Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 22, Number 101, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 6 September 1901 — Page 6

CROWNING NAD KING.

Details of Ceremonies at Coronation of Edward VII. ROBES HE WILL WEAR Historic Baubles that Figure on the Momentous Occasion. - i 9 Kvery Step in the Services Clearly Described—Crowning the Qneen Consort —The Archbishop of Canterbury Administering the Oath—The Oath—The -King's Champion—The Karl Marshal An Donbt—A Brilliant and Impres--sive Scene. The coronation of King Edward VII. •will not take place until next June, but active preparations are already being -made for the event The time Is none too long, says the London Daily Mail, for the enormous mass of work to be done. England has as yet little idea of the pomp and glory of the coming ceremonies. London next June will be the scene of such magnificent pageantry and representation of power and might as will eclipse the glories of the Jubilee celebrations in 1887 and 1897, and will provide for all who have the privilege of seeing it a vision of splendor un- > equaled in recent times. No doubt It is possible to view with •some measure of regret the discontinuance of certain customs, such as the procession and banquet, invested with •venerable antiquity. But as they have •already been set aside, in 1831 and 1838, the continuity has been broken, and there is all the difference in the world between the survival of ancient usages •which link past and present and their revival after a long interval. The British nation would never sanction any proposal such as that made by William IV. to omit or curtail the coronation service with its own proper ;pomp and circumstances, as it has come down by the unbrokfwi traditions of a thousand years, and the decision come to on th£ subject serves to illustrate the wisdom of King Edward and his genius for devising really effective, because entirely appropriate, state pageants. If there is to be any revival of dis>used pageantry, the royal, cavalcade through the streets of the capital, originally discontinued on account of the •then unsanitary condition of London, would give the greatest pleasure to the loyal subjects of the King, who would thus have tlielr part in acclaiming his formal entry on his great inheritance. f The “consecration of the king,” to

employ Its ancient title, is not, in-Brit-ish eyes, a mere picturesque pageant or empty formality. It is a most real nnd eminently practical and common-' sense transaction. The title <•/ couseoration service is fully justii’ibd by every detail of the abbey, Ceremony, which, indeed, 'bears a staking resemblance to the service fotjtlie consecration of bishops. The pri'seutation of the sovereign to the people and his reception by them with a«rlamatlou have their parallel in the olds French service for the consecration (a a bishop, and the oath to govern oAordiug to law corresponds to the blslAp’s oath of canonical obedience to hl» metropolitan. Common to both services are the Litany, "Veal Creator,” aid, Proper Preface. Formerly blshopsWere anointed With oil, as the King wiil.be next June,

and in both cases the delivery of the official insignia, the royal and episcopal robes being identical in character. > Coronation Ceremony. The sovereign will be first vested in the rochet, or tight-sleeved surplice, then in the tunic called a dalmatic, to which will be added the stole, worn in exact conformity with a bishop’s—that is, not crossed before the. breast, but with the ends left pendant. Lastly, the King will be endued with the episcopal cope, and,.,will receive the ring, gloves, and Bible. The last mentioned item dates from William of Orange. The sovereign of Great Britain is one of the few occupants of a throne who still at their coronation receive the sacred unction. He is almost the only one who receives his crown kneeling, having it placed upon his brow by the church —In the person of the chief bishop present. From the time of Napoleon the heads of the great military monarchies have preferred to take their crowns into their own hands, and perform the actual coronation for themselves. The English sovereign at the moment of corouation assumes a posture of humility, conscious of the great trust committed to his charge—a trust conferred, not for his personal glorification, but for the welfare of his people—a trust for the due performance of which he confesses himself to be accountable. The King will to receive his crown, in acknowledgment that the true privilege of kingship lies in the unrivaled opportunity it confers of serving the state, whose visible head he is. Quaint and curious are some of the questions upon which the Claims commission will have to decide. It will have to deal with such points as the privi- t leges of the Duke of Newcastle, as

QUEEN VICTORIA’S TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO LONDON IN 1837.

CEREMONY OF CROWNING THE KING.

Lord of the Manor of Workshop, to present the King with two pairs of gloves, and also to support his Majesty’s rlfSilt or scepter arm; or, again, the, relative precedence, which Inis varied at different coronations, of the Duke of Norfolk ns Earl Marshal of England, and the Earl of Erroll as lord high constable of Scotland. The Ivord Mayor of London will be chief cupbea: r. In return for which office he will receive as a fee a gold cup and cover. The Lord Mayor has held this office since the time of Richard 111., when Lord Mayor Shaw performed a service for the King which earned him reward and established an ofHce, It was rumored that King Edward would dispense with this service, but as Queen Victoria recognized the historical precedent when she wax crowned,

it Is unlikely that Edward will depart from the custom. The present coronation oath was fixed by statute in the reign of William and Mary. Prior tp that time the oath seems to havef.admitted of being tampered with to suit the whim of the sovereign. The Archbishop of Canterbury, primate' of England, administers the oath. The form lilay be of interest to readers. The Archbishop demands: “Sir, is your Majesty willing to take the oath?” and on the King answering, “I am willing ” the Archbishop puts these questions, and the King, having a copy of the printed form and order of the corouation service in his hands, answers each question severally as follows: “Will you solemnly promise and swear to govern the people of this United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dominions thereto belonging, according to the statutes in Parliament agreed on, and the respective laws and customs of the same?” “I solemn promise to do so.” “Will you, to your power, cause law and justice, in mercy, to be executed in all your.judgments?” “I will.” “Will you, to the utmost of your power, maintain the laws of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the Protestant Reformed religion established by law? And will you maintain and preserve inviolably the settlement of the United Church of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, worship, discipline and government thereof, as by law established' within England and Ireland, and the territories thereunto belonging? And will you preserve to the bishops and clergy of England and Ireland, and to the churches there committed to their charge, all such rights

nnd privileges as do, or shall appertain unto them, or any of them?" "All this l promise to do." The sovereign then goes to the altar, and, laying his liuud upon the Gospels, takes the following oath: "The things which 1 have heretofore promised I will .perform nnd keep, so help me JJod.” The King then kisses the book and signs the oath. The oath has not yet been altered to suit the disestablishment of the Irish church. The coronation of a sovereign is not necessary to establish his authority, as r the oath <fl accession is sufficient. There Is some doubt as to the title by which Edward VII. will be crowned." The question Is receiving serious consideration. as the relations of the mother country with the colonies have

changed since Victoria ascended the throne. There seems to be a well-de-fined objection to the title of emperor, and a strong sentiment In favor of the title “of Dominion of Canada, Commonwealth of Australia, Federated States of South Africa, Lord High Protector,” etc. The celebrated Stone of Destiny which Edward I. brought from Scotland, Is built Into the coronation chair at a height of nine inches from the ground. It is the oldest and most Interesting of all the many relics that will take part in the crowning of King Edward VII. Th# stone came to Scotland from Ireland. It was the Irish who gave it its name, Liasfall, or stone of destiny; ahd, according to Irish tradition, it was used at their national coronation chair ever since 700 B. C. It was supposed by them to be the identical stone on which Jacob rested his head during his vision at Bethel. Another legend is that this stone, when the rightful heir takes his seat, emits a loud musical note. The chair in which this stone is set shows traces of beautiful ornamentation, but at modern coronations It has always been covered with cloth of gold. The next In Importance of the instruments used in making a king is the golden eagle, which holds holy oil. It is seven inches In height and weighs 10 ounces. The original efigle came Into

THE CORONATION THRONE.

possession of Henry IV., then Duke of Lancaster, during a foreign war. It was destroyed by Cromwell, but has been renewed in sac-simile. With it Is the golden spur, or ampulla, which is adorned with four fine pearls in the handle. St. Edward’s crown, too, was stolen in 1642, but has also been renewed. This is used to place on the sovereign’s head. The crown of State, so called because It is worn by the king coming In state to the Parliament, is a much more valuable crown, the ruby in it being worth $50,000, and its total value put at $550,000. The stones are taken out of It on coronation day, fixed in collets, and pinned into the imperial crown. Queen Alexandra will not wear the crown worn by her lamented Majesty Queen Victoria, but the crown known as Queen Edgltha’s, called after the wife of Edward the Confessor, but made first for Catherine, consort of Charles 11., and, by order of King Edward VII., his consort will be spoken of in conversation and addressed personally. as Queen Alexandra, so that there may be no confusion of ideas as regards “the King” heing the ruler. The king's scepter is two feet nine inches in length, of solid gold, tipped with a six-leaved fleur-de-lis, a “vinound” which is a large amethyst, and a cross of jewels. The queen’s is like the king’s, but shorter. The scepter is placed in the king’s right hand during coronation, agd in his left hand he holds the golder virge, or rod, tipped with a dove. The queen consort’s is similar, but of Ivory. Four swords are used in the coronation of a British sovereign. First is the two-handed Sword of State, in its splendid scabbard of crimson,velvet; then comes the curious Curtana, the crosshilted pointless Sword of Mercy, borne naked before the king. The Sworqrof Spiritual Justice is blue pointed, vjjKh a 40-inch blade, and the Sword of riie Justice of Temporality is sharp, but otherwise similar to the latter two. The king’s and queen's rings, the great golden spurs, and the bracelets, also play an important part in coronation ceremonies. The sovereign himself must issue proclamation as to the date of his coronation and other particulars. Queen Victoria issued two, in the second of which she dispensed with the procession, “and with the services and attendance of all persons who by ancient custom or usage, or iu regnrd of their tenures of any manors, lands, or other hereditaments, do claim and are bound to do and perform any services at the time of tiie coronation.” Early In the morning of the day fixed for the ceremony, the Lord Chamberlain delivers to the king thj shirt prepared for the anointing, the neck and arms tied with rlblions. The king Is robed by the Lord High Chamberlain and the Chamberlain of Hie Household. The sovereign then goes to .Westminster, where all the peers, spiritual and temporal, assemble. A procession is formed Into the hall, where the king Is seated on the king’s bench. While thia yas being done. It nsed to lie customary for the dean and prebendaries of Westminster attended by the choir, to bring the regalia, then kept In tho Abbey, over tiie Hall. In any case, the crown Is brought and laid before the king, who thee signifies that the great pfocewion shall be formed.

HOW THEY HURT ’EM.

HARD BLOWS DEMOCRATS INFLICTED ON TRUSTS Party of the “Peepnl” Landed Very Violently on Corporate Wealth and Power When It Wat in Power—or Klee It Didn’t 1 Didn’t the Democrats hit the trusts hard when they weije in.power? Didn’t they hit the whisky trust when they extended the time for paying the ninety million dollars taxes due the government? Didn’t they lam it to the, sugar trust when they dallied with the tariff bill until the trust had scraped tlje earth for raw sugar and brought it In free under the McKinley bIU? Didn’t they sock It to the trusts again when they repeated the anti-trust provision of the McKinley bill which imposed a fine not exceeding $5,000 on persons convicted of entering into a trust, and then enacted an anti-trust law that prescribed no penalty against trusts, except among Importers, who are not organised and never have been? Don’t they make the trusts tremble when they assert that only the protective tariff fosters them, while it Is known that trusts are organized and flourish in free trade England? Qon’t they land another staggering blow, to the trust octopus when they threaten to bust It, when It is known that their national chairman, James K, Jones, belongs to one of the biggest trusts in America? Didn’t they hit the Ohio trusts hard when they denounced them in their platform in 1899 and thefl weut to Washington, D. C., and picked out the rankest monopolist and trust stock owner to run for Governor? Didn’t the New York Democracy present a fine spectacle as a trust fighter with a ringleader whole pack criminally connected with the American ice trust? Didn't Chairman Jones land another broadside into the octopus when he offered an amendment to the Porto Rican tariff bill to return the duties on sugar imported from that Island to the person from whom they were collected, which would have put over $600,000 back into the bands of the sugar trust? —Bridgeton (N. J.) Pioneer. Sarcantic Uncle Sam. I found Uncle Sam In a variety of moods this week. He had been reading a lot of clippings from the freetrade papers. “I don’t know whether to laugh or get mad,” he said, as he rather angrily threw the stuff one side. “I don’t suppose it does much harm, but I do get provoked sometimes at the free-trade trust and its organs. I don’t like to believe these folks are dishonest and malicious, and they can’t be ignorant. I wonder if they really want to get me into trouble again just as I am enjoying the best and most prosperous years of my existence. It does seem as if there were always a few folks who must eternally be stirring up things. It’s always been the way from the Nul--11 tiers to the Antis. No one knows what the Almighty made snakes and potato bugs and mosquitoes for. I suppose it’s so the millennium wouldn’t come too soon. These free-traders really ought to have a corner of the earth to themselves, where they couldl>e in hot water all the time. They evidently have no fear of the hereafter; it would be so in keeping with the temperature they like here. I‘would like to spend a few years in peace. There will be no need of general tariff changes for years. The Diugley law is working like a book, and I don’t want business disturbed for ten years at least. I rather guess It won’t be either, if Bryan has his way. ’Why, he is the best friend we have, when you tliluk it all over. If he only keeps the free-traders from coming into power, he ought to have a monument as high as Washington’s. That man is preserving the country, if you only look at it that way.” “You seem rather sarcastic. Uncle Sam,” I observed. “Nothing of the kind,” he replied. “That fellow Bryan Is a rank freetrader. He wanted the job of being my jnanager. I don’t blame him for that. It’s a worthy ambition for any man. But Bryan didn’t go about it right. He knew he couldn’t be elected on a free-trade issue, so he hollers for free silver. That didn’t work, and he then hollers anti-imperialism, whatever that is. And that didn’t work. Now the Democrats have found out their mistake and want to shelve him, and he threatens to break up the show. I’d make a pretty emperor, wouldn’t I? Gosh! Imagine me walking around with a crown upon my forehead. No! I’ll stick to the old tile. But these freetraders remember that the only Issue they’ve won in forty years is the tariff, and they think they can work the stuff over in new form and dish it up. But the people got 90 nauseated with It the last time they ate it that they don’t want to even taste it now. If the truth were known the cooks themselves don’t want to eat their own broth. I don’t blame ’em, either. It’s pretty thin stuff for these times.” “What do you attribute ns their motive or reason?” I asked. “No motive, no reason; pure cussedness. It’s been in the race since the garden of Eden, and I guess we’ll always have the varmints with ps. Some of ’em good men, too. Fact is, they're too good for this earth; can almost see wings sprouting on some of ’em," and the old man walked away with a half* concealed leok of contempt on his usually good-natured face. No Note of Deopalr. One fact In connection with the recent drought must bare struck even the most casual observer of passing event*. In all the accounts that have come from tbs West of crops burned up and ex-

pectations disappointed ihere has been no note of despair. No fact indicates the great advance the country has made during the past five years more than this does. Let any one imagine, If he can, the result of such a drought as that just ended coming in 1895. The country was then laboring under the disasters brought on by Grover Cleveland’s low tariff policy. The production of manufactures had been cut down in every direction. and in some instances it had ceased entirely. If a long-continued and widespread drought had occurred in the summer of 1895 the loss and suffering entailed would have been almost incalculable. It would have needed years to recover from it. ‘ Now, thanks to five years of protection, the country is rich. If has a large reserve force which it can draw upon in case of need. Consequently the loss In crops by the recent drought will not mean a reduction to poverty as It would have done in 1895, but only a reduction of the expected deposit in the savings bank by the farmer and the workingman. This can be borne without complaint. And that is why there Is no note of despair in Western comment on the drought.—Philadelphia Press. stalwart Hepnblicaniam. The work of the lowa State convention must be viewed with satisfaction by loyal and thinking Republicans all over the nation. It nominate! strong and clean men for the various State offices. Its platform is a clear-cut, progressive statement of Republican principles. The convention justly congratulated Congress upon its currency legislation and upon its dealings with Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines. “The policy of this government toward the islands,” it said, “has followed inevitably upon our expulsion of the authority of Spain. It has been dictated by the conditions present, has been consistent with the spirit of the constitution, and the paramount consideration has been to secure the lasting welfare of these peoples whose fortunes and destinies have become in a large degree dependent upon us.” The convention indorsed the policy of protection as the foundation of our industrial and financial independence, but it also recognized that that policy is a practical one whose applications must change with circumstances, and Indorsed “the policy of reciprocity as the natural complement of protection, and urge its development as necessary to the realization of our highest commercial possibilities.” In its declarations concerning so-call-ed “trusts” the conventioir recognized them as useful instruments for the nation’s Industrial advancement, but asserted, “the right residing in the people to enforce such regulations as will protect the Individual and society from abuse of the power which great combinations of capital wield.” No thinking observer of Industrial progress could ask for more. None interested in combinations can find the lowa attitude unfair or oppressive. The lowa convention has spoken clearly, fairly, and worthily of a great Republican State. While the contest for the various nominations was keen, it was without rancor. The lowa Republicans have preserved their old and commendable habit of doing all their fighting before the nominations. Uinted and harmonious, ably led, advocating principles that appeal to every loyal and fair-minded American, the Republican party in lowa enters upon the campaign with the best prospects. —Chicago Inter Ocean. Carpet* and the Tariff. In the natural course of events the tariff schedules- will from time to time need modifying. But those who profess to believe that the modification should-consist in a complete elimination of the protective principle should take note of testimony given before the United States Industrial Commission in New York the other day, when the following facts were shown: In 1870, 90 per cent of the carpets used in the United States was Imported. At the present time 90 per cent is made at home, and the value of the American output Is $75,000,000 annually. Every housekeeper knows that since the home Industry was established carpets have Improved in quality and faJUeu in prices, while at the same time a great wage-distributing enterprise lins been established. There is nothing in these’ facts that should cause carpet buyers, or owners of carpet factories, or workers therein, to look with flavor on propositions to take protection out of the tariff.—Rochester Democrat and Chronicle. A Pronperlty Hllhonette.

WanteJ—A Psnlc. ' It is enough Jo say of the Ohio Demo* oratlc platform that It favors “the abolition of the so-caJled protective system and the substitution In, Its place of the traditional Democratic policy of a tariff for revenue,” The people have not forgotten the Wilson-Gorman tariff and Its period of calamity.—St. Louis Globe-Democrat.