Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 22, Number 10, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 October 1900 — Page 8

DEMOCRATIC RECORD ON THE TRUST QUESTION.

Every Line of Legislation Now on Our Statute Books Was Placed There by the Republicans, and the Democrats Voted Against a Constitutional Amendment to Them Only Four Months Ago. How the Democratic National Chairman Tried to Help the Sugar Trust—Facts from the Congressional Record. * Every liue of legislation now on the statute bouks of the United States directed against trusts and unlawful trade combinations was placed there by the Republicans. .. * That there is not more stringent la w against them is the fault of the Democratic party. 1 The last occasion on wliijfh the parties, as represented in .Congress, went on record on the trust question was on June 1. 1900. •> On that day a final vote was taken oil a constitutional amendment to grant Congress power to "define, regulate, prohibit and dissolve trusts, monopolies and combinations, whether existing in the form of corporations or otherwise.’’ It requires a two-thirds vote of Congress to submit a constitutional amendment to the State Legislatures for ratification. The question to so submit it was lost by a vote of 154 yeas to 132 nays. OF THE YEAS 149 WERE REPUBLICANS AND ONLY 5 WERE DEMOCRATS. The five were Campbell of Montana. Napben and Taylor of Massachusetts, Scudder of New York and Sibley of Pennsylvania. OF THE 132 NAYS, ONL<Y TWO WERE REPUBLICANS, Lour and Me- . Call. 1 ___ Riehardsou, Lentz, Sulzer, Ruppert, Salmon and all the other professional “trust killers'" voted NAY. They declined to give Congress the power to grapple with the Trusts. The Democrats indulged in spasms o*f virtue for two days, denouncing the trusts, and then voted to continue them. In one of Mr. Bryan’s recent speeches he gave the Republican remedy as ths final one be would adopt, in case be was elected and all other means failed. In other words, Mr. Bryan admits the value of the Republican idea, but wants to try other measures first. He has not said what those measures are to be. Some trusts operate all over the country; others, like the New York Ice Trust, operate in a single city. The requisite power to reach each and all and bring them within the Federal law, WAS DENTED BY A MARGIN OF 30 VOTES, ALL DEMOCRATIC. Denouncing is one thing. Doing is another. Mr. Bryan’s trust denunciations, in view of his party’s record, promise no better than the prophecies he made four years ago; and as a prophet Mr. Bryan has not succeeded. Senator Jones and the Sugar Trust. The Democrats made another brilliant pro-trust record during the same session of Congress Representative Richardson of Tennessee, Democrat, tried to assist the Sugar Trust by offering a joint resolution to admit Cuban and Porto Rican sugar free of duty. The remission of that duty would have amounted to about $25,000,000 a year, and the Sugar Trust would have benefited to the amount of at least $15,000,000 per year. The controller of the Sugar Trust is Mr. Henry O. Havemeyer, Democrat. Mr. Richardson’s proposed gift to his friend Mr. Havermeyer was smothered in the Ways and' Means Committee of the House. This was done by the Republican members of the committee. It was also proposed by Senator Jones, Democratic national chairman and Mi-. Bryan’s manager, to return the duties paid on Porto Rican sugar and molasses, not to the Porto Ricans, but to the persons who paid these duties. This amounted at the time to $1,487,866. Had the scheme succeeded, the American Sugar Refining Company and A. S. Lasalles & Co., a part of the same concern, would have benefited by a direct gift of $1,250,774. This is the first instance on record where a direct gift was intended to be made to a trust, and the Democratic manager, Senator James K. Jones, wished to make it. This was also prevented by the Republicans. The money was not to be returned to the Porto Ricans, as the duties paid now are, but to the Sugar Trust. All the facts are printed in the Congressional Record and are a part of American history.

“DEAR BOY ” LETTERS. NO. 9.

My Dear Boy: You say that you are tired of working for old mau Skinner, and are thiuking of going West this fall, where wages are higher. You ask what I think about it. Well, 1 have no objection to your going West, but 1' don’t want jou to go till after the election. This is the first time in your life that you ever had an opportunity to exercise your right as an American citizen in voting for a President of the United States. 1 don’t want you to lose your vote for the following reasons: 1. The only possible chance of the election of Bryan comes from the over-confi-rfence of Republicans. It makes me sad to hear a man say, “Oh, McKinley is going to be elected, anyhow. There'is no danger. I have arrangements made to be in California in November, but you won’t ueed my vote.” Especially do I regret to hear talk of this kind among some ■of the railroad men. If any class of men ought to come up unanimously to the support of McKinley and the Republicau party, that class is composed of the railroad men of this country. Four years ago there were thousands of cars sidetracked, no building and bui little repairing going on, and general stagnation in the railroad business. Now new roads, new roadbeds, new cars, the roads crowded with trains, full lime and better |iav bless the railroad men of this country. And it vexes me to hear a railroad man say, "I would have to lay oil' a day to vote, aud I guess I’ll not do that. There will be plenty to elect McKinley without me." Well, if by any possibility .McKinley should be defeated, just such men as that will have themselves to blame. 2. No American voter has any right to . stay away from the polls or to lose his vote if it cau possibly be avoided. My son, you are one of the sovereigns of the United States, and you have no more right to neglect the duties pertaining to your high calling thau the Emperor of Ijermany has to neglect the government of that mighty empire. To vote is a matter of inestimable privilege, and also a matter of earnest, conscientious duty. Two years ago you enlisted to fight for your country as a soldier, but the surgeon turned you down and would not let you go. I sympathized with you in the bitterness of your disappointment. I knew that love of country led you to ■ enlist, ami 1' was proud because you wanted to go. And 1 think that the surgeon was a little over-particular. You would have made a good soldier. But I want you tsr realize that you serve your country as truly when yon east an honeat ballot as if you wefe a soldier in the

field. Perhaps you can do more good with the ballot than you could with the gun. Your country did not seem to need you as a soldier, but your country does need you in the realm of citizenship. 3. No matter how long you may live, you will never have au opportunity to vote for better men than this year. We have-a magnificent ticket. McKinley and Rooseveltl What a superb combination! They are both statesmen and both heroes, one of the great Civil War and one of the war for the deliverance of Cuby. McKinley. steady, earnest, thoughtful, calm, kind and faithful; Roosevelt, impetuous but efficient, brave and dashing, with both moral and physical courage. Was there ever a better ticket or one which more thoroughly commands the respect, the confidence and the affection of the American people? If you don’t stay and vote you will be sorry for it twenty years from now. Make some sacrifice for your country’s sake. Oh. my boy. you must not go until the election is over. And when in November the ballots fall "As snowflakes fall upon the sod. And execute the freeman's will. As lightning does the will of God,” Cast your vote and then sleep sweetly that night, with a sense of duty faithfully done. YOUR FATHER. '

The Foolish Calf.

When Senator Hanna spoke at Youngstown, Ohio, recently, he told a story of a calf that left its mother to run after a steer. Secretary Heath has taken up this idea and developed it into a campaign poster which very artistically depicts Senator Hanna's idea. The calf is seen chasing the steer in the distance; the cow is in the foreground sauntering quietly home, while the hoy stands with uplifted fist shaking it at the calf, saying. "You little fool, you little fool, you d d fool, you’ll he sorry when supper time comes.” The picture is entitled "The Foolish Calf, or a Lesson to Labor,’’ and standing by a fence in front of a cottage are a farmer and a woman, the man with a full dinner pail in his hand. This poster is sure to catch on and in likely to be a good vote getter. When Senator Hanna arrived in Chicago this week it was shown to him and surprised him. He had no idea that Mr Hpsth had been developing bis story.

Germany’s Need of Expansion.

The vital need of Germany is the extension of its market- Bismarck uw that the surest way of accomplishing this was through “expansion.” Hence Germany’s aggressive “colonial policy,” which has already given it New Guinea, several slices of Africa, part of Samoa, the Solomon group, Kiao Chau in China; made it eager to get the Philippines, if it could; and caused it to pay Spain a big price for the Caroline Islands, which the United States left vn that country by the treaty of Paris.

“It Sort o’ Looks as if I’d Have to Expand.”

PERKINS.

CALIFORNIA SENATOR OR OUR EXPANSION. Astounding Growth of the Trans* Pacific Trade. Reasons Why the Pacific Coast Will Cast Its Electoral Votes for McKinley and Roosevelt. (By George C. “Perkins, United States Senator from California.) No portion of the country is more immediately concerned in sustaining the expansion policy of President McKinley than the States of the Pacific coast. While the South produces the cotton which is being shipped in such enormous quantities to the orient, while other sections are sending manufactures of every description, the coast is sending across the Pacific its own flour, fruits and manufactures. Besides this, we are handling the ships in which the exporting is done. Our own manufactures have ranged from mining and other machinery to a completed five thousand ton steel man-of-war for the Japanese government. Every line of industry has benefited and we expect by the establishment of closer commercial relations to increase both our population and prosperity. The Pacific coast has long been on the edge of the country. To-day it is the center of the American transpacific trade. We have reached out beyond for business. We can control the trade of the Pacific. That is why we are all expansionists. The growth of the transpacific trade is a matter of very recent years. Not more than ten years ago the Canadian Pacific Company established its first line of transpacific steamships. Prior to that there were six steamers plying from San Francisco in the Japan and China line. They brought from the orient tea, matting. silk, rice and the endless lihe of articles that are imported from Japanand China. They carried back silver in the form of Mexican dollars and bullion, some provisions, and flour which was taken along for ballast as well as to till up the cargoes. The establishment of the Canadian line—primarily for military pui-poses and secondarily for traffic, threw a good many San Franciscans into mourning. To them, they thought, the end had come. Sau Francisco was to lose its Asiatic business. Theu followed in rapid succession the establishment of uew Hues from Portland, the Puget sound ports and §an Diego. Our merchants awoke. Instead of six steamers plying from San Francisco the number has lteeu added to. The demand now is for larger boats and better, boats, and the trade from the Pacific slope is many times wbat it once was. The incoming cargoes are much what they formerly were, but the exports include "every conceivable article of American produce and mam^teture —cotton goods, electrical goods, Incycles, cotton literally by the trainload, alcohol by the trainload for use in the manufacture of smokeless powder in Japan, agricultural implements, canned fruits, canned vegetables, canued meats, almost everything that the mind can conceive. And the demand on the steamship companies is always for room and then for more room. What is true of the Asiatic trade is equally true of the Australian. The Oceauic Steamship Company is about to add three 0.O(H)-ton vessels to its fleet and to begin steamer connection with Tahiti. I am assured that the available freight carrying facilities of the Australian steamers are engaged for montha ahead. These are the material evidences of trade expansion. The sentiment of this Pacific coast is overwhelmingly in favor of closer business relations with the orient. We do not favor giving up the Hawaiian Islands, which have been developed by California capital; we do not favor Mr. Bryan's policy of surrendering the Philippines.

GEORGE C. PERKINS.

San Francisco. Cal.

Poll on the Illinois Central.

On an Illinois Central train a few days ago a poll of voters was taken before the train reached Chicago, with the following result For McKinley 215 For Bryan j() Total voters on the train 235

BLUM.

6ERMAN AMERICAN FOR COLD STANDARD. Is the Paramount Issue of the Present Campaign. Bryan’s Bogies, Imperialism and Mill* tarism Cut No Figure with the German-Born Voters. (An Interview with August Blum.) Mr. August Blum, cashier of the First National Bank of Chicago, intends to vote for the re-election of President McKinley. Mr. Blum is one of the best representatives in Chicago of the type of Germans who have gained, in this country, the respect of fellow American citizens, for integrity, industry and ability. He was cashier of the Union National Bank; but after the recent absorption of that institution by the First National, he was made cashier of the First National. He is generally recognized throughout the West as a leading banking authority, one whose judgment in connection with the various complex questions that come before every banker is almost infallibly correct. In politics he is a Democrat, and was always a prominent supporter of Grover Cleveland. The following are questions put to Mr. Blum, and the replies he gave: Q. Would the election of Bryan benefit the business interests of Chicago, of the whole United States, and the GermanAmerican citizens particularly? A. The election of Mr. Bryan would, in my opinibn, be a great misfortune to this country, and therefore to Chicago, and therefore to German-Americans and to every other kind of Americans. American citizens of German birth are not a class by themselves. Q. What, in your opinion, is the paramount issue of this campaign? A. The paramount issue is that which is in the people’s minds, uot in the party platform nor in the speeches of leaders necessarily. There is one thing in which we are all vitally concerned, and that is the inviolability of the country’s standard of value. For a quarter of a century we have battled for it. At the last moment to surrender to the enemy would be the height of folly. I know of no other issue comparable to this one in importance. Talk of imperialism is disingenuous. Much as we may differ about the desirability of the Philippines as a colony, we occupy them now and largely through the help of Mj\ Bryan. The thing is done. Q. What do you think of Bryan’s statement about the recent German loan? A. It is very difficult to follow the tortuous road of Mr. Bryan’s utterances. Four years ago I tried persistently to understand his utterances about the standard of value, but I gave it up at last in despair. To construe our ability to absorb a foreigu loau, as evidence of bad times, is decidedly Bryanesque. We could uot loan money to foreign governments if we were not in a prosperous condition. When Mr. Brvan undertakes to prove the. contrary it may give him pleasure. but it will not convince any one. Q. Do you think that this country has I prospered during the last four years as a result of Republican policies? A. Yes; the country has prospered during the last four years. The best, in my opinion, that can be legitimately said of! the policy of any party is that it does j not stand in the way of normal business ■ development which would mean prosper- ' ity. That can be >aid "f the Republican party. During the ia-t four years free , play has been given to industry, frugality i and to the natural productiveness of the country. There !ia* been no attempt at i interference by tampering with the stand- ] ard of value, which would have meant j destruction of prosperity. Q. p,> y,ui think Bryan is a safe, solid, j wise enough man to be President? A. I answer this with a most emphatic j NO. q; How do von tliiuK Geriuan-Ameri-cans. as a class, will vote in the pre-i- j dential election this fall.' A. They will vote according to the die- I tates of their conscience. I have too much confidence in the good sense of my conn- j Irymen to be doqbtfnl as to the outcome. ;

REMEMBER! The Party iDemocrstici stands where it did is IB#6 on the Money Vocation. —W. J. Bryan. Zanesville, 0.. Kept, 4.

HOW SHALL I VOTE THIS FALL? ] Am 1 a Republican, Democrat or Populist? t Let me reason with myself and yon. Suppose for a moment lam a farmer and I own or rent land, ♦ j Five years ago I farmed 160 acres out west. Times were bad, crops Z were poor, my wheat brought ouly 40 cents a bushel at the farm * ’ and my corn only fH cents. It was cheaper to barn corn In the < , stove than to buy wooil or coal. I saved enough wheat for seed and < ’ - sold the rest, but didn’t get enough to pay tbe storekeeper what 1 J [ owed him. and could et no rfmre credit. 1 owed a big payment on < ► my farm in ciiiiicry. Thank heaven, the agent of the Harvester Company exiended the time on my note for another year. That < > saved my home and the lives of myself and family. j J That was under Cleveland’s Democratic Administration. < > Four years ago McKinley was nominated for President. It was ] [ a happy orneu for the tillers of the soil all over the country. i * In 1800 my crops were good. My wheat and corn, cattle and J | hogs brought good prices. < > 1 paid off the storekeeper, settled with the Harvester Company, J J took up the mortgage on the homestead and commenced to live. Another year and three more years have gone by. and I atn still J ) prosperous. So prosperous, In fact, that I have almost forgotten <> the hard times before William McKinley came te be President of J J the greatest Republic in the world. But I have net forgotten that < • I have a piano in t.ie bouse, that two boys have been fitted for col- ] | lege, that ray wife and daughters are well dressed, and that the old « > man blmself is taking life mighty easy. J J Prosperity has increased the size or my waistband, and 1 guess < > lam Just good enough Republican to vote once more for Major J | McKinley. .... _ ■ WHAT SAY. YOU ?

SHOUP.

MOUNTAIN STATES TURN TO M’KIHLEY. Prosperity the Cause of the Welcome Change. No One Fears “Imperialism,” While All , Are Proud of the Records Made by the Army and Navy. (By George L. Shoup, United States Senator from Idaho.) There are many reasons which impel the voters of the mountain States to support the nominees and the policy of the Republican Party this fall. One word more than any other explains the position of our people in this support and that word is confidence. The record of the Republican party is a record of fulfilled promises. The first act of the party after its return to power was the enactment of the Dingley tariff law, which again placed us on a protection basis. Take for example the benefits which have accrued to my own State, Idaho. Among our principal industries are mining, cattle and sheep growing and farming. The great lead mines of the State are working every man possible at wages of $3.50 per day of eight hours. During the three years of President McKinley’s administration the value of the lead produced in the State was $14,114,005, while during the last three years of President Cleveland’s administration the total value was only $7,800,151. Our sheep have advanced in price from $1.15 to $2.50 per head, a gain to the people of the State of over three million dollars in the value of the sheep alone. In the year 1896 the wool clip of Idaho was valued at $442,685, while for the year 1900 it is estimated that it will bring to the wool growers of the State $2,326.000. A very conservative estimate of the number of cattle in the State is 500,000. They have increased in value on an average of sls per head, making the* cattlemen at least seven and one-half million dollars richer than they were three years ago. The increase in the price of horses of $lO per head has also added between one and two million dollars to fbe wealth of the State. The voters of this State and of the other mountain Stales are not blind to these facts, and on election day they will give earnest evidence of their confidence in the party whose policy has so enriched and prospered them. We of the West are proud of the achievements of our army and navy in the war with Spain. The patriotic position of the Republican party in declaring for the retention of the territory so gallantly won from Spain appeals to our people. They do not fear "imperialism," for we have never met an American who was an imperialist. I am in receipt of letters from many men who have never voted anything but a Democratic ticket, but who will vote for McKinley and Roosevelt on this issue alone. You can count on the electoral vote of Washington. Oregon. Idaho. Utah, Wyoming and .perhaps Montana and Colorado for McKinley and prosperity. GEO. L. SHOUP. Boise. Idaho. Sept. 23. 1900. ,

PACIFIC COAST PROSPERITY

The Pacific coast litis iiad a full measure of prosperity in the past four years and tlie calamity cry raised by the Bryanites only exrites ridicule. The leading Bryan paper of the coast is the San { Francisco Examiner, which is under the same control as the New York Journal and the Chicago American Its “Want" columns show that the wage earners there have plenty of call • for their services. On Sept. 1. the Examiner's “Help Wanted” columns had advertisements for the following: HELP WANTED. Male 2.554 Female »... 351 Total 2.805 On Sept. 21 the same paper had advertisements railing for the following: Male help 2.001 Female help .106 Total 3.427 Prosperity has visited the coast id earn-

HEWITT.

EX-MAYOR SQUARELY FOR REPUBLICANS. Supreme Court Would Nullify Any Imperialistic Ideas. Every True Democrat Can Take No Other Course Except to Vote the Republican Ticket (By Abram S. Hewitt of New York, fog merly Mayor and Member of Congress.) The political situation at this time iaof a very different character from that which presented itself four years ago. A*that time it seemed possible to maintain a distinct Democratic organization, baaetl upon the fundamental principles enunciated by Jefferson, and which had continued to govern the party in all previous presidential elections. The recent convention held at Kansas City has, however, rendered all such expectations hopeless. The party which calls itself Democratic is in reality Populistic, and based upon doctrines which, if carried into effect, would produce political anarchy. You ask whether I believe in the coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. You might as well ask me whether I believed that an ounce should be made to pass for a pound in the ordinary transactions of commerce. The ratio is a false ratio. The value of silver measnred by gold is, as every one knows, not 16 to 1, but 32 to 1. The proposition of the platform therefore is to declare that fifty cents shall by law be made equal to one dollar. You ask me whether the present administration is likely to establish an imperialistic. form of government over this conntry or in its new possessions. I answer that the Constitution of the United States is too strongly intrenched in the affections of the people to permit its possible violation by the administration. and that if such an attempt were made, the Supreme Court of the United States will surely interpret the Constitution in the spirit of its founders and for the preservation of the constitutional government, to which we owe our stability and our prosperity. You ask whether a Democrat, by voting for McKinley and Roosevelt, could lie considered false to the interests of Democracy. 1’ answer that I do not see" how a Democrat who is true to the interests , of Democracy can in the present exigency j take any other eonrse than to vote tory the Republican ticket. 1 propose myself so to vote, and I do this because I am a Democrat who feels that Bryanism and all that it stands for itrdiametrically opposed to the principles of the Democratic party, as they were enunciated by Jefferson and as they have been construed by all the great men who have led the Democratic party up to the time of the holding of the unhappy convention of 1*96, when the old organization was broken up. It. is certainly a lesser evil to eonrinne the government in the hands of the Republican party for the next four years than to encounter the perils which would confront us in case Bryan and his followers should have the opportunity patting in practice the insane policy t® which they are committed.

ABRAM S. HEWITT.

EUROPE FOR RRYAN. Americana will be pleased to leant that the French press has followed the lead of I,ondon Truth, and la solid for Bryan. Henri Rochefort, editor of l/lntransigeam. declared editorially on September 2lllh that if Mr. Bryan be elected the expanslon policy of Mr. McKinley will be struck from American politics low years to come. I.ihre Psrole goes further, saying : “ Tbe results in the elections In the - United states on the Oth of November Interest our future destiny. It i« for us that Bryan is Wurktas. Mi >e a criminal by Imperialism, McKinley conspires against France.” All true Americans should not* that Bryan Is wort.tng for the Interests of Europe—not «>r tbe United States.