Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 22, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 October 1900 — HANNA ANALYZEZ BRYAN'S ACCEPTANCE. [ARTICLE]

HANNA ANALYZEZ BRYAN'S ACCEPTANCE.

The Democratic Leader Again Switches His Issue. Bryan and Bryaolsm Punctured at aa Enthusiastic Meeting Held at the Coomerclal McKinley Club in Chicago.

Three thousand people tried to crowd into the quarters of the McKinley Commercial Club in Chicago, Sept. 18, to see and hear Senator Hanna. On that occasion Senator Hanna made the following speech: ' I take for my text Mr. Bryan’s viewa «n the minor issues of the campaign as =*et forth in his letter of acceptance published to-day. * Just before the Democratic convention at Kansas City many pit. primages were made to Lincoln. Neb., by Democratic missionaries at the urgent call of Mr. Bryan. This was for the purpose of putting Bryan’s pet scheme of free silver in the platform. Bat, if you remember correctly, that issue was only placed in the platform by a majority of one vote of the committee. Now Bryan has relegated the silver issue . to the rear, and brings cast imperialism as the chief issue. Bryau gained this issue when the treaty was made with Spain m -which the Philippine Islands "were purchased. He went to Washington and by tiis own influence forced certain Democratic Senators to adopt the treaty, in order that the Democratic party might fight against it iu the coming campaign. That proves that Bryan has not the courage to stand by his own convictions. . Bryan’s letter speaks of trusts. Yet he does not mention the ice trust or the cotton bale trust. In the latter Senator Jones is heavily interested. Every one knows the story Of the ice trust. As Bryan declares that the trust is one of the main issues of this campaign. I can may that we are ready to meet him on that proposition as well as on any other. Hanna’s Relations with Labor. Bryan also makes much ado concerning the conflict between capital and organized labor. For myself, I have this to say: I was the first man in Ohio to rec--ognize organized labor. It was in 1871, when I was in the coal business in Cleveland, Ohio. John Seaney and John James, President and Secretary of the first bituminous coal miners’ organization in the United States, called upon me and stated ■that the miners had organized into a ■union. As I was a leading coal operator, the two gentlemen urged me to use my influence in organizing the operators. That was my first experience with a trust. I organized the operators in the district in which I was interested, and during my •entire experience there we never had a -strike or trouble of any kind. I want to make this statement here, •once and for all, in reply to all these charges and insinuations with reference -to my aspect toward labor: If any man in the United States of America can String into my presence a man who has •over worked for ine and truthfully state Jind substantiate that I have refused to ■meet at any time and anywhere any man in my employ, that I have ever intentionally done any man a harm, that I have •over insisted on lowering wages to any man who works for me, or who can truthfully say that I have done evil to him, I will resign from the United States Senate to-morrow. (Great applause.) I made the proposition in 1897 I have found no ■takers, and it is still open. (Laughter and applause.) Republican Party Against Trusts. Now, then, about this trust question, a few words more. I would like to have Mr. Bryan or any other Democrat tell me what a trust is. I don’t believe there is .a trust in the United States, for every State law and national law will destroy . any trust that comes within its jurisdiction; and the only laws. State and national, that have ever been put upon statute books were enacted by the Republican party. (A voice—Never enforced.) Yes, they are enforced. (Voices—Put him out.) No. dou’t put him out. I don’t want to put anybody out. (A voice—He is a good Democrat; he shoots iu the rear.) We have no objections to the Democratic party being opposed to trusts, but they have got uo patent on it. (Laughter.) Bryan’s Policy for Philippines. Now, then, one word more with reference to the position of Mr. Bryan upon this Philippine question—and it has been so thoroughly exploded that I won’t mention it except iu passing. I recited to you the part that he took iu the execui tion of that treaty, and the authority that he used with his party to ratify the treaty, and I think I have convinced a great many of my hearers that his purpose and motive was not patriotic. He tells the people of the United States what he will do if he is elected President of the United States. His first act would be to haul down tlie American flag iu the Philippines. (A voice; "He uever could do it.”) Then he would establish a stable government—he doesn't say republican government—and probably put Aguinaldo at the head of it. Then he said that lie would establish a protectorate by the United States, pull down the American flag, withdraw our soldiers from the soil.- \ and leave our buried dead there under the supervision of Aguinaldo, renounce every vestige of power, which has coinc to us legally aud lawfully, and then establish a protectorate —which means whatV It means that the government of the United States would be obliged to protect ♦he government of Aguinaldo from all foreign foes and interference. And what ■would be the result? Judging the future by the past, the next actions of would be such as to ahock the civilised world; and, if for no other reason, the nations would interfere in the interests of humanity as we did in Cuba. But if for selfish reasons any European people should make up their minds that they wanted a foothold in that archipelago, and propose to take it, what would be the duty of the United States government under Mr. Bryan's ideas? We #ould have to say. “No, handa off.” f ent of Intellectual Acrobat. Mr. Bryan has performed a wonderful feat, aft acrobat isn't in it, when he con-

veys the Monroe doctrine to Asiatic waters. Whoever heard of such a thing? The Monroe doctrine is founded purely and simply on the determination on the part of the government of the United States that no foreign country should interfere in the westeni hemisphere. Mr. Bryan would do what? Spread it all over the world and we would stand behind and defend it. What do ybu call that if it isn’t imperialism? As a result of that procedure we would find ourselves involved in all kinds of foreign wars. (A voice—That is right.) That is true—and yet Mr. Bryan is for peace. He was for peace when he resigned from the army and he has been for peace eyer since. I am for peace. I’m a Quaker. lam for peace, but not peace at any price. I am not for peace, and I know that the majority of the people of this country are not for peace, with that brigand Aguinaldo as long as he is hiding in the bushes and shooting down from ambush our boys in blue. (Applause.) Bryan Switches Issues. But Mr. Bryan has already been driven from his Position on imperialism. He knows now what many of us knew in the beginning—that it was only one rooster that he was going to put in the pit, and he would fight it as long as he could. Now he has got his last gamecock, Trust, WTSft ’goes into the pit for the next thirty days, and the Republican party will be prepared to meet him on all such questions, and if I had the time ami voieq and opportunity I would like to speak to every laboring man in the United States upon that question; because iu warning the laboring people of this country against this huge monster, the trusts, in the same breath he says that the Diugley bill ;s the incubator of trusts.

Now, we are getting to know where we stand with the laboring people when we come to the tariff, and we won’t allow him to evade the issue that he has made on the bald proposition that the protective tariff principle goes hand iu hand with trusts. We keep the protective tariff principle there and we will furnish our own definition for trusts. I say we are at home on that proposition because we have at the head of our national ticket that great advocate of protection, William McKinley; because in hint we have The best friend of the United States: and there isn’t a laboring man in the, city of Chicago, Or in the State of Illinois, or in the United States, who knows anything about public affairs, who knows anything about the career of President McKinley, that does not know from actual proof the fact that during his whole public life he is the only man that the workingmen of this country always felt at liberty to call upon to support their interests, and he uever failed them. And he is just as much their friend to-day as he was fifteen years ago.

Bryan and the Laboring Men. And now let me ask what has W. J. Bryan done for the workingmen of this country? (A voice: “Nothing.” Another voice: “Yes, he charged us half a dollar to hear him talk.”) Not a thing. Came near saying damn. Not a thing. His career in public life is available to every man. His short service was marked aud made conspicuous by his opposition to the tariff bill. And what has he done since to show any particular interest in the working people of this country ? He tells them what he would do. He is prolific in promises, rosy in painting the picture as to what would be the result of his administration, but I charge you, workingmen, turn away from that picture aud look upon the other; and the other is McKinley. Do not let us take any promise from any candidate or any man whose whole record has shown thut his overawing ambition is to be President of the United States. He will ride any issue, he will climb on to any platform that is made for him. he will preach any doctrine, he will even abuse me to be President of’ the United States. Most Important Issues.

Now, bringing these issues home 'to e ;c!i and every individual, I want to bring them there because I expect and I know that every man who goes to the polls on election day having heard the arguments in the case, having considered how the decision of these issues will bear upon his persoual interests and those ot' his family, will cast that ballot intelligently in his own interest and not in Mr. Bryan's. Biit there is a further responsibility which comes to every man and to every woman who can influence a man. I say that the importance of the issuein this campaign at this time and tmdei these conditions is greater than ever before iu the history of our country. I suj so because I believe it. because I know that any reversing of the present poliej of the administration of this govJI-nmeut. any change in that administration, would bring about a condition of tilings in the business and industrial interests of this country that would dwarf the flood and storm at Galveston it would mean a hurricane that would carry before it every interest, it would be a flood that would ingulf the property and the material interests of every man, wonUftJ and child that enjoys the present prosperity.

Where Interests Are. There is no question where your interest is. because every year,' every month, and every day of the administration of William McKinley has been an object lesson. Every man who has an insurance on his life for the benefit of his family, every man who has his deposits in a savings bank or a loan association where he has gathered together perhaps the savings of a lifetime*, where he believes it i* safe, and it is. although that money that he deposits in a savings bank is not there for they don’t keep the money in their vaults. What do they do with it? Thej I invest it iu securities, in bonds and mortgages.- satisfying themselves that the property behind those securities is perfectly good for the loan made —and it is under all norma! conditions. But sup posing that Mr. Bryan should be elected —God forbid. (A voice—Amen:) Supposing he should be. Remember 1893. , Immediately capital is withdrawn from the avenues of business panic seizes and dethrones confidence and we find a condition of things that sends values down the toboggan slide until they ure cut in two and quartered; and the property that is represented by the securities in the vaults' of these banks covering your deposit is reduced in value. That is your property. It doesn’t belong to the savings bank or the life insurance company. It is yours, you have put it in their custody for safekeeping.‘They are doing their duty. They, have builded vaults of deposit secure against the burglar and the thief, they have employed men of integrity and ability to Invest your money and protect your interests, and therefore I say they have done their duty.

Alt to Work far McKinley. Now you do yours. Do yours by not .only depositing yonr vote for McKinley, but get as many of your neighbors who are undecided upon these questions, perhaps for want of knowledge, as yon can, to vote as you do; make it your business to secure one more vote for the President of the United States, and that small effort will put us on a perfectly safe basis. Won’t you do that much for yonr family? Won’t you d 6 that much for the national good? Haven’t you pride enough to do that much for the national honor, integrity, and the flag? (Voices: “Yes, yes.”) Alt right, then do it. Good-by.