Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 34, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 6 December 1901 — Page 2

PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.

To the Senate and House of Representatives: The Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity. On the sixth of September, President McKinle.v was shot by an anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that month. Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third who has'been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third assassination of an American President, have a peculiarlv sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and President: Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed office seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the most iust and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people’s sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot. It is not too much to say thae ; ot the time of President McKinley’s death he was the most widely loved man in all the United States; while we have never had any public man of his position who hhs been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. There could be no personal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. The defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot lie urged. When President McKinley was assassinated the blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage worker has ever had; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who lias ever risen to public office. President McKinley filled that political office for which the entire people vote, and no President—not even Lincoln himself—was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well thought-out wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the people—to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having endeavored to guide that thought aright. That there might bo nothing lacking to complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, the assassin took advantage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people generally; and advancing as if to take the hand outstretched to him In kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence . of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow. There is no baser deed In all the annals of crime. Nation Mourns McKinley. The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of ah. We mourn a good nnd great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death. When we turn from the man to the nation, the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest aud most resolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the reckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press, appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot escape their chare of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. i The blow was aimed not at this President. hut at all Presidents; at every syinbol of government. Anarchy is no more an expression of “social discontent’’ than picking pockets or wife beating. The anarchist. and especially the anarchist in the United States, is merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because be represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man wliu advocates anarchy directly jjy indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or The man -who jpglqaia^--fai- a)i-i rckists and their deeds, —uhrrPs himself morally accessory to nmr--dar. before the fact. The anarchist is a ■ who Is not merely the enemy of *.- ►Oll .n I of I*’-ogress, but the deadly Sl **^ a Wilo.i v - He is not the victim of t.-r—nT ffj,;,, vmi# socuu ~/p 01 inert! ustice. x nere nre no weotStr- to remedy in his case. The %o T l.h criminality is to be found in vn evil passions aud in the evil conduct of those who urge him on. not in any failure b.y others or by the Slate to do justice to him or his. lie is a malefactor and nothing else. No man or body •f men preaching anarchistic doctrines should bo allowbd nf large any more than If preaching tile murder of some specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings and meetings are essentially seditious and treasonable. .Urge* Law! Against Anarchists. I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the exercise of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. If found here they should lie promptly deported to the country whence they came; and farreaching provision should be made for tile punishment ol' those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress. Tile federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the President or any mnn who by the constitution or by law is in line of succession for the presideny, while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions. Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; nnd all mankind should baud ugainst tb«* anarchist. His crime should ho made au offeuse against the law of nations. It should lie so declared by treaties among nil civilized powers. . This great country will not fall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever become a serious menace to.its institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines. The American people nre •low to wrath, but when their wrath Is •nee kindled it burns like a consuming ire. Country’s Commercial Prosperity. During the last five years business conidence has been restored, aud the nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding prosperity. Such prosperity can never he created by inw alone, although it is easy enough to destroy it bjr mischievous laws. Fundamentally the welfare of each citizen, and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation, must rest upon Individual thrift and energy, resolution nnd Intelligence. Nothing can take the ■dace of this individual capacity; but wise Wfislatlon aud honest and intelligent ad-

ministration can give it the fullest scope, the largest opportunity to work to good effect. The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the lat-* ter half of the nineteenth century brings ns face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems. The upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large individual, nnd especially of very large corporate, fortunes. The creation of these great corporate fortunes lias not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action, but. to natural causes in the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own. The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country at the present time. There have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. Ciutlon Is Advised. The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. Without them the material development of which we nre so justly proud could never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense importance to this material development of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong nnd forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of to-day. The same business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international commercial competition. America has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeopardized, Especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our nation. Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all. Disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects limited to the nien at the top. It spreads throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous liad it not also been entirely ineffective. The men who demand the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent aud in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. Yet it is true that there are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capital-ization because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils. Publicity a Cure for Trusts. There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as trusts arc iu certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. Combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled. The first essential in determining how ’o deal with the great Industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts—publicity, lit the interest of the public, the govern""“vainiue the workings of the'great-corpo-rations engaged iu interstate business. 1 übiieity is the only sure remedy which we can how invoke. YV’kat further remedies are needed iu the way of governmental regulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by process of law, and in the course of administration. The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one State, always do business in many States, often doing very little business iu the State where they are There is utter lack of uniformity in the Slate laws about them; nnd as no State has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the nation should, without interfering with the power of the States in Jhe matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over nil corporations doing an interstate business. 1 believe that a law can be framed which will enable the national government to exercise control along the liues above indicated. There should be created a cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of Commerce nnd Industries, ns provided in the bill introduced at the last session of the Congress. It ahould be his province to deal with commerce in its broadest sense; including among many other things whatever concerns laoor and all matters affecting the great business corporations aud our merchant marine. Would Exclude Chinese. With the sole exception cf the farming interest, no one matter is of such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage workers. If the farmer and the wage worker are well off, it is absolutely certain that all others will bo well off, too. It is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages nre higher to-day in the United States than ever before in our history, and far higher than in any other country. The standard of living is ulso higher than over before. Every effort of Jegislator and administrator should he bent to seeure the permanency of this condition of things and its improvement wherever possible. Not only must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell onr men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with this end iu view, to re-enact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective.

If possible legislation should be passed, in connection with the interstate commerce law, which will render effective the efforts of different States to do away with the competition of convict contract, labor in the open labor market. The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of farreaching questions which we group together when we speak of “labor.” The chief factor in the success of each manwage worker, farmer and capitalist alike —must ever be the sum total of his own individual qualities aud abilties. There must in mauy cases be action by the government in order to safeguard the rights and interests of all. Iniinisration Laws Unsatisfactory. Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest aud efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen. But there should be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over our present system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic societies, but also all persous who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory, educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American citizens. Finally, all persons should lie excluded who are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American labor. Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social. A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and' they should be held to a strict accountability for any oT the law. Tariff and Reciprocity. There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff change at this time. Our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic in the business world. Yet it is not only possible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations. Such reciprocity was especially provided for in the present tariff law. Reciprocity must be treated as . the handmaiden of protection. Our first duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries. Just how far this is must be determined according to the individual case, remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our industrial well being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which uo longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition. I ask the attention of the Senate to the , reciprocity treaties laid before it by my predecessor. Amerci’s Merch :nt Marine. The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for immediate remedial action by the Congress. It is discreditable to us as a nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of business. We should not longer submit to conditions under which only a trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships. To remedy this state of things would not merely serve to build up our shipping interests, but it would also result iu benefit to all who are interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for American products, nnd would provide ar» auxiliary force for the navy. Our government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities. The American merchant marine should be restored to the The act of MarclkwJJ »' ILL’? 1 Intended nn. establish gold ns the stand--ri money and to maintain at a parity therewith ail forms of money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious. The price of our Government bonds in the world’s market, when compared with the price of similar obligations issued bv other nations, is a flattering tribute to our public credit. Tbls condition it Is evidently desirable to maintain. Iu many respects the national banking Inw furnishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of the banking function; but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging Influence of commercial crises ami financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce. The collections from duties on Imports and Internal taxes continue to exceed the ordlunry expenses of the Government, thanks mainly to the reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit; but, after providing against any such contingency, means should be adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual needs. I call special attention to the need of strict economy In expenditures. Only by avoidance of spending money on what Is needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our Income to the point required to met our needs that are genuine. Interstate Commerce. In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of Interstate railways, commonly known as the Interstate commerce act. The cardinal provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable and that all shippers, localities and commodities should be accorded equal treatment. That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown the wisdom of Its purposes, but has also shown, possibly that some of its requirements nre wrong, certainly that the means devised for the enforcement of Its provisions are defective. The act should be amended. The railway Is a public servant. Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike. The Government should see to It that within Its Jurisdiction this Is so, and should provide a speedy. Inexpensive and effective remedy to that end. At the same time nothing could be more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would unnecessarily Interfere with the development aud operation of these commercial agencies. The Department of Agriculture during the Inst fifteen years has steadily broadened Its work on economic lines, and Ims accomplished results of real value In upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It has gone Into new fields until It Is now In touch with all sections of our country and with two of the Island groups that have lately come under our jurlstulctlon, whose people must look to agriculture for a livelihood. It is searching the world for grains, grasses, fruits and vegetables specially fitted for Introduction into localities In the several States and Territories where they may add materially to our resources. By scientific attention to noil survey and possible new crops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to experimental shipments, to animal Ind® B ; try and applied chemistry, very practical aid had been given our farming and stockgrowing interests. The products of the

farm have taken an unprecedented place In our export trade during the year that has just closed. Protection of the Forest. Public opinion throughout the United States has moved steadily toward a Just appreciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of natural growth. The great part played by them In the creation and maintenance of the national wealth is now more fuily realized than ever before. Wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water or grass, but, on the contrary, gives the assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest protection Is not au end of Itself; It Is a means to Increase and sustain the resources of our country and the Industries which depend upon them. The preservation of our forests Is an Imperative business necessity. At present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the General Land Office, the mapping out and description of their timber with the United States Geological Surrey,' and the preparation of plans for their conservative use with the Bureau of Forestry, which Is also charged with the general advancement of practical forestry In the United States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau of Forestry, to which they properly belong. Reclamation of Arid Lanß. The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different problem. Here It Is not enough to regulate the flow of streams. The object of the Government Is to dispose of the land to settlers who will build homes upon It. To accomplish this object water must be brought within their reneh. The .pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose tbrelr homes aloug streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim their holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. There remain, , however, vast areas of public laud which can be made available for homestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and mainline canals Impracticable for private enterprise. These irrigation works should be built by the national Government for actual settlers, and the cost of construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed. In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the terrltdry on the traditional American lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who themselves till the farms they own. All our legislation for the Islands should be shaped with this end in view; the well-being of the average home-maker must afford the true tes.. of the healthy development of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system. It Is a pleasure to say that it Is hardly more necessary to report as to Porto Rico -than -aa-to any state or territory within our continental limits. The Island Is thriving as never before, and It Is being administered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying liberty and order under the protection of the United States, and upon this fact we congratulate them and ourselves. Their material welfare must be as carefully and Jealously considered as the welfare of any other portion of our country. We have given them the great gift of free access for their products to the markets of the United States. I ask the attention of the Congress to the need of legislation concerning the public lands of Porto Rico. Cuba an I the Philippines. In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the Independent government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present session of Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba will then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest greetings and good wdshes. Elsewhere I have discussed the question of reciprocity. In the case of Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national Interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed, to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction iu the tariff duties on Cuban Imports Into the United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired, that she should stand In International matters In closer and more friendly relations with 11s than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor aud expediency to pass commercial measures In the Interest of her material well-being. In the Philippines our problem is larger. They are very rich tropical Islands, Inhabited by many varying tribes, representing widely different stages of progress toward ■civilization. Our earnest effort Is to help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that leads to self-government. We hope to make our administration of the Islands honorable to our nation by making It of the highest benefit to the Filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we point to what we have done. Already a greater measure of material prosperity and of governmental honesty nnd efficiency has been attained in the Philippines than ever before In their history. The only fear Is lest In our overanxiety we give them a degre of independence for which they are unfit, thereby Inviting reaction and disaster. As fast as there Is any reasonable hope that in a given district the people can govern themselves, self-gov-ernment has been glveu In that district. There is not a locality fitted for self-govern-ment which has not received It. But It may well be that In certain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the Inhabitants show themselves unfit to exercise It; such Instances have already occurred ' There are »tUI troubles ahead In the Ulands. The insurrection has become an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher regard than the brigands of portions of the Old World. Encouragement, direct or Indirect, to these lnsnrrectos, stands on the same footing as encouragement to hostile Indians iu the days when we still had Indian wars. Exactly as our aim Is to give to the Indian who remains peaceful the fullest nnd amplest consideration, but to have It uhderstood that we will show uo weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must make It evident, unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands of civilization and humanity, that while we will do everything In our power for the Filipino who Is peaceful, we will take the sternest measures with the Filipino wffio follows the path of the insurrecto and the ladrone. I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to Hawaii nnd the Philippines, to be continued from the Philippines to points In Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the construction of such a cable. It is demanded not merely for commercial, but for political nnd military considerations. The Isthmian Canal. No single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this continent Is of such consequence to the American people as the building of a canal across the Isthmus connecting North aud South America. Its Importance to the nation Is by uo means limited merely to Its material effects upon our business prosperity; and yet with view to these effects alone. It would be to the Inst degree Important for us Immediately to begin It. While Its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pacific Coast and the Gnlf and South Atlantic States, It would also greatly benefit other sections. It Is emphatically a work which It is for the Interest of the entire country to begin nnd complete as soon as possible; It Is one of those works which only a great nation can undertake with prospv ts of success, and which when done are not only permanent asseta in the nation's material Interests, but standing monuments to Its constructive ability. I am glad to be able to announce to you’ that our negotiations on this subject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides In a spirit of friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted In my being able to lay before the Senate a treaty which If ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an Isthmian canal at any time, and which guarantees to tbls nation every right that It has ever asked In connection with the canal. It specifically provides that the United States alone shaM do the work of building and nssume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal, and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of equality without the guaranty or Interference of nny outside nation from any quarter. "Work on the nvr V list Continue. The work of upbuilding the Navy must be steadily continued. No one point of our policy, foreign or domestic. Is more important than this to the honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of onr nation In the future. Whether we desire It or not, we must henceforth recognise that we have International duties no less than International rights. Even If our flag were hauled down In the Philippines and Porto Rico, even If we decided not to build the Isthmian Canal, we ahould need a thorough-

ly trained Navy of adequate elxe, or else be prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the Idea that-our nation Is among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce is always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to protect it. Inasmuch, however, as the American people have no thought of abandoning the path upon which they have entered, and especially In view of the fact that the building of the Isthmian Canal Is fast becoming one ot the matters which the whole people are united in demanding, it Is Imperative that our Navy should be put nnd kept in the highest state of efficiency, and should he made to answer to our growing needs. So far from being In any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highly trained navy is the best guaranty against war, the cheapest nnd most effective peace Insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a navy represents the very lightest premium for Insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay. Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon It as the oae sure means of securing the peace of the Western hemisphere. The Navy offers us the only means of making our Insistence upon the Monroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to disregard It. We desire the peace which comes as of right to the Just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weakilng. It is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships' must be built and the men trained long In advance. Some auxiliary vessels can be turned Into makeshifts which will do In default of any better for the minor work, and a proportion of raw men can-be mixed with the highly trained, their shortcomings being made good by the skill of their fellows; hut the efficient fighting force of the Navy when pitted against an equal opponent will he found almost exclusively In the war ships that have been regularly built and In the officers and men who through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been trained to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons with the highest efficiency. Iu the late war with Spain the ships that dealt the decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been launched from two to fourteen years, and they were able to do as they did because the men in the conning towers, the gun turrets, and the engine-rooms had through long years of practice at sea learned bow to do their duty. While awarding the fullest lienor to the men who actually commanded and manned the ships which destroyed the Spanish sea forces In the Philippines aud in Cuba, we must not forget that au equal meed of praise belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been struck. Tbe Congressmen who voted years In advance the money to lay down the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor-plate; the department officials and the business men and wage-workers who furnished what the Con_grgss had authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy who asked for and expended the appropriations; aud finally the officers who, In fair weather and foul, on actual sea service, trained and disciplined the crews of tbe ships when there was no war in sightall are entitled to a full share in the glory of Manila and Santiago, and the respect accorded by every true American to those who wrought such signal triumph for our country. It was forethought aud preparation which secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898. If we fail to show forethought and preparation now, there may come a time when disaster will befall us Instead of triumph; and should this time come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those whom the accident of events puts in supreme command at the moment, but upon those who have failed to prepare iu advance. There should be no cessation in the work of completing our Navy. So far ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft whoso hammering guns beat out the mastery of the h gh seas. It is unsafe nnd unwise not to provide this year for several additional battle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter craft In proportion; for the exact numbers and character I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy. But there Is something w r e need even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and men. Increase of the Army Unnecessary.^ It Is not necessary to increase our Army beyond Its present size at tbls time. But it Is necessary to keep It at the highest point of efficiency. The Individual units who as officers and enlisted men compose this Army, are, we have good reason to believe, at least as efficient as those of any other army in the entire world. It is our duty to see thnt their training Is of a kind to Insure the highest possible expression of power to these units when acting In combination. The conditions of modern war are such as to make an Infinitely heavier demand than ever before upon the Individual character and capacity of the officer and the enlisted man, and to make it far more difficult for men to net together with effect. At present the fighting must be done in extended order, which meuns that each man must act for himself and at the same time act la combination with others with whom he Is no longer In the old-fashloued elbow-to-elbow touch. Under such conditions a few men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men without the special skill which Is only found as the result of special training applied to men of exceptional physique and morale. But nowadays the most valuable fighting man and the most difficult to perfect Is the rifleman who is also a skillful and daring rider. The proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been Increased. The American cavalryman, trained to maneuver and fight with equal facility on foot nnd on horseback. Is best type of soldier for *&'flteTarpTTfposes world. A general staff should be created. As for the present staff and supply departments, they.should be filled by details from the line, the men so detailed returning after a while to their line duties. It Is very undesirable to have the senior grades of the Army composed of men who have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A system should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade. Justice to the veterans of the Civil War who are still In the Army would seem to require that In the matter of retirements they be given by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the Navy. The process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted In a manner that would render It practically Impossible to apply political or social pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each man may be judged purely on Ills own merits. Every effort should be made to bring tbo Army to a constantly Increasing state of efficiency. When on actual service no work save that directly In the line of such service should be required. The paper work In the Army, as In tbe Navy, should be greatly reduced. What is needed Is proved power of command aud capacity to work well In the field. Constant care Is necessary to prevent dry rot In the transportation aud commissary departments. Our Army Is so small nnd so much scattered that It Is very difficult to give ihe higher officers (as well as the lower officers and the enlisted men) n chance to practice maneuvers In mass and on a comparatively large scale. In time of need no amount of Individual excellence would avail against the paralysis which would follow Inability towork as a coherent whole, under skillful and daring leadership. The Congress should provide means whereby It will be possible to have field exercises by at lenst a division of regulars, and If possible also a division of nn'Jonal guardsmen, once a year . Army Reorsunizntlon. Much good has already come from the act reorganizing the Army, passed early In the present year. The three prime reforms, all of them of literally Inestimable value, nre, first, the substitution of four-year details from the line for permanent appointment* In the so-called staff divisions; second, the establishment of a corps of artillery with a chief at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum and minimum limit for the Army. It would be difficult to overestimate the Improvement Iu the efficiency of our Army which these three reforms are making, and have In part already effected. The reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially accomplished. The Improved conditions in tbe Philippines have enabled tbe War Department materially to reduce the military charge upon our revenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this number much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established by law. There Is, however, need of supplementary legislation* Thorough military education roust be provided, and In addition to the regulars the advantages of this education should be given to the officers ot the National Gnard and others In civil life who desire Intelligently to fit themselves for eosslble military duty. The officers should e given the chance to perfect themselves by study In tbe higher branches of this art. At West Point the education should be of the kind most apt to tarn out men who are good

in actual field service; too much stress should; not be laid on mathematics, nor should proficiency therein be held to establish tbe right of entry to a corps d’elfte. The typical American officer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician; bnt be must ha able to master himself, to control others, and to show boldness and fcriillty of resource in every emergency. Action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising of volunteer forces.’ Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The organization and armament of tbe National Guard of the several States, which 1 are treated as militia In the appropriations by the Congress, should be made Identical l with those provided for the regular forces.; The obligations and duties of the Guard In’ time of war should be carefully defined, an<l a system established by law under which the method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be-preseribed In advance. That the Army Is net at all a mere instrument of destruction has been shown during the last three years. In the Philippines,; Cuba, and Poito Rico It has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization. > 1 No other citizens deserve so well of the republic as the-, veterans, the survivors of; those who saved the Union. They did the one deed which If left undone would have meant that all else ia our history went for, nothing. The men who in the last three, years have done so well In the East and the West Indies and on the mainland of Asia have shown that this remembrance is not 1 lost. In any serious crisis the United States, must rely for the great mass of Its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery who do not make a permanent profession of the mill- 1 tary career; and whenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil War will give to Americans the lift of lofty, purpose which comes to those whose fathers . have stood valiantly iu the forefront of the battle. Our Consnlar Service. The consular service is now organized under the provisions of a lats passed in 1856, which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions. The interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country In tbe reorganization of the service Is heartily commended to your attention. The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign commerce, the protection of American citizens resorting to foreign countries In lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance of the dignity of the nation abroad, combine to make It essential "that our constris should be men of character, knowledge and enterprise. It is true that the service is new. In the main, efficient, but a standard of excellence cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set forth in the bills heretofore submitted to the Congress on this subject are enacted Into law. I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people for the St. Louis Exposition to Commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Louisiana I’urchase. We earnestly hope that foreign nations will appreciate the deep Interest our country takes in -this exposition, and our view of Its Importance from every standpoint, and that they will participate in securing its success. The national government should be represented by a full and complete set of exhibits. For tbe sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement of-science, the Census Office as now constituted should be made a permanent government bureau. Growtti o. ihe Cost a L : ervice. The remarkable growth cf tbe postal service Is shown in the fact that its revenues have doubled and Its expenditures have nearly doubled withlu twelve years. Its progressive development compels constantly Increasing outlay, bat In this period of business energy and prosperity Its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual deficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 In 1897 to $3,923,727 In 1901. Among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery wherever established has been so marked, and actual experience has made Its benefits so plain, the demand for Its extension is general and urgent. It is just that the great agricultural population should share in the Improvement of the service. The number of rural routes now In operation Is 6,009, practical.y all established within three years, nnd there nro 6,000 applications awaiting action. It Is expected that the number In operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The mall will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 of our people who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one-third cf ail that portion of the country which Is adapted to It will be covered by this kind of service. The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long been hampered and obstructed by tbe heavy burden Imposed on the government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have grown up in connection with secondclass mall matter. The extent of this burden appears when It Is stated that while the second-class matter makes nearly threefifths cf the weight of all the mall. It paid for the Inst fiscal year only $4,204,445 of the aggregate postal revenue of $111,681,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss thus entailed, nnd which was fixed by the Congress with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public Information. wore limited to tbe legitimate newspapers aud periodicals actually contemplated by tbe law, no just exception could be taken. The Post-Office Department, has now undertaken to remove tbe abuses so far as Is possible by a stricter application of tbe law; and It should be sustained In Its effort. Settlement of the Chinese EmbroirHo —vTwTng'to'Ttre' rajito giqwt&of our povvec, and our interests c-n the Pacific, whatever happens In China must be of the keenest, national concern to us. ■ The general terms of the settlement of tho ( questions growing out of the antlforelgn uprisings In China of 1900, having been for-; mulated In a joint note addressed to China, by the representatives of the Injured pow-, ers In December last, were promptly ac-. cepted by thi Chinese government. After; protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries; of the several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the Chinese plenlpotentarles on the 7th of last September, setting forth the measures taken by Chinn In compliance with the demands of the joint note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. Ic will be laid before the Congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of tho United States, Mr. William Woodvllle Rockhill, to whom high praise Is due for the tact, good Judgment, and energy he has displayed In performing an exceptionally diffleult and’ delicate task. Under the provisions of the Joint note of December, 1900, China has agreed to revise the treaties of commerce aud navigation nnd to take such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade us the foreign powers may decide to be needed. During those troubles our government lias unswervingly udvocated moderation, nnd haa materially aided in bringing about an adjustment which tends to enhance the welfare of China nnd to lead to a more' beneficial Intercourse between the empire aud tlm modern world; while In the critical period of revolt nnd massacre we did our full shnro In safeguarding life and property, restoring order, nnd vindicating the national Interest nnd honor. It behooves us to continue Iu these paths, doing what lies In our power to foster feelings of good will, and leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full nnd fair Intercourse between Chinn aud the nations, on a footing of equnl rights and advantages to all. We advocate the “open door” with nil that It Implies; not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial opportunities on the coasts, but no-, cess to the interior by tbe waterways with which China has been so extraordinarily favored. Death of Victoria. The death of Queen Victoria caused tho people of the United States deep and heart-, felt sorrow, to which the government gave full expression. When President McKinley died onr nation In turn received from every quarter of the British Empire expressions of grief nnd sympathy no less sincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the Amerlcnn people: nnd tit's sympathy was cordially reciprocated by Germany when the President was assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the civilised world we received, at tho time of the President’s death, assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the Almighty that wo are at peace with the nations of mankind; nnd we firmly Intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken these International relations of mutual respect ami rood will. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Esteem has more engaging charms than friendship, and even love. It cap-, tlvates hearts better, nnd never makes ingrates.—Rochefoucauld.