Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 22, Number 4, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 2 October 1900 — Page 2

FUTURE OF THE PHILIPPINES

"I have no light or knowledge not common to my countrymen. I do '< not prophesy. Tlie present ts ail-absorbing to me. But I cannot bound ( niy vision by the blood-stained trenches around Manila—where every red drop, whether from the veins of an American soldier or a misguided 1 Filipino, is anguish to iny heart-twit by the broad range of future , years, when that group of islands, under the impulse of the year just past, shall have become the gems and glories of those tropical seas-a land of plenty and of increasing possibilities; a people redeemed from i savage indolence and habits, devoted to the arts of peace, in touch with the commerce and trade of all nations, enjoying the blessings of freedom, of civil and religious liberty, of education and of homes, and whose children and children’s children shall for ages hence bless the American republic because it emancipated and redeemed their fatherland, and set them in the pathway of the world’s best civilization.”

BRYAN AN EXTREMIST

Judge McHugh, a Former Supporter, Opposes His tieclion. Judge W. D. McHugh of Omaha, for some years a leader of the Democratic forces in Nebraska; ami a former federal judge under Cleveland, is strongly opposed to Bryan in this campaign. In 1592 Judge McHugh was among the most active workers lor Mr. Bryan in ids congressional campaign.> “On the tariff issue I supported Bryan for Congress ip 1892." he says, “but when later on he appeared as the Champion of free silver, free riot and free everything else that he thought' would make votes. I could not continue in his political company. 1 think I have a pretty dear insight of the man’s character now. His actions during the last six or seven years has shown him to be a man who does not and will not hesitate to deceive the people when he believes Such deception will advance his own political interests. The people rejected him and his money theory, and have since become prosperous. The free silver issue is a bad one for the Bryanites to handle this year, after the country has recovered from the hard times without having adopted the course which in 1896 they declared would be the one and only way to bring prosperity, so now Mr. Bryan resorts to another clever trick in politics. He again offers himself as the savior of the nation. This year he tells them that unless they adopt his policy as regards the Philippine islands freedom and liberty will be endangered and the very existence of the republic threatened. Bryan as president would be a menace to peace as well as to commerce. The president has everything to do with our foreign relations, and a president of Bryan's impetuosity, radicalism and inordinate ambition would have us involved in international difficulties upon the slightest pretext. Brjjn is an extremist of the worst kind.”

Prosperity Snap Shot.

Figures from the books of the sav■fng,s banks of the country have come into fhg office of the controller of the jgurrency Tbt? y liave been tabulated with figure r?rj ast tba * o? iSOs-isot), and in such proxinißy the? fbow at a ■ ’ginnce We gpM§F & the number of depositors.* Statisticians hold that the statistics of the savings banks, when studied by a method of comparisons, afford a pretty accurate gauge whereby to judge of the. prosperity of a country. Here are the figures for a group of states comprised of Ohio, Indiana. Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota: This year’s total deposits. .$222,423,628 Last year’s total deposits.. 153,690,337 This year's gains 68,733,291 This year’s depositors.... * 663.030 Last year’s depositors. 455,505 This year’s gain 207,545 Similar comparisons for the United States entire show an increase in deposits of $200,194,336 and a gain in depositors of 514.961.

Gold Democrats and Bryan.

The most interesting part of Mr. Bryan’s speech at Tomlinson Hall, the night of his notification, was his speculation dtiout his chances of election. He is entirely certain that Gold Democrats—by the way he does not call . them bolters or assistant Republicans L this year—are back in the old organi- • nation, and he says that "now it rell quires an expert mathematician to . stand at the door and count them as them come back.” This ought to be easy for a man who insists that lie can make 16 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. But we have not observed any wild rush of the Gold Democrats to the Bryan standard. No words of encouragement to the Bryan cause have come from Cleveland, Carlisle, Gray, Vilas, Palmer, Buckner, Bragg, Irish, Lindsay or Caffery. The only important Democratic paper •a far as we know, that has returned to Bryan is the Louisville CourierJournal. As the recent meeting of the Gold Democratic national committee, brid In this atty, there was a practical ly unanimous agreement that the first thing to do was to bring about the defeat of Bryan. The Gold Democrats of this city and state have taker the same fositlon. In short, everything Indicates that these men are still "bolters,” and that they will continue to be bolters as long as Bryanism controls the Democratic organization.—lndianapolis News.

Bryanesque Prophet.

Before the last presidential election George. Fred Williams predicted that Bryan's electoral vote would be 315. McKinley's 182. The actual figures proved to be Mr. Williams now says that Bryan will get-261, McKinley 186. The natural ■toference ig that Bryan will have tQjji} satisfied w|W shout 100.

INDIANA FIGURES

Some Comparisons From Statistics That Point to Prosperity. “Figures won’t lie, and they sometimes present some cold facts that are most interesting,” said Deputy State Statistician James AV. Egnew. “I have been making some comparisons as to conditions in 1596 and 1898, the first being the last year of a Democratic (dministration. and the last the second year of McKinley’s administrations f find from the statistics that in 1896 there were 3,078 inmates of poorhouses in the state of Indiana, while in ISOS there were only 1,789. The county jails of the state were not nearly so crowded in 1898 as in 1896, for 1 find 25,727 people incarcerated during the former year, while 30,730 were imprisoned in 1896. Again, in 1896, there were 73,057 mortgages filed, and in 1898. 23,349. Mortgages were released in 1896 to the number of 3.2,820. but in 1898 43,649 are recorded as released. Now, as to the transfers of real estate: In 1896 there were 77.440, while the year 1898 shows up with 80.743. The consideration shown in the transfers in 1896 was $73,868,259, while in 1898; it amounted to $83,892,236. The consideration in the mortgages in 1896 was $46,610,671, and in 1898 onlj- $19,328,145, showing that the people did not need so much money. I Another evidence of prosperity is the amount of tlie mortgage indebtedness released. The records show that ‘Th 1898 this amounted to $29,838,524, and in 1896 it amounted to only $21,101.849. Prosperity is also noted in public affairs.” said Mr. Egnew, "for 1 ..find that in 1896 there were $470,574 worth of bonds redeemed by all the counties of the state. In 1898 bonds were redeemed to the amount of sl,1325.779. These figures are the very ■ best evidence of a better condition of affairs, and any one who says prosperity has not come simply doesn’t want to believe it. You know there are some people in this world who will not believe an established fact.”

THE DOLLAR AND THE MAN

BRYAN SAYS: wan| to J put the dollar before The nihil » and not the man before the dol- < Jar.” • . .. < “Instead of bothering about,” •! SAYS ROOSEVELT, “whether S the man is ahead of the dollar, j of the dollar is ahead of the J man, or anything else preposterous, let us fix our attention » on the fact that the (Republic- * an) policy, has brought the dol- < lar and the man together. ' Thar, is what a man really • wants with a dollar. He is not • interested in any flight of . fancy whether he is behind or in front of the dollar. He > wants to get hold of it. When ' a man can get hold of a dollar ■ he is its master.” <

Don't Worry; Just Vote.

What is tlie use * Of worrying. Any way? You don’t think, Do you, Tliat Mr. Bryan will M in the votes Of the American Workingman By doing Oratorical stunts In the open air? Ou the contrary The best that Mr. B. Will get is a Turn down. For tlie said Workingman refuses to have the Fifty-ceut dollar Crammed down his Throat, and lie Remembers the time of the Empty dinner pail, And lie will take No chances by giving his Vote to populistic cranks who Don’t know what they want. The workingman is willing To work. And as McKinley’s election Means plenty of work and High wages paid In 100-cent dollars, And Bryan's electfpn Low wages paid in 48-cent dollars, it Doesn’t take any great Head to figure out Which way the election will Go. ' It Is a safe bet That on Nov. 7tb The reports will say: “McKinley and Roosevelt Won In a walk; Bryan and Adlal S. Also ran.”

Trade Followed the Flag.

i Present commercial relations be-. JZwosn this country and Cuba bear oirt all that lias been said about trade following the ting.

MR. BRYAN’S LETTER

Free Silver Not Merely a Reminiscent Doctrine. EXPOSURE OF HIS PURPOSE And an Analysis of His Purely Deceptive Arguments. Pretense That Limited Coinage Under Present Laws ts a Confession of the Soundness of Free Coinage Fully tellectual Fiber and Dangerous Character of Bryan Revealed In His Appeals to Ignorance, Passion and Class Feeling. If there tire any gold Democrats who are under the Impression tliat the free silver doctrine Is merely a reminiscence kept in the Kansas City platform for consistency and campaign purposes, and is not a menace to the prosperity of the country, they should find eulightennient in Mr. Bryan’s letter accepting one of his nominations for the presidency—He is still-determined ‘to bring about the unlimited coinage "of silver nt the Patio of 16 to 1. and he evidently hopes, and without reason, that if elected enough state legislatures will be carried by his party to enable him to put his policy into operation. Ills purpose and the energy with which he would use the great power of the executive office to accomplish it is unmistakably revealed in his declaration: “’Whether the senate, now hostile to bimetallism, can be changed during this campaign or the campaign of 1902 can only be determined after the votes are counted, but neither the present nor the future political complexion of congress has prevented or should prevent an announcement of the party’s position upon this subect in unequivocal terms.” His arguments in behalf of free silver are of the usual deceptive kind. He pretends to think that internattorrart bimetallism, under which silver would have a standing in the commerce of the world, is the same as free coinage, under which the United States would be coining dollars which its own citizens would have to take at twice the value they n would pass for in any other country. He pretends also to see in the limited coinage under existing law by the Republicans of the silver in the treasury a confession of the soundness of the 16 to 1 principle. Yet-lie knows that the present silver dollars, limited in number and kept by exchange on a par with gold, arc merely token money, and their issue no more concedes that unlimited quantity of 412 V.. grain silver pieces would be honest dollars than that rtny piece of .paper the size and quantity of a dollar bill would be an Ijonest dollar if the law allowed anybody to take reams of it to the government printing press and get it back with th? jAyllSJ' stump. Mi’ : Bryan might as well Irgife Republicans concede a demand for tlUlipiited - v '* ' ~7Cr < "L" coinage on a bronze standard becailse they Issue cent pieces which are intrinsically worth about an eighth of a contra 7 On other topics Mr. Bryaij shows himself as usual the politician intent on making points with adroit evasions and catch phrases. Nothing else so clearly reveals the intellectual fiber and dangerous character of the man as this tendency at every turn to inject into his argument appeals to ignorance, passion and class feeling. His threadbare figure of crucifying mankind on a cross of gold turns up in different forms. He can not argue that an income tax Is a proper and equitable method of raising revenue without availing himself of the demagogic trick of assuming that by it alone in the hour of danger can the government draft the pocketbook as well as the person, and then indulging in this cheap pandering to class jealousies: "Unless money is more precious than blood, wo can not afford to give greater protection to the incomes of the riel) than to the lives of the poor.” He deals with the trust question in the same glib and specious fashion. The problem of concentration of industrial enterprises under modern conditions is an intricate one, but he gives it no consideration worthy of the name. He is as ready to cure the undoubted evils of trusts wifli ready made nostrums applied at random as any quack at a county fair is to treat all diseases on sight. The fact that lie may do infinite harm by recklessness and plunge the country into panic and stop" great industries does not trouble him in the least, if he can get fees for his prescriptions from the empty headed in the shape of votes. I When he comes to talk of his paramount issue he. avoids carefully the most important constitutional question raised in his platform, and likewise <he most important question everywhere asked concerning his future policy: Will he at once bring the troops home from Manila and leave Aguinaldo to impose his rule on friend and foe among the natives? He does not answer. How he will give the Filipinos a stable government of their own he will not tell. What right be has, while proclaiming that we have no business in the Philippines at all, to plan for a protectorate over them he does not say. He merely argues that we can maintain a protectorate without difficulty or expense, and distorts the Monroe doctrine by assuming that it means a protectorate over the American republics, whereas no suggestion is more n s-ntefl by those republics , than that.i For our own safety we have declared that European nations ; must not annex territory here, but we ] have never exercised the least over- I light of our neighbors. The establish-

ment of a stable government, with a guarantee to protect it, Is something entirely different. The constitutional question avoided by Mr. Bryan is his party’s principle that no constitution extends to Porto Rico, and, of course, therefore to the Philippines. Yet he urges that the Philippines be treated as a foreign land. He must himself see his inconsistency, for it has frequently been commented upon, but he has no time to reconcile his miscellaneous collection of grievances and nostrums. His purpose is merely to catch votes, and- no trick of argument is too specious for his use.

IS THIS IMPERIALISM?

That no person shall be deprived of lite, liberty or property without due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use without' just- compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and <-a:ise <,f rm- accusation, to be confronted with tlie witnesses against him. todiave compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the as : sistance of counsel for his defense; tliat excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted: that no person shall lie put twice in jeopardy for the same offence, or to be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; tliat the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated; that neither slavery nor Involuntary servitude shall exist, except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder, or ex-postfacto law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or the press, or the rights of the people to peacefully assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. and that tlie free exercise and enjoyment of religioits profession and Worship without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed. —From President McKinley's Instructions to Philippine Commission.

TRUST PROPOSITIONS

Facts Showing That Bryanites Are Not Genuinely Hostile. In a recent address Hon. William Dudley Foulke thus exposed the hypocrisy of the Bryauite outcry against trusts: "The deelarations of .Mr. Bryan and the Democratic party in opposition to tlie trusts are made moje Jor the piirpose oj catching votes than on account of genuine hostility. We have the proof of tills net only in the action of Democratic congressmen respecting the’proposed Jjut xve Live it also in the fact t hat many‘of those who are most prominent in the councils of the Democratic party are beneficiaries of the most oppressive form of trust monopoly. A trust can haruly be conceived which bears more cruelly upon the poor who have to pass the sweltering summer days in Crowded tenements in New York city thau a trust which makes it expensive and difficult for suffering women and children as well as for laborers to procure the necessary supply of ice during the summer months, and yet the great leaders of the New York Democracy who supported Mr. Bryan’s faction of the Democratic party at Kansas City against David B. Hill are participants in this infamous trust—Mr. Croker, Mayor Van Wyck and many others who are now prominent in a party which denounces the industrial combinations to which they themselves belong. But it is not in New York alone that .prominent .Democrats are tarred with the same stick with which they seek to best! irch their political antagonists. In the west the increase of the coinage value of silver bullion would support one of tlie greatest monopolies that ever existed if it could be put into operation by Mr. Bryan. And the operation of the smelter trust, a corporation that includes all the plants for working silver ores in the country except those controlled by Senator Clark and the Guggenheims, contains among the holders of its securities such men as ex-Governor Grant, Senator Teller and other leaders of the forces supporting Mr. Bryan, and so powerful has been their Influence that they have choked off every effort In the Colorado legislature to enact antitrust laws. Then there Is the cotton baling monopoly organized in Wall street, In which Senator Jones is a shareholder. And if you could go through the records of the great trusts you would find that a considerable number of their stockholders and managers are prominent in the Democratic party. Mr. Bryan in his article in the North American Review a few months ngo stated that the trust magnates have now all left the Democrat!' parly. That statement was a littl premature.”

"Giant Despair."

George Alfred Townsend ("Gath’) is not an admirer of tlie president, but lie pictures Mr. Bryan as "Giant Despair. shaking dead men's bones at pilgrims at SSOO an hour and calling contemporary times nicknames from he corner of his cement-lipped mouth."

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