to enact additional legislation, with both houses of congress Democratic, but neglected to enforce, through a Democratic president and attorney general, anti-trust legislation then in existence. A year ago a proposition was brought before the house of representatives looking to the amendment of the constitution so as to give congress the power to regulate trusts. It failed to secure the necessary two-thirds vote because of a solid Democratic opposition. Yet Representative McDermott of New Jersey, a leader in the movement for a reorganised Democracy, declared in a recent speech that “there is no power in the president and none in the attorney general to suppress monopoly,” nor can there be, he said, until just such an amendment as was proposed by the Republicans In the last rohgress has become Incorporated with the constitution. Denying the Democratic theory that he is without power, President Roosevelt has Instituted proceedings against the trusts through the courts. Ho has succeeded in breaking up a great railroad pool, and is now attacking the beef trust, with Indications that he will be successful. A Fake Panacea Offered. Democratic leadership dodges the question now, as it did when charged with responsibility for national legislation. by proposing as its remedy, “tariff for revenue.” This while there Is yet fresh in the memories of the people the last trial of this speciflc. The Democratic tariff law of which the present generation knows anything killed almost everything else

but the trusts. But with failures of legitimate business enterprises as plentiful aa blackberries in midsummer, no trust went to the wall. The industrial crash which followed the overthrow of protection as the night the day, pushed thousands of independent enterprises to the wall, but the great corporations weathered the storm and were assisted in the Work of destroying competition by the operation® of the Wilson law. It is not strange that Mr. x.avemeyer, president of the sugar trust, appeared before the industrial commission as an advocate of the tariff-for-revenue theory, and that the cheap raw material doctrine finds favor with the great commercial organizations anxious to buy where they can buy the cheapest, and at the same time have the advantage of the best home market in the world. Indeed, these great trusts, world-wide in their scope and power, would find of inestimable advantage the opportunity which Democratic leadership proposes to give them, namely, to plant their factories abroad, where labor and raw material are cheapest, and bring the products of their establishments into this richest market of the world, free of the duty that stands for the difference between the American standard and the foreign standard of wages and living. Under such circumstances the independent manufacturer could be quickly swept from the field of competition, and this is exactly what the trust seeks.

Corporate Rapacity. The truth is, as every intelligent and sincere student of public affairs must admit, that the trust is a form of commercial organization, a result of industrial evolution, which is a problem in Itself —a problem which must be met intelligently by legislation calculated to curb corporate rapacity—not by playing into its hands, as Democratic leadership proposes. Trusts are plentiful in England, a free trade country, and in every continental nation; they were plentiful in this country under the only tariff-for-revenue law enacted since 1860. The idea that the tariff of 2 cents per pound on fresh beef, veal, mutton and pork is responsible for the doubling of prices of fresh meat by the trust, is the height of puerility, and would not be advanced by a leadership honestly seeking to find a remedy for corporate oppression. The beef trust wants free raw material. Controlling as it does the great slaughtering establishments, refrigerating plants and refrigerating cars, with the command of practically every retail market in the country, the removal of duties on dressed meat would only render the meat trust more Independent 0f the home producer of live stock. The idea of crippling the meat trust by cheapening the market in which it buys is conceived in insincerity and is put forward as a substi tute for something tangible, practical and honest. All that Democratic leadership proposes as a remedy for the most threatening evil of modern commercial development, is an attack on the producers of the tarm, range, orchard, garden, field, forest and flock, by giving to the trusts dealing in foodproducts, the opportunity to buy abroad without curtailing their opportunity to sell at home at whatever price they please, the difference in purchase price'going into the pockets of trust magnates, rather than those of the people.

The Interstate Commerce Commission. The demand for added power for the interstate commerce commission is a Republican proposition borrowed for Democratic use. The only measure looking to this end was introduced by Senator Cullom, and it is pending in congress with the approval of the administration. That it will become a law under this administration if congress remains Republican, there is no doubt. Every power belonging to the interstate commerce commission was conferred upon it by a Republican congress. For two years Democratic leadership was in control of every branch of the federal government, without taking a step' toward the widening of the authority of the commission. The Philippine Question. The proposal of * compromise with men whose guns are pointed toward the American soldier and the American flag will not meet with favor. There will be time enough for assurances when the Filipino* cease the warfare against American authority begun so many months ago, and continued by reason of the encouragement Imported frcan Democratic sources in the United States. It will be time for the republic to offer terms to those who fight its armies when it is unable to sustain its own authority. Until that time it will prefer to make its terms with insurrectionists after they have laid down their arms. The proposition for compromise with persons engaged in rebellion is suggestive of the Democratic state platform’of 1862, in which the Republican party was criticised for “rejecting all propositions likely to result in a satisfactory adjustment of the matters in dispute.” The Republican position at this time is as vividly suggestive of the Indians

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