Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 22, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 October 1900 — Page 8

HANNA ANALYZEZ BRYAN'S ACCEPTANCE.

The Democratic Leader Again Switches His Issue. Bryan and Bryaolsm Punctured at aa Enthusiastic Meeting Held at the Coomerclal McKinley Club in Chicago.

Three thousand people tried to crowd into the quarters of the McKinley Commercial Club in Chicago, Sept. 18, to see and hear Senator Hanna. On that occasion Senator Hanna made the following speech: ' I take for my text Mr. Bryan’s viewa «n the minor issues of the campaign as =*et forth in his letter of acceptance published to-day. * Just before the Democratic convention at Kansas City many pit. primages were made to Lincoln. Neb., by Democratic missionaries at the urgent call of Mr. Bryan. This was for the purpose of putting Bryan’s pet scheme of free silver in the platform. Bat, if you remember correctly, that issue was only placed in the platform by a majority of one vote of the committee. Now Bryan has relegated the silver issue . to the rear, and brings cast imperialism as the chief issue. Bryau gained this issue when the treaty was made with Spain m -which the Philippine Islands "were purchased. He went to Washington and by tiis own influence forced certain Democratic Senators to adopt the treaty, in order that the Democratic party might fight against it iu the coming campaign. That proves that Bryan has not the courage to stand by his own convictions. . Bryan’s letter speaks of trusts. Yet he does not mention the ice trust or the cotton bale trust. In the latter Senator Jones is heavily interested. Every one knows the story Of the ice trust. As Bryan declares that the trust is one of the main issues of this campaign. I can may that we are ready to meet him on that proposition as well as on any other. Hanna’s Relations with Labor. Bryan also makes much ado concerning the conflict between capital and organized labor. For myself, I have this to say: I was the first man in Ohio to rec--ognize organized labor. It was in 1871, when I was in the coal business in Cleveland, Ohio. John Seaney and John James, President and Secretary of the first bituminous coal miners’ organization in the United States, called upon me and stated ■that the miners had organized into a ■union. As I was a leading coal operator, the two gentlemen urged me to use my influence in organizing the operators. That was my first experience with a trust. I organized the operators in the district in which I was interested, and during my •entire experience there we never had a -strike or trouble of any kind. I want to make this statement here, •once and for all, in reply to all these charges and insinuations with reference -to my aspect toward labor: If any man in the United States of America can String into my presence a man who has •over worked for ine and truthfully state Jind substantiate that I have refused to ■meet at any time and anywhere any man in my employ, that I have ever intentionally done any man a harm, that I have •over insisted on lowering wages to any man who works for me, or who can truthfully say that I have done evil to him, I will resign from the United States Senate to-morrow. (Great applause.) I made the proposition in 1897 I have found no ■takers, and it is still open. (Laughter and applause.) Republican Party Against Trusts. Now, then, about this trust question, a few words more. I would like to have Mr. Bryan or any other Democrat tell me what a trust is. I don’t believe there is .a trust in the United States, for every State law and national law will destroy . any trust that comes within its jurisdiction; and the only laws. State and national, that have ever been put upon statute books were enacted by the Republican party. (A voice—Never enforced.) Yes, they are enforced. (Voices—Put him out.) No. dou’t put him out. I don’t want to put anybody out. (A voice—He is a good Democrat; he shoots iu the rear.) We have no objections to the Democratic party being opposed to trusts, but they have got uo patent on it. (Laughter.) Bryan’s Policy for Philippines. Now, then, one word more with reference to the position of Mr. Bryan upon this Philippine question—and it has been so thoroughly exploded that I won’t mention it except iu passing. I recited to you the part that he took iu the execui tion of that treaty, and the authority that he used with his party to ratify the treaty, and I think I have convinced a great many of my hearers that his purpose and motive was not patriotic. He tells the people of the United States what he will do if he is elected President of the United States. His first act would be to haul down tlie American flag iu the Philippines. (A voice; "He uever could do it.”) Then he would establish a stable government—he doesn't say republican government—and probably put Aguinaldo at the head of it. Then he said that lie would establish a protectorate by the United States, pull down the American flag, withdraw our soldiers from the soil.- \ and leave our buried dead there under the supervision of Aguinaldo, renounce every vestige of power, which has coinc to us legally aud lawfully, and then establish a protectorate —which means whatV It means that the government of the United States would be obliged to protect ♦he government of Aguinaldo from all foreign foes and interference. And what ■would be the result? Judging the future by the past, the next actions of would be such as to ahock the civilised world; and, if for no other reason, the nations would interfere in the interests of humanity as we did in Cuba. But if for selfish reasons any European people should make up their minds that they wanted a foothold in that archipelago, and propose to take it, what would be the duty of the United States government under Mr. Bryan's ideas? We #ould have to say. “No, handa off.” f ent of Intellectual Acrobat. Mr. Bryan has performed a wonderful feat, aft acrobat isn't in it, when he con-

veys the Monroe doctrine to Asiatic waters. Whoever heard of such a thing? The Monroe doctrine is founded purely and simply on the determination on the part of the government of the United States that no foreign country should interfere in the westeni hemisphere. Mr. Bryan would do what? Spread it all over the world and we would stand behind and defend it. What do ybu call that if it isn’t imperialism? As a result of that procedure we would find ourselves involved in all kinds of foreign wars. (A voice—That is right.) That is true—and yet Mr. Bryan is for peace. He was for peace when he resigned from the army and he has been for peace eyer since. I am for peace. I’m a Quaker. lam for peace, but not peace at any price. I am not for peace, and I know that the majority of the people of this country are not for peace, with that brigand Aguinaldo as long as he is hiding in the bushes and shooting down from ambush our boys in blue. (Applause.) Bryan Switches Issues. But Mr. Bryan has already been driven from his Position on imperialism. He knows now what many of us knew in the beginning—that it was only one rooster that he was going to put in the pit, and he would fight it as long as he could. Now he has got his last gamecock, Trust, WTSft ’goes into the pit for the next thirty days, and the Republican party will be prepared to meet him on all such questions, and if I had the time ami voieq and opportunity I would like to speak to every laboring man in the United States upon that question; because iu warning the laboring people of this country against this huge monster, the trusts, in the same breath he says that the Diugley bill ;s the incubator of trusts.

Now, we are getting to know where we stand with the laboring people when we come to the tariff, and we won’t allow him to evade the issue that he has made on the bald proposition that the protective tariff principle goes hand iu hand with trusts. We keep the protective tariff principle there and we will furnish our own definition for trusts. I say we are at home on that proposition because we have at the head of our national ticket that great advocate of protection, William McKinley; because in hint we have The best friend of the United States: and there isn’t a laboring man in the, city of Chicago, Or in the State of Illinois, or in the United States, who knows anything about public affairs, who knows anything about the career of President McKinley, that does not know from actual proof the fact that during his whole public life he is the only man that the workingmen of this country always felt at liberty to call upon to support their interests, and he uever failed them. And he is just as much their friend to-day as he was fifteen years ago.

Bryan and the Laboring Men. And now let me ask what has W. J. Bryan done for the workingmen of this country? (A voice: “Nothing.” Another voice: “Yes, he charged us half a dollar to hear him talk.”) Not a thing. Came near saying damn. Not a thing. His career in public life is available to every man. His short service was marked aud made conspicuous by his opposition to the tariff bill. And what has he done since to show any particular interest in the working people of this country ? He tells them what he would do. He is prolific in promises, rosy in painting the picture as to what would be the result of his administration, but I charge you, workingmen, turn away from that picture aud look upon the other; and the other is McKinley. Do not let us take any promise from any candidate or any man whose whole record has shown thut his overawing ambition is to be President of the United States. He will ride any issue, he will climb on to any platform that is made for him. he will preach any doctrine, he will even abuse me to be President of’ the United States. Most Important Issues.

Now, bringing these issues home 'to e ;c!i and every individual, I want to bring them there because I expect and I know that every man who goes to the polls on election day having heard the arguments in the case, having considered how the decision of these issues will bear upon his persoual interests and those ot' his family, will cast that ballot intelligently in his own interest and not in Mr. Bryan's. Biit there is a further responsibility which comes to every man and to every woman who can influence a man. I say that the importance of the issuein this campaign at this time and tmdei these conditions is greater than ever before iu the history of our country. I suj so because I believe it. because I know that any reversing of the present poliej of the administration of this govJI-nmeut. any change in that administration, would bring about a condition of tilings in the business and industrial interests of this country that would dwarf the flood and storm at Galveston it would mean a hurricane that would carry before it every interest, it would be a flood that would ingulf the property and the material interests of every man, wonUftJ and child that enjoys the present prosperity.

Where Interests Are. There is no question where your interest is. because every year,' every month, and every day of the administration of William McKinley has been an object lesson. Every man who has an insurance on his life for the benefit of his family, every man who has his deposits in a savings bank or a loan association where he has gathered together perhaps the savings of a lifetime*, where he believes it i* safe, and it is. although that money that he deposits in a savings bank is not there for they don’t keep the money in their vaults. What do they do with it? Thej I invest it iu securities, in bonds and mortgages.- satisfying themselves that the property behind those securities is perfectly good for the loan made —and it is under all norma! conditions. But sup posing that Mr. Bryan should be elected —God forbid. (A voice—Amen:) Supposing he should be. Remember 1893. , Immediately capital is withdrawn from the avenues of business panic seizes and dethrones confidence and we find a condition of things that sends values down the toboggan slide until they ure cut in two and quartered; and the property that is represented by the securities in the vaults' of these banks covering your deposit is reduced in value. That is your property. It doesn’t belong to the savings bank or the life insurance company. It is yours, you have put it in their custody for safekeeping.‘They are doing their duty. They, have builded vaults of deposit secure against the burglar and the thief, they have employed men of integrity and ability to Invest your money and protect your interests, and therefore I say they have done their duty.

Alt to Work far McKinley. Now you do yours. Do yours by not .only depositing yonr vote for McKinley, but get as many of your neighbors who are undecided upon these questions, perhaps for want of knowledge, as yon can, to vote as you do; make it your business to secure one more vote for the President of the United States, and that small effort will put us on a perfectly safe basis. Won’t you do that much for yonr family? Won’t you d 6 that much for the national good? Haven’t you pride enough to do that much for the national honor, integrity, and the flag? (Voices: “Yes, yes.”) Alt right, then do it. Good-by.

HUGO DENKENSPRUCT

Relates One of His Experiences as Jus* tice of the Peace.

(By William E. Anderson.)

“Yes, you are right, Jonathan, Mr. Bryau will do good to his own party talking about political equality, liberty and the rights of man, for it was always hard for his friends to make such things work in this country among the Ameri-can-born colored citizens. But it is a little late to do any good in those States where Mr. Bryan will get nearly all the votes east. No; you are wrong, Jonathan. The very many kvotations he makes from Washington, Lincoln and others isn't quite a case of the “Devil kvoting scripture.’ Tt goes a long way ahead of that and just fits the case I am about to tell you. “During my term as justice of the peace in this town we had a great deal of trouble with tramps. They used to get into the schobl houses to sleep and at last they got so bold, a school bouse wasn't good enough for them. They began to profane the churches. Big Jo,hannes, neighbor Smith’s son, was constable and he at last arrested a gang in the Methodjst church down there. He had not much experience, you see; and a schmart lawyer from the village was up before me to defend them. That man really was a, fine pleader; and as he knew the Bible kvotations well, he made a good impression on the eourt. He said that his friends, the defendants, went from the school houses to the church to get religion; and that the Lord was where ‘two or three were gathered together in His name,’ and so on. Then he pulled out the notes of a Sermon which he got

PEOPLE’S BANK DEPOSITS SHOW IMMENSE INCREASE.

t Prosperity Haw Come to the | People.

The one supreme test of prosperity is the money in the bank. This is a selfevident truth. If a man’s family is well clothed and fed and ip a comfortable home, and besides this he can put money in the bank, it must be admitted that he is prosperous. In the following unparalleled showing of the increase in the number of deposits from the dark days of the Democratic Wilson bill regime in 1894 to the glorious days of McKinley prosperity, the most marvelous of all is the increuse in the number of depositors aud in the amount of deposits in the savings banks of the country. These banks are particularly the ones where the wage earners of the country put their savings. Mr. Bryan says the people are not prosperous. So say all his calamity followers. We commend to them the following official figures from the report of the Comptroller of the Currency of the United States for 1899. They are unanswerable: TOTAL UNITED SPATES. —Total No. depositors.— Bank. 1894 1899. National 1,424,906 1,991,183 StAte and private... 502,766 966,394 Loan and trust companies 205,368 440,321 Savings 3,413,477 4,254,516 .Total 5,545,867 7,655,414 Increase in number of depositors .... 2,109.547

from one of the tramps and arid his clients were In church to have divine worship. I remember the teat. It waa, ‘Go ye into ail the world and preach the gospel to every people.’ Wasn’t that a coincidence to remind me of Bryan’a pioua remarks on the same text? “The lawyer got along so well that I about made up my mind to kvit the prisoners. But the schmart young lawyer didn’t know it so he began to go for big Johannes and cross-kvestion him. Johannes was the only witness, yon see, and didn’t have muoh experience. By and by Johannes coaid not stand so much fun at his expense, so he got mad ■ and yelled out: “That may all be, Mr. Lawyer, what you say. You seem to know that the notes of the sermon you got from that big hobo were his own notes; but I know what you dou’t know, and that is that the gang you say he was preaching to tore out of the pulpit Bible all the book of Genesis and Exodus, including the ten commandments, to light their pipes with while they listened to the sermon.’ Then I reversed my decision, Jonathan, and sent those fellows to the calaboose."

ARE SOLDIERS TO BE PAID IN SILVER?

A Pertinent Inquiry from an Old Soldier Still Unanswered. In Mr. Bryan’s speech of acceptance, No. 1, he said that iff he was elected to the office of President of the United States next November that as soon as he was inaugurated he would immediately call an extra session of Congress- and give freedom to the inhabitants of the Phiippine Islands and recall the army of the United States, which would include the bringing home of the “Stars and Stripes.” If elected President of the United States Mr: Bryan will become command-er-in-chief of the army. This being the case,

Will Mr. Bryan pay the soldiers of the United States of America in silver? It is very important that the soldiers of the American army understand this matter clearly and distinctly as to what Mr. Bryan’s intentions are in the mateer. OLD SOLDIER. New Castle, Pa., Sept. 1. 1900.

—Total amount of deposits.— 1894. 1899 National ..$1,155,191,588 $1,830,116,140 State and private. . 214,442,510 418,281,267 Loan and trust cos. 239,504,892 576,724,117 Savings.. 1,265,450,416 1,782,974,481 Total ...$2,874,589,406 $4,608,096,005 Increase in am’t of deposits.. $1,733,506,599 . Average Deposits in All Banks. 1894..., $520 1899 602 Since the Democratic days of 1894 there has been an increase of 2,109,547 bank depositors in the whole United States. This number more people have had money to deposit during McKinley prosperity. The total amount of money deposited to the credit of the people was $2,874,589,406 in 1894. In 1899 it was $4,608,096,005, showing an increase of almost one and three-quar-ter billions of dollnrs to the credit of the people who had bank accounts in the five years since the country was suffering the agonies of a Democratic administration. Not only has there been this vast increase in the aggregate amount off money placed in the bunks, but the average amount of each bank account has increased from $520, in 1894, to an average of $602 per bank account in 1899. Who will say that the promises of the Republican party have not been fulfilled? Who will say that the advance agent of prosperity has not visited the American, people under the Republican adminlstra-* tion of President McKinley?

ELECTION OF 1900.

Democratic Platform Adopted at Kansas City, July 4, 1900. The Party (Democratic) Stands Where It Did in 1896 on the Money Question.—William J. Bryan at Zanesville, Ohio, Sept. 4, 1900. Nominated; For President—WlLLlAM J. BRYAN of Nebraska. Vice-President—ADLAl E. STEVENSON of Illinois. PLATFORM. We, the Democrats of the United States, in national convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential principles of justice and liberty upon Which our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic party has advocated from Jefferson’s time to our own —freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the equality off all citizens before the law, and the faitful observance of constitutional limitations.

State Rights. During all these the Democratic party has resisted the tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power, and steadfastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of government established by the founders of this republic or republics. Under its guidance and teachings the great principle of local self-government has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the States and in its assertion of (he necessity of confining the general government to the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution of the United States. The Money Question. Recognizing that the money system is paramount to ail others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution names silver and gold together as the money metals of the United States, and first coinage law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver dollar unit. We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fail in the prices of commodities produced by the people; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and private: the enrichment of the money lending classes at home and abroad; prostration of industry and impoverishment of the people. We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that Spirit and lo.ve of liberty which proclaimed out independence in 1776 and won it in the war of the Revolution. Free Bitver. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1. without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally With gold, for all debts, public and private, and ’we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind #’ legaltender money by private contract.. We are opposed to the policy and’ practice of surrendering to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the government of redeeming such obligations iu either silver coin or gold coin.

Bond Issues. We are opposed to the issuing of inter-est-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace, and condemn the trafficking with banking syndicates which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the Federal treasury with gold to maintuin the policy of gold monometallism. Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or individuals. We therefore demand that the power to issue notes to circulate as money be taken from the national banks, and that all paper money shall be issued directly by the Treasury Department, be redeemable in coin, and receivable for all debts, public and private. Tariff for Revenue. We hold that the tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the country and not discriminate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the government honestly and economically administered. We denouncs, as disturbing to business, the Republican threat to restore the McKinley law, which has been twice condemned by the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved u prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of many, restricted trade and 4eprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to make the deficit In revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court; on the Income tax. The Income Tax. There would be no deficit in the revenue but for the annulment by the Supreme Court of a law passed by a Democratic Congress In .trict pursnance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly one hundred, years, ******”*?*“** ing sustained constltutionalobjectlonsto its enactment which had been < overruled by the ablest Judges who have on that bench. We declare that it la the

duty off Congress to nse all the conatltn tional power which remains after that decision, or which may come by its reversal by the court, as it may hereafter be constituted, so that , the .burdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may bear ita due proportion of the expenses of the government. Immigration. We hold that the most efficient way to protect American Tabor is to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a vicious monetary system, which depresses the price of their products below the cost of production, and thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the products of our home manufacture. Congressional Appropriations. We denounce the profligate waste off the money wrung from the people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high, while the labor that pays them is unemployed, and the products of the people’s toil are depressed in price until ihey no longer repay the cost of production. Wo demand a return to that simplicity and economy which best befit a Democratic government and a reduction in the number of useless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. Federal Interference. We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States and a crime against free institutions, and we especially object to government by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of oppression, by which Federal judges, in contempt of the laws of the States and rights of citizens, become at once legislators, judges and executioners, and we approve the bill passed at the last session of the United States Senate, and now pending in the House, relative to contempts in Federal courts, and providing for trials by jury iu certain cases of contempt.

Pacific Funding Bill. No discrimination should be indulged by the government of the United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present Republican Congress to enact a similar measure. Pensions. Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily indorse the rule of the-present Commissioner of Pensions that no names shall be arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll, and the fact of an enlistment and service should be deemed conclusive evidence against disease or disability before enlistment. Cuba. We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence. The Civil Service. We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor appointments based on merit, fixed terms of office, and such an administration of the civil service laws as will afford equal opportunities of all citizens of ascertained fitness. No Third Term. We declare it to be the unwritten law of this republic, established by custom and usage of one hundred years, and sanctioned by the examples of the greatest and wisest of those who founded and have maintained our government, that no man should be eligible for a third term of the presidential office.

Corporate Wealth. The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading railroad systems, and formation of trusts and pools require a stricter control by the ■ Federal government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the enlargement of the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and such restrictions and guarantees in the control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression. Admission of Territories. We favor the admission of the territories of New Mexico and Arizona into the Union as States, and we favor the early admissiou of all the territories giving the necessary population and resources to entitle them to statehood, and while they remain territories we hold that the officials appointed to administer the government of any territory, together with the District of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the territory or district in which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in hopio rule and that all public lands of the United States should be appropriated to the establishment of free homes for American citizens. We recommend that the territory of Alaska be granted a delegate in Congress, and that the general land and timber laws of the United States be extended to said territory. Mississippi River Improvements. The Federal government should care for and improve the Mississippi river and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the interior people easy and cheap transportation to tidewater. When any waterway of the republic is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the government, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous work until permanent improvement is secured. Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of its success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of principles and purposes to the considerate judgment of the American people. We invite the support of all citizens who approve them, and who desire to have them made effective through legislation for the relief of the people and the restoration of the country’s prosperity. Webster Darla on McKinley. “Listen, my Democratic friends and neighbors, for I have friends and neighbors in this city, which is my home; listen to what I am about to say. When the Democratic party antagonises and attacks the administration of President McKinley, upon fta policy in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands, THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IS CAMPING IN THE GRAVEYARD OF DEAD ISSUES.”—From a speech delivered by the Hon. Webster Davis in October, 1808, to the Republicans of Kansas City, Mo„ when the first meeting was held In the first convention hall that was only partially completed.