Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 22, Number 2, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 September 1900 — PRESIDENT M’KINLEY’S LETTER ACCEPTING THE NOMINATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, SEPT. 8. [ARTICLE]

PRESIDENT M’KINLEY’S LETTER ACCEPTING THE

NOMINATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, SEPT. 8.

F RESIDENT M’KINLEY’S letter of acceptance is probably the most important unofficial document issued in this country in a quarter of a century. The President takes the country into his confidence and throws a new light upon the history of the past two years. Irrespective of its caustic arraignment of the critics of the adffiiuistration and its forceful clinching of the fact that Bryanism means- the “immediate” destruction of . the gold standard and substitution therefor of free silver coinage at the ratio-of 16 to 1. the letter is important in the histafic.sense because it gives the- American .people their tir.-t knowledge of the statesmanship and conditions connected with recent epoch-mak-ing events. The President, although by nature a mild and conciliatory man, can be aroused to a point of dangerous comhativeness. and when the mood" is «n him he becomes one of the most effective debaters we have had in this country for many years. In his letter he-wastes no-time in what might be called preliminary sparring, but, having definitely located the ' enemy’s vital spot, which is the free silver heresy, he strikes at it with force and precision. The financial question, he says, may not be. the paramount issue, but it is the immediate issue. “It will admit of no delay and will suffer no postponement.” For has not the Democratic party declared for the “immediate" coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1? And is there any doubt that Mr. Bryan, who insisted upon the insertion of .the silver plank in the platform, against the advice of the best men in the party, will use every means, if he is elected, to carry his principles into practice? After paying the tribute of his regret that the Democratic party by its nominee and its reiteration of the free silver plank of 1896 has made it necessary for the voters to reaffirm their decision of four years ago in favor of the existing gold standard, President McKinley boldly picks up the gage of battle on the issue of imperialism. What that issue is he states most happily in a single paragraph near the end of his letter. After he has marshaled the facts which place the whole controversy in the clearest possible historical light before the reader, he says: The American question is between duty and desertion—the American verdict will be for duty and against desertion, for the Republic against both anarchy and imperialism. As a campaign document the letter is regarded as phenomenally strong. But it is more than a campaign document. It is a contribution to history. The President deals candidly with the American people. He is not afi’aid to’tell them what he has done or why he did it. He deals in facts rather than in arguments. TEXT OF THE LETTER. President’s Views on Free Silver and the Philippine Question. Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., Sept. B.—To the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman Notification Committee—My Dear Sir: The nomination of the Republican national convention of June 19. 1900, for the office of President of the United States, which, as the official representative of the convention, you have conveyed to me, is accepted. I have carefully examined the platform adopted and give it my hearty approval. Upon the great Issue of the last national election it is clear. It upholds the gold standard and indorses the legislation of the present Congress by which that standard has been effectively strengthened. The stability of our national currency is, therefore, secure so long as those who adhere to this platform are kept in control of the government. Same Issues Involved. In the first battle, that of 1896, the friends of the gold standard and of sound currency were triumphant and the country is enjoying the fruits of that victory. Our antagonists, however, are not satisfied. They compel us to a second battle upon the same lines on which the first was fought ami won. While regretting the reopening of this question, which can only disturb the present satisfactory financial condition of the gov- ' eminent and visit uncertainty upon our great business enterprises, we accept the issue and again invite the sound money forces to join in winning another and we hope a permanent triumph for an honest financial system which will continue inviolable the public faith. All Loyal to Silver. As in 1896, the three silver parties are united under the same leader, who. Imine dlately after the election of that year, in an address to the bimetallists, said: •'The friends of bimetallism have not >• , a vanquished; they have simply been evereome. They believe that the gold statffi Ird is t conspiracy of the money changers agarut the welfare of the human race—and they will continue the warfare against It." The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by these parties. The silver Democratic platform of I96o.continues the warfare against the so called gold conspiracy when it expressly says: "We reiterate the demand of thnt (the Chicago) platform of 1896 for an American financial system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level; and as part v* auch system the immediate restoration -bf ib® free ullll t>nl’' init « ,J coinage of sliver and gold at the present ratio of 16 to 1, ylthout waiting for the aid or consent of nation.” ‘ •• The Paramount laaue. So the issue la presented. It will be noted that the demand is for the immediate Restoration of tfie free coinage of ailver nt 16 to L ■ It another issue Is paramount, this Is K|te«#l».te,' It Wilf adAlt of bo delay aud

Turning to the other associated parting, we find In the Populist national platform adopted at Sioux Falls. S. D., May 10, 1900, the following declaration: "We pledge anew the People’s party never to cease the qgitation until this financial conspiracy is blotted from the statute book; tile Lincoln greenback restored, the bonds ail paid and all corporal ion money forever retired. We reaffirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United. States Iqt ; he free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1. the immediate increase in the volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the bank notes Issued by private corporations under special privilege, granted by law of Mar.cli-.14, 1900, and prior national banking laws." •k Declare Their Hostility. The platform of the silver party adopted at Kansas City, July 6, 1900, makes the following announcement: "We declare it to bo our Intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of this currencylaw; which not only repudiates the ancient and* time-honored principles of the American people before the COBStitlitiqn was adopted, but is violative of the- principles oj the Constitution Itself: and we shall not cease our efforts.until there has been established in Its place a monetary system based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold into money at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 by the independent action of the United States, under which system all paper money shall be issued by the government, and all such money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private, without exception." Combine Against Gold. In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts shall be unerasing until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute books and the free and unlimited coinage of sliver 1 at 16 to 1, shall take its place. The relative importance of the Issues I do not stop to discuss. All of them are important. Whichever party is successful will be bound in conscience to carry into administration and legislation its several declarations and doctrines. One declaration will be as obligatory as another, but all are not immediate. ~ It is not possible that these parties would treat the doctrine of 16 to 1, the immediate realization of which is demanded by their several platforms, as void and inoperative in the event that they should be clothed with power. Otherwise their profession of faith Ts insincere? It is thi-refore the imperative business of those opposed, to this financial heresy to prevent the triumph of the parties whose union is only assured by adherence to the silver issue. Facing Grave Peril. .Will the American people, through indifference or fancied security, hazard the overthrow of the wise financial legislation of the last year and revive the dhnger of the silver standard, with all of the inevitable evils of shattered confidence and general disaster which justly- alarmed and aroused them in 1896? The Chicago platform of 1896 is reaffirmed in its entirety by the Kansas City convention. Nothing has been omitted or recalled; so that all the perils then threatened are presented anew with the added force of a deliberate reaffirmation. Four years ago people refused to place the seal of their approval upon these dangerous and revolutionary policies, and this year they will not fail to record again their earnest dissent. Faithful to Pledges. The Republican party remains faithful to its principle of a tariff which supplies sufficient revenues tor the government and adequate protection to our enterprises and producers, and of reciprocity, which opens foreign markets to the fruits of American labor and furnishes new channels through which to market the surplus of American farms. The time-honored principles of protection and reciprocity were the first pledges of Republican victory to be written into public law. The present Congress lias given to Alaska a territorial government for which it had waited more than a quarter of a century; has established a representative government in Hawaii: has enacted bills for the most liberal treatment of the pensioners and their widows; has revived the free homestead policy. In its great financial law it provided for the establishment of banks of issue with a capital of $25,000 for the benefit of villages and rural communities, bringing the opportunity for profitable business in banking within the reach of moderate capital. Many are already availing themselves of this privilege. Some Convincing Figures. During the past year more than $19,000,000 of United States bonds have been paid from the surplus revenues of the treasury, aud in addition $25,000,000 of 2 per cents matured, called by the government, are in process of payment. Pacific Railroad bonds issued by the government in aid of the roads in the sum of nearly $44,000,000 have been paid since Dec. 31, 1897. The treasury balance is in satisfactory condition, showing on Sept. 1 $1:15.419,000, in addition to the $150.00 >.OOO i gold reserve in the treasury. The govern■meat relations with the Pacific railroads have been substantially closed. $124,421,000 lining received from these roads, the greater part in ea'li ami tin remainder with ample sf’iirlt i l -* for payments deferred. Instead of diminishing. ;is was predieted four years ago. the volume of our currency Is greater per capita than it has ever been; It was $21.10 in It had increased to $26.50 on July 1, HKIO, and $26.85 on Sept. 1. T.ti.in. Our total money on July 1. 1896, was $1,506.434.1HR1; on July 1. 1900. It was $2.062.425,490. and ’ $2,096,t>83.042 on Sept. 1900. Prosperity in General. Our Industrial and agricultural conditions are more promising than they have been for many years; probably more so than they have ever been. Prosperity abounds everywhere throughout tin' repulse. I rejoice that tile Southern as well as the Northern States are enjoying a full share of these huproved'national conditions and that all are contributing so largely to our remarkable Ind ust ria 1 development. The inoitey lender receives lower rewards for bis capital than if it were invested in active business. The rates of interest are lower than they have ever been in this country, while those things whiclj, are produced .on.the farm aud in the workshop, and the labor producing them, have advanced in value. Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory nnd increasing growth. The amount of our ex-

ports for the year 1900 over those of the exceptionally prosperous . year of 1899 .was about half a million dollars for every day of the year, and these sums have gone into the homes and enterprises of the people. There has been an increase of over $50,000,000 in the exports of agricultural products, $92,692,220 In manufactures and in the products of the mines of over $10,000,000. Big Gains in Trade. Our trade balances cannot fail to giv? sat Isfaction to the people of the country. In 1898 we sold abroad $615,432,676 of products more than we bought abroad, in 1899 $529,874.813 and in 1900 $544,471,701, making during the three years a total balance in our 'f<tvor _ 0L5t.689;7T9,190 -nearly-fir ed i mes-t he balance of trade In our favor for the whole period of 108 years front 1790 to June 30. 1897 inclusive. Four hundred and thirty six million dollars of gold have been added to the gold stock of the United States since July 1, 1896. The law of March 14. 1900. authorized the refunding into 2 per cent, bonds of that part of the public debt r?o[>Tesenfe<l~by the 3 per cents due in 11+08. the 4 per cents due in 1907 and the 5 per cents due in 1904, aggregating $840,000,000. More than one-third of the sum of these bonds was refunded in the first three months after the passage of the act, and on Sept. 1 the sum had been increased more than $33,000,000. making in all $330,578.050. resulting iu a net saving of over SB,379,520. - , Government Saving Money. The ordinary receipts of the government for tlie fiscal year 1900 were $79,527,060 in excess of its expenditures. While our receipts both from customs and internal revenue have been greatly increased. our expenditures have Joeen decreasing. Civil and miscellaneous expenses for the fiscal year ending June 30. 1900, were nearly $14,000,000 less than in 1899, while on the war account there is a decrease of more

than $95,060,600. There was required SB,000,000 less to support the navy this year than last, and the expenditures on account of Indians were ne»r)v —-d tJ»r«»-quar-ters million dollars less than in 1899. The only two items bf increase in the public expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for pensions and interest on the public debt. • For 1899 we expended for pensions $139,394,920, and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on this account amounted to $140,877,316. The net increase of interest on the public debt of 1900 over 1899 required by the war loan was $263,408.25. Bonds Speedily Token. While Congress authorized the government to make a war loan of $400,000,000 at the beginning of the war with Spain, only $200,000,000 of bonds was issued, bearing 3 per cent interest, which were promptly and patriotically taken by our citizens. ■ Unless something unforeseen occurs to r< duce our revenues or increase our expenditures, the Congress at its next session should reduce taxation very materially. Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as high as 5 p#r cent interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond at par bearing 2 per cent interest. We are selling our surplus produets-and lending our surplus money to Europe. Europe Is Our Debtor. One result of our selling to other nations so much more than we have bought from them during the past three years is a radical improvement ot our financial relations. The great amounts of capital which have been borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material development have remained a constant drain upon our resources for interest ami dividends and made our money markets liable to constant disturbances by calls for paymentor heavy sales of our securities whenever money stringency or panic occurred abroad. We ijtjve now’ been paying these, debts mid home many of our securities mid establishing countervailing credits abroad by our loans and placing ourselves upon a sure foundation of financial, independence. In the unfortunate contest between Groat Britain and the Boer states of South Africa Jbe V n 'ted States has maintained an attitude of neutrality in accordance vflth its well-known traditional policy. It did not hesitate, however, when requested by the gayerninents of tlie South African republics, to exercise its good offices for a cessation of hostilities. Did What We Could. It is to be observed that while tlie South African republics made like retfuest other powers, the United States Is the only one wjilcli compiled. The British government’ declfned to accept the Intervention <.f any power. Ninety-one per cent of our exports and imports are now carried by foreign ships. For

ocean transportation we pay annually to foreign ship owners oyer $it;5,006,000. We ought, to own tlie ships for our carrying trade with the world, apd we ought to build them in American shipyards and man them with American sailors. Our own citizens should receive the transportation charges now paid to foreigners. I have called the attention of Congress to this subject in my several annual messages. In that of Dec. 6. 1897. I said: "Most desirable from everw-srtrn4poiu-t~ef~ natlonal interest ami patriotism is the effort to extend our foreign commerce? To this end our merchant marine should be improved and enlarged. We should do our full share pf the carrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the laggard no longer." In tity message of“ De'Cl 5. 1899. I said: "Our nftllbnal development will be one-sided and unsatisfactory so long as the remarkable growth of our inland industries remains unaccompanied I>y progress on the seas. There is no lack of constitutional authority for legislation which shall give to the country maritime strength commensurate with its industrial mliievemcn’.s nnd with its: rank among the nations of the earth. "The past year has recorded exceptional activity in our shipyards, and the promises of continual prosperity lit shipbuilding are abundant. Advanced legislation for the protection of our seamen has been enacted. Our coast trade, under regulations wisely framed at the "beginning of the government and since; shows its results for the past fiscal year iinequaled in our records or those of any other power. Need of the Canal. "We shall fail to realize our opportunities, however, if we complacently regard only matters at home and blind ohrselves to the necessity of securing our share iu the valuable carrying trade of the world. "I now reiterate these views.

"A subject of immediate importance to our country is the completion of a great waterway of commerce between the Atlantic and Pacific. The construction of a maritime canal is now more than ever indispensable to that intimate and ready communication between our eastern and western seaports, demanded by the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands and the expansion of our influence and trade in the Pacific. “Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its completion and control by this government, and it is believed that the next session of Congress, after receiving the full report of the commission appointed under the act. approved March 3, 1899, will make provisions for the sure accomplishment of this great work. ■Would Restrict Trusts. Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities necessary to the general use of the people by suppressing natural and ordinary competition, thus enhancing prices to the general consumer, are obnoxious to the common law and the public welfare. They are dangerous conspiracies against the public good, and should be made the subject of prohibitory or penal legislation. Publicity will be a helpful influence to check this evil. Uniformity of legislation in the different States should be secured. Discrimination between what is injurious and what, is useful and necessary in business operations is essential to the wise and effective treatment of this subject. Honest co-operation of eapitsl'fs necessary to meet new business conditions and extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but conspiracies and combinations intended to restrict business, create monopolies and control prices should be effectively restrained. Beat Friends of Labor. The best service which can be rendered to labor is ’to afford it nn opportunity for stfhijy and remunerative employment and give it every encouragement for advancement. The policy that subserves this end Is the true American policy. The past three years have been more satisfactory to American workingmen than many preceding years. Any change of the present Industrial or financial policy of the government would be disastrous to their highest Interests. With prosperity at home nnd an increasing foreign market for American products employment should continue to wait upon labor, nnd with the present gold standard the workingman Is secured against payment for bls labor In a depreciated currency. For labor n short day is better than a short dollar. One will lighten the burdens, the other lessens the rewards of tell. The one will promote contentment and independence, the other penury and want. Speaks for Good Wages. The wages of laljojushould be adequate to keep the home in comfort, educate the chli-

dren, and, with thrift and economy, lay something by for the days of infirmity and ohl age. —: (Practical civil service reform has always had the support and encouragement of the Republican party. The future of the merit system is safe in its hands. During the present administration as occasions have arisen for modification or amendment in the existing civil service law and rules, they have been made. Important amendments were promulgated by executive order under date of May 29, 1899, having for their principal purpose the exception from competitive examination of certain places involving fiduciary responsibilities or duties of a strictly confidential, scientific or execli'live'ciraraeter,' which it was thought might better be filled by noncompetitive examination or by other tests of fitness in the discretion of tlie appointing officer. Value of Merit System. It Is gratifying tnat the experience of more than a year has vindicated these changes iu tlie marked improvement of the public service. The merit system, ns far as practicable, is made the basis for appointments to office in our new territory. The American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, sailors and marines who have in every time of conflict fought their country's battles and defended its honor, '"fhe survivors aud the widows and orphans of those who have fallen are justly entitled to receive tlie generous and considerate care of the nation. Few are mow. left of those who fought in the Mexican war. and while many of the veterans of the Civil War are still spared to us their numbers are rapidly, diminishing and age and infirmity are increasing their dependence. These, with the soldiers of the Spanish war, will not be neglected by their grateful countryment. The pension laws have been liberal. They should be justly administered, and will be. Preference should be given to the soldiers, sailors and marines, their widows and orphans, with respect to employment in the public service. Kept Faith with Cuba. We have been in possession of Cuba since the first of January, 1899. We have restored order aud established domestic tranquillity. We have fed the starving, clothed the naked, and ministered to tlie sick. We have improved the sanitary condition of the Island. We have stimulated Industry, introduced public education, and taken a full and comprehensive enumeration of the inhabitants. The qualification of electors lias been settled and under it officers have been chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These local governments are now in operation, administered by the people. Our military establishment has been reduced from 43,000 to less than 6,000. Au election lias been ordered to be held on the 15th of September under a fair electioA law already tried in the municipal elections, to choose members of a constitutional convention, and the convention, by the same order, is to assemble on the first Monday of November to frainfe a constitution upon which ah independent government for the island will rest. All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred guarantees to the people of Cuba. Plans for Porto Rico. W’e hold Porto Rico by the same title as the Philippines. The treaty of peace which ecded us the one conveyed to us the other. Congress has given to this island a government in which the inhabitants participate, elect their own legislature, enact their own local laws, provide their, own system of taxation, and in these respects have the same power and privileges enjoyed by other territories belonging to the United States and a much larger measure of self-government than was given to the Inhabitants of Louisiana under Jefferson. A district court of the United States for Porto Rico has been established and local courts have been inaugurated, all of which are in operation. The generous treatment of the Porto Ricans accords with the most liberal thought of our own couptry and encourages the best aspirations of the people of the Stand. While they do not have instant free commercial Intercourse with the United States, Congress complied with my recommendation by removing, on the Ist day of May last, 85 per cent of the duties and providing for the removal of the remaining 15 per cent on the Ist of March, 1902, er earlier if the legislature of Porto Rico shall provide local revenues for the expenses of conducting the government. Island Is Profited. During this intermediate period Porto Rican products coming into the United States pay a tariff of 15 per cent of the rates under the Dingley act and our to Porto Rico pay a like rate. The duties thus paid and collected both In Porto Rico and the United States are paid to the government of Porto Rico and no part thereof is taken by the national government. All of the duties from Nov. 1, 1898, to June 30, 1900, aggregating the sum of $2,250,523.21, paid at the custom houses in the United States upon Porto Rican products, under the laws existing prior to the above mentioned act of Congress, have gone into the treasury of Porto Rico to relieve the ■destitute and for schools nnd other public purposes. In addition to this, we have expended for relief,. education and Improveineut of roads the sum of $1,513,081.95. Military Force Cut Down. The United States military force In the islands has been reduced from 11,060 to 1,500, and native Porto Ricans constitute for the most part the local constabulary. Under the new law and the inauguration of civil government there litis been n gratifying revival of business. The manufactures of Porto Rico are developing; her Imports are increasing; her tariff 14 yielding increased returns; her fields tire being cultivated; free schools are being established. Notwithstanding tlie many embarrassments incident to a change of national conditions, she Is rapidly allowing the good effects of her new relations to this nation. For the sake of full nnd intelligent understanding of the Philippine question nnd to give to the people authentic information of the acts and ninis of tlie admlnlstratlJhi, 1 present at some length the events of Importance lending ,up to the present situation. The purposes of the executive are best revealed nnd can best be judged by what he has done and is doing. Every Move for Peace. It will be seen that the power of the government has been used for the liberty, the pence and the prosperity of the Philippine peoples, and that force has been employed only against force which stood In the way of the reaUxatlon of these ends.

On the 25th day of April. 1898, Congress declared that a state of war existed between Spain and the United States. On May L 1898, Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1898, Maj. Gen. Merritt, U. S. A., was placed in command of the military expedition to Manila and directed among other things to immediately “publish a proclamation declaring that we come not to make war upon the people of the Philippines nor upon any part or faction among them, _but_to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active atyi or by honest submission, co-operate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose will receive the reward of its support and protection.” Some Fortunes of War. On July .3, IS9B, the Spanish fleet In at‘tempting to escape from Santiago harbor was destroyed by the American fleet, and on 1 July 17, 3898, the Spanish garrison in the city of Santiago surrendered to the commander of the American forces. Following these brilliant victories, on the 12th day of August, 1898, upon the initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended, aud a protocol was signed with a view to arranging terms of peace between the two governments. In pursuance thereof I appointed as commissioners the following distinguished citizens to conduct the negotiations on the 1 art of the United States: Hon. William R. Day of Ohio, Hon. William P. Frye of Minnesota, Hon. George Gray of Delaware ami Hou. Whitelaw Reid of New York. Forced Into Conflict. In addressing the peace commission before its departure for Paris, I said: "It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the commission the purpose and spirit with which the United States accepted the unwelcome necessity of war should be kept constantly in view. We took up arms only in obedience to the dictates of humanily and the fulfillment of high public and moral, obligations. We had no design of aggrandizement aud uo ambition of conquest. "Through the long course of repeated representations which preceded and aimed to avert tlie struggle and In the final arbitra*meut of force this country was Jy by the purpose of relieving grievous wrongs and removing long existing conditions which disturbed its tranquillity, which shocked the moral sense of mankind aud which could no longer lie endured. Hi-rh Sense of Duty. “It is my earnest wish that tlie United States in making peace should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. It should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the concluding settlement as it was just and humane in its original action. * * * Our aim iu the adjustment of peace should be directed to lasting results aud to the achievement of the common good Under the demands of civilizatiou rather than to ambitious designs. * * * "Without any original thought of complete or even partial acquisition, the presence and success ot our arms at Manila impose upon us obligations which we cannot disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human action. Avowing unreservedly the purpose which has animated all our efforts, mid still solicitous to adhere 10 it, we cannot be unmindful that without any desire or design on our part the war has brought us new duties aud responsibilities which we must meet and discharge as becomes a great nation on whose growth aud career, from tlie beginning, the Ruler ot Nations has plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization.” Shirked No Responsibility. On Oct. 28, 1890, while the peace commission was continuing its negotiations tn i’arls, the following additional instruction was sent: "it is Imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only by motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion should be our least concern; that we shall not shirk the moral obligations of our victory is of the greatest. "It is undisputed that Spain’s authority is permanently destroyed in every part of the Philippines. To leave any part in her feeble control now would increase our difficulties and be opposed to the interests of humanity. * * * Nor can we permit Spain to transfer any of the islands to another power. Nor can we Invite another power or powers to join the United States in sovereignty over them. We must either hold them or turn them buck to Spain. Only One Honorable Course. “Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as are the difficulties which are before us, the President can see but, one plain path of duty, the acceptance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties aud more serious compl leu lions—administrative and international—would follow any other course. "The President Tins given to the views of the commissioners the fullest consideration, and iu reaching the conclusion above announced, iu the light of information communicated to the <4Olll in lesion and to the President since your departure, he has been influenced by the single consideration bf duty and humanity. . The President is not unmindful of the distressed flnauciul condition of Spain, and whatever consideration Hie United States tne.y show must come from its sense of generosity nnd benevolence rather than from any real or technical obligation.” Could'Not Abandon Them. Again, on Nov. 13, I instructed the commission : "From the standpoint, of indemnity, both the archipelagoes (Porto Rico and the Philipplnes) ate insufficient to pay our war expenses, but aside from this, do we not owe an obligation to the people of the Philippines which will not permit nJ’ to return them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could we justify ourselves in such a course, or could we permit their barter to some oilier power? "Willingly or not, we have the responsibility of duty which we cannot escape. • • ♦ The President cannot believe any division of the archipelago can bring us anything but embarrassment in the future. The trade and commercial side, as well as the indemnity for the cost of the war, are questions we might yield. They might be waived or compromised, but the questions of duty aud humanity appeal to the President so Strongly that be enn And no appropriate answer but the one he has here marked, out.” Terms of tlie Treaty. The treaty of peace was concluded on Dec. 10, 1808.’ By Its terms the archipelago, known ns the Philippine islands, was cede 4 by Spain to the United States. It was aiss provided that “the civil rights and political

status »f th® native Inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress.” Eleven days thereafter, on Dec. 21, the following direction was given to the commander of our forces In the Philippines: “The military commander of the United States Is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that, in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, In severing the former political relations of the Inhabitants and in establishing a new political power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the Islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim In the most public manner that we come not as Invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their homes, In their employments and in their personal and religious rights." Sent a Commission. In order to facilitate the most humane, pacific and effective extension of authority throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least possible delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection of life and property to the Inhabitants, I appointed in January, 189tf, a commission consisting of Jacob Gould Schurman of New York, Admiral George Dewey, U. S. N.; Charles Denby of Indiana, Professor Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, and Major General Elwell S. Otis, U. S. A. Their instructions contained the following: “In the performance of this duty the commissioners are enjoined to meet at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila, ■nd to announce by public proclamation their presence and the mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that, while the military government alretfdy proclaimed is to be maintained and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will be made to alleviate the burden of taxation, to establish Industrial and commercial prosperity, ■nd to provide for the safety of persons and of property by such means as may be found conducive to these ends. Given Carefnl Instructions. "The commissioners will endeavor, without Interference with the military authorities of the United States now in control of the Philippines, to ascertain what amelioration in the condition of the Inhabitants and what improvements In public order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will •tndy attentively the existing social and political state of the various populations, particularly as regards the forms of local government, the administration of justice, the collection of customs and other taxes, the means of transportation, and the need of public Improvements. They will report • • ♦ the results of their observations and reflections, and will recommend such executive action as may from time to time seem to them wise and useful. “The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively with any persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe themselves able to derive information or suggestions valuable for the purposes of their commission, or whom they may choose to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this purpose. • • * Avoided Harsh Measures. “It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of the islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the Ideals, customs and institutions of the tribes which compose the .population, emphasizing upon all occasions the'fhst and beneficent Intentions of the government of the United States. “It is also my wish and expectation that the commissioners may be received in a manner due to the honored and authorized representatives of the American Republic, duly commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill, and integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection and the richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering nation." On the 6th of February, 1899, the treaty was ratified by the Senate of the United States, and the Congress Immediately appropriated $20,000,000 to carry out Its provisions. The ratifications were exchanged by the United States and Spain on the 11th of April, 1899. As early as April, 1899, the Philippine commission, of which Dr. Schurman was president, endeavored to bring about peace In the Islands by repeated conferences with leading Tagalogs representing the so called insurgent government, to the end that some general plan of government might be offered them which they would accept. Pleased the Natives. So great was the satisfaction of the insurgent commissioners with the form of government proposed by the American commissioners that the latter submitted the proposed scheme to me for approval, and my action thereon is shown by the cable message following: “May 5, 1899. Schurman, Manila: Yours 4th received. You are authorized to propose that, under the military power of the President, pending action of Congress, government of the Philippine Islands shall consist of a governor general appointed by the President, cabinet .appointed by the governor general, a general advisory council elected by the people, the qualifications of electors to be carefully considered and determined, and the governor general to have absolute veto. Judiciary strong and Independent, principal judges appointed by the President. The cabinet and judges to be chosen from natives or Americans, or both, having regard to fitness. “The President earnestly desires tlie cessation of bloodshed and that the people of the Philippine Islands at an early date shall have the largest measure of local self-gov-ernment consistent with peace and good order. Biens of Treachery. In the latter part of May another group of rcprescntatlves«came from the insurgent leader. The whole matter was fully discussed wlthdhcm and promise of acceptance seemed near at hand. They assured our commissioners they would return after consulting with their leader, but they never did. As a result of the views expressed by the first Tagalog representative favorable to the plan of the commission, it appears that he wus, by military order of the insurgent leader, stripped of his shoulder straps, dismissed from the army and sentenced to twelve years' Imprisonment. The views of the commission are best set forth in their own words: “Deplorable as war Is. the one In which we are now engaged was unavoidable by us. We were attacked by a bold, adventurous

and enthusiastic army. No alternative was left to us except Ignominious retreat. Had to Remain. "It Is not to be conceived of that any American would have sanctioned the surrender of Manila to the Insurgents. Our obligations to other nations and to the friendly Filipinos and 'to ourselves and our flag demanded that force should be met with force. Whatever the future of the Philippines may be, there is no course open to us now except the prosecution of the war until the insurgents are reduced to submission. “The commission is of the opinion that there has been no time since the destruction of the Spanish squadron by Admiral Dewey when it was possible to withdraw our forces from the islands either with honor to ourselves or with safety to the inhabitants.” After the most thorough study of the peoples of the archipelago the commission reported, among other things: "Their lack of education and political experience, combined with their racial and linguistic diversities, disqualify them, In spite of their mental gifts and domestic virtues, to undertake the task of governing the archipelago at the present time. The most that can be expected of them is to co-oper-ate with the Americans in the administration of general affairs, from Manila as a center, and. to undertake, subject to American control or guidance (as may be found necessary) the administration of provincial and ipunlcipal affairs. *, * * . Would Invite Anarchy. "Should our power by any fatality be withdrawn, the commission believes that the government of the Philippines would speedily lapse into anarchy, which would excuse, If it did not necessitate, the intervention of other powers, and the eventual division of the islands among them. Only through American occupation, therefore, is the idea of a free, self-governing and united Philippine commonwealth at all conceivable. » » » “Thus the welfare of the Filipinos coincides with the dictates of national honor In forbidding our abandonment of the archipelago. We cannot from any point of view escape the responsibilities, of government which our sovereignty entails, and the commission is strongly persuaded that the performance of our national duty will prove the greatest blessing to the people of the Philippine Islands.” Satisfied that nothing further could be accomplished in pursuance of their mission until the rebellion was suppressed, and desiring to place before the Congress the result of their observations, 1 requested the commission to return to the United States. Their most intelligent and comprehensive report, was submitted to Congress. Duties of tlie Commission. In March, 1900, believing that the insurrection was practically ended and earnestly desiring to promote the establishment of a stable government in the archipelago, I appointed the following civil commission: William H. Taft of Ohio, Professor Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, Luke I. Wright of Tennessee, Henry C. ide of Vermont, and Bernard Moses of California. My instructions to them contained the following: “You (the Secretary of War) will instruct the commission * * * to devote their attention in the first instance to the establishment of municipal governments, la which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are capable and subject to the least degree of supervision and control which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the Workings of native control show to be consistent with the maintenance of law, order and loyalty. • • » Awaits the Report. “Whenever the commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from military to civil control they will report that conclusion to you (the Secretary of War), -with their personal recommendations as to the form of central government to be established for the purpose of taking over the control. • » • "Beginning with the Ist day of September, 1900, the authority to exercise, subject to my approval through the Secretary Of War, that part of the power of government in the Philippine Islands which is of a legislative nature Is to be transferred from the military governor of the islands to this commission, to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of the military governor, under such rules and regulations as you (the Secretary of War) shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central government for the Islands contemplated in the last foregoing paragraph or until Congress shall otherwise provide. Legislative Authority. “Exerclce of this legislative authority will Include the making or rules and orders having the effect of law for the raising of revenue by taxes, customs duties and Imposts; the appropriation and expenditure of the public funds of the Islands; the establishment of an educational system throughout the Islands; the establishment of a system to secure an efficient civil service; the organization and establishment of courts; the organization and establishment of municipal and departmental governments, and all other matters of a civil nature of which the military governor Is now competent to provide by rules or orders of a legislative character. The commission will also have power during the same period to appoint to office such officers under the judicial, educational and civil service systems and in the municipal and departmental governments as shall be provided.” Rules for the Interim. Until Congress shall take action I directed that: "Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines must-be Imposed these inviolable rules: That no person shall.be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a,speedy and publie trial, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for life defense; that excessive ball shall not be required, nor excessive fines Imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice In jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled In any criminal case to be a witness against himselfthat the right to be'Secure against unreasonable searchers and seizures shall not be Violated; that neither slavery nor Involuntary servitude shall exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances; that no law shall be made respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed. • • » Extending; Education. "It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend, and, as they find occasion, to Improve, the systeni of education already Inaugurated by the military authorities. In doing this they should regard as of first Importance the extension of a system

of primary education which shall be free to all, and which shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship, and for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. * » * Especial attention should be at onca given to affordlag full opportunity to all the people of the Islands to acquire the use of the English language. » » » “Upon all officers and employes of the United States, both civil and military, should be impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the material but the personal and social rights of the people of the Islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and respect for their personal dignity which the people of the United States are accustomed to require from each other. All Pledges Kept. “The articles of capitulation of the City of Manila on the 13th of August, 1898, concluded with these words: ‘This city, its inhabitants, its churches, and religious worship,' its educational establishments and its private property of all descriptions, are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American army.’ “I believe that this pledge has ben faithfully kept. As high and sacred an obligation rests upon the government of the United States to give protection for property and life, civil and religious freedom, and wise, firm and unselfish guidance in the paths of peace and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine Islands.’ I charge this commission to labor for the full-performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience of their country, in the firm hope that through their labors all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under the sovereignty and the protection of, the people of the United States.” Amnesty Proclaimed. That all might share In the regeneration of the Islands and participate in their government, I directed Gen. MacArthur, the military governor of the Philippines, to issue a proclamation of amnesty, which contained among other statements the following: "Manila. P. 1., June 21, 1900.—8 y direction of the Presldeiit of the Unit ed St ar es the undersigned announces amnesty, with complete Immunity for the past and absolute liberty of action for the future, to all persons who are now, or at any time since Feb. 4, 1899, have been in insurrection against the United States in either a military or civil capacity, and who shall, within a period of ninety days from the date thereof, formally renounce all connection with such insurrection and subscribe to a dec-

laration acknowleding and accepting the sovereignty and authority of the United States in and over the Philippine Islands. "The privilege herewith published is extended to all concerned without auy reservation whatever, excepting that persons who have violated the laws of war during the period of active hostilities are not embraced within the scope of this amnesty. Pay Offered for Riffes. "In order to mltigrate as much as possible consequences resulting from the various disturbances which since 1896 have succeeded each other so rapidly, and to provide in some measure for destitute Filipino soldiers during the transitory period which must inevitably succeed a general peace, the military authorities of the United States will pay 30 pesos to each man who presents a rifle in good condition.” Under their instructions the commission, composed of representative Americans of different sections of the country and from different political parties, whose character and ability guarantee the most faithful intelligence and patriotic service, are now laboring to establish stable government under civil control, in whleh the inhabitants shall participate, giving them opportunity to demonstrate bow far they are prepared for self-government. Quotes the Commission. This commission, under date of Aug. 21, 1900, makes an interesting report, from whleh I quote the following extracts: “Hostility against Americans was originally aroused by absurd falsehoods of unscrupulous leaders. The distribution of troops in 300 posts has by contact largely dispelled hostility, and steadily improved temper of people. This impypveffient is furthered by abuses of insurgents. Large numbers of people long for peace and are willing to accept government under the United States. "insurgents not surrendering after defeat divided into small guerrilla bands under general officers or became robbers. Nearly all of the prominent generals and politicians of the insurrection, except Aguinaldo, have since been captured or have surrendered and taken the oath of allegiance. » • » "All northern Luzon, except two provinces, substantially free from insurgents. People busy planting, and asking for municipal organization. Railway and telegraph lines from Manila to Dagupan, 122 miles, not molested for five mouths. • • • Plans Native Militia. “Tagalogs alone active in leading guerrilla warfare. In Negros, Cebu, Romblon, Masbate, Slbuyan, Tablas, Bohol and other Philippine Islands little disturbance exists, and civil government eagerly awaited. • • "Four years of war and lawlessness in parts of islands have created unsettled conditions. » * • Native constabulary and militia, which should be organized nt once, will end this ami the terrorism to which defenseless people are subjected. The natives desire to enlist in these organizations. If judiciously selected and officered', will be efficient forces for maintenance of order, and will permit early material reduction of United States troops. “Turning Islands over to coterie of Tagalog politicians will blight fair prospects of enormous improvement, drive out capital, make fife and property secular and religious most Insecure: banish by fear of cruel proscription considerable body of conservative Filipinos who have aided Americans In well-founded belief that their people are not now fit for self-government, and reintroduce same oppression and corruption which existed in all provinces under Malolos Insurgent government during the eight months of Its control. The result will be factional strife between jealous. leaders, chaos and anarchy, and will require and justify active intervention of our government or some other. • * Trade Follows Peace. “Business Interrupted by war much Improved as peace extends. • • • In Negros more sugar In c'ultlvatlon s thaa ever before.

New forestry regulations give Impetus to timber trade and reduce high price of lumber. The customs collections for last quarter 50 per'cent greater than ever ItuSpanlsh history, and August collections show further increase. The total revenue for same period one-third greater than in any quarter under Spain, though cedula tax chief source of Spanish revenue, practically abolished. “Economy and efficiency of military government have created surplus fund of $6,000,000, which should be expended in much needed public works, notably improvement of Manila harbor. • » • With proper tariff and facilities Manila will become great port of Orient.” The commission is confident that ‘by a judicious customs law, reasonable land tax and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition of no greater rate than that in the average American State will give less annoyance and with peace will produce revenues sufficient to pay expenses of efficient government, Including militia and constabulary.” ■ No Sis:n of Alliance. They “are preparing a stringent civil service law giving equal opportunity to Filipinos and Americans, with preference for the former where qualifications are equal, to enter at the lowest rank and by promotion reach the head of the department. • » • “Forty-five miles of railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large province rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate climate. * Railroad construction will give employment to many and communication will furnish a market to vast stretches of rich agricultural lands.” . They report that there are calls from all parts of the islands for public schools, school supplies and English teachers, greater than the commission can provide until a comprehensive school system is organized. Night schools for teaching English to adults are being established lu’response to popular demand. Native "children show aptitude in learning English. Spanish is spoken by a small fractlorf of the people, and in a few years the medium of communication In the courts, public- offices and between different tribes will be English. Working for Humanity. “Creation of central government within eighteen months, under which substantially all rights described in the bill of rights in the federal constitution are to be secured to the people of the Philippines, will bring to them contentment, prosperity, education and political enlightenment.” This shows to my countrymen what has been and is being done to bring the benefits of liberty and good government to these wards of the nation. Every effort has been

directed to their peace and prosperity, their advancement and well-being, not for our aggrandizement nor for pride of might, not for trade or commerce, not for exploitation, but for humanity and civilization, and for the protection of the vast majority of the population who welcome our sovereignty against the designing minority whose first demand after the surrender of Manila by the Spanish army was to enter the .city that they might loot it and destroy those not in sympathy with their selfish and treacherous designs. Civil Service to Rule. Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that there was any alliance between our soldiers and the Insurgents or that any promise of Independence was made to them. Long before their leader had reached Manila they had resolved, If the commander of the American navy would give them arms with which to fight the Spanish army, they would later turn upon us, which they did murderously and without the shadow of cause or justification. There may be those without the means-of full Information who believe that we were in alliance with the insurgents and that we assured them that they should have Independence. To such let me repeat the facts: On the 26th of May, 1898, Admiral Dewey was instructed by me to make no alliance with any party or faction in the Philippines that would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future, and he replied under date of June 6, 1898: “Have acted according to spirit of department's Instructions from the beginning, and 1 have entered into no alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. This squadron can reduce the defenses of Manila at any moment, but it is considered useless until the arrival of sufficient United States forces to retain possession.” Denies Any Compact. In the report of the first Philippine commission, submitted on Nov. 2, 1899, Admiral Dewey, one of its memliers, said: “No alliance of any kind was entered Into with Aguinaldo nor was any promise of independence made to him at any time." General Merritt arrived In the Philippines on July 25. 1898, and a dispatch from Admiral Dewey to the government at Washington said: "Merritt arrived yesterday. Situation is most critical at Manila. The Spanish may surrender at any moment. Merritt's most difficult problem will be how to deal with the insnrgents under Aguinaldo. who have become aggressive and even threatening toward our army.” Here is revealed tho spirit of the Insurgents as early as July. 1898, before the protocol was signed, whip- were still engaged In active war with Spain. Even then the insurgents were threatening our army. Filipinos Took No Part. On Aug. 13 Manila was captured, and of this and subsequent events the Philippine commission says: “When the City of Manila was taken, Aug. 13, the Filipinos took no part in the attack, but came following in with a view to looting the city ami were only prevented from i doing so by our forces preventing them from 1 entering. Aguinaldo claimed that he had the right to occupy the city. He demanded of General Merritt the palace of Malacanan for himself and the cession of all the churches of Manila, also Uiat a part of the monev taken from the Spaniards as spoils of war'should be given up, and. above all, that he should be given the arms of the i Spanish prisoners. All these demands were | refused.” No I’romisw Made. Generals Merritt, Greene and Anderson. 1 who were In command nt the beginning of our occupation and until the surrender of i Manila, state that there was no alliance i with the insurgents and no promise to them of Independence. On Aug. 17, 1898, General Merritt v.as Instructed that there must be I no joint occupation of Manila with the Insurgent*. General Anderson, under date of

Feb. 10, 1900, says that he was present at the Interview between Admiral Dewey and the Insurgent leader, and that in this interview Admiral Dewey made no promises whatever. He adds: “He (Aguinaldo) asked me if my government was going to recognize his government. I answered that I was there simply in a military capacity; that I could not acknowledge his government, because I had no authority to do so.” Easy to Find Fault. Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey's fleet to Manila to capture and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or, dispatching it there, would they have withdrawn it after the destruction of the Spanish fleet; and if the latter, whither would they have directed to sail? Where could It have gone? What port in the Orient was opened to it? Do our adversaries condemn the expedition under the command of General Merritt to strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our triumph over Spain, with which nation we were at war? Was it not our highest duty to strike Spain at every vulnerable point, that the war might be successfully concluded at the earliest practicable moment? Asks for Honest Opinion. And was it not our duty to protect the lives and property of those who came within our control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come away at any time between May 1, 1898, and the conclusion of peace without a stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without dishonor at any time after the ratification of the peace treaty by the Senate of the United States? There has been no time since the destruction of the enemy's fleet when we could or should have left the Philippine archipelago. After the treaty of peace was ratified no power but Congress could surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of the territory thus acquired. The Congress has not seen fit to do the one or the other, and the President had no authority to do either, if he had been so Inclined, which he was not. So long as the sovereignty remains in us ft Is the duty of the executive, whoever he may be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be attacked to suppress its assailants. Would our political adversaries do less? Begun by Insurgents. It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting In the Philippines If Congress had declared its purpose to give independence to the Tagal Insurgents. The insurgents did not wait for the action of Congress. They assumed the offensive, they opened fire on our army. Those who assert our responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have forgotten that before the treaty was ratified in the Senate, and while It was being debated in that body, and fchlle the Bacon resolution was under discussion, on Feb. 4, 1899, the Insurgents attacked the American army, after being previously advised that the American forces were under orders not to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in the recently captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been carefully planned for weeks before it occurred. Only One Course Open. Their unprovoked assault upon our soldiers at a time when the Senate was deliberating upon the treaty shows that no action on our part except surrender and abandonment would have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any fair mind whert the responsibility rests for the shedding of American blood. With all the exaggerated phrasemaking of this electoral contest, we are in danger of being diverted from the real contention. We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with them, and here the issue was made. It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants, and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self government when they are ready for it, and as rapidly as they are ready for it. That I am aiming to do under my constitutional authority, and will continue to do until Congress shall determine the political status of the inhabitants of the archipelago. Plea for Consistency. Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be reminded that it could not have been ratified in the Senate but for their assistance. The Senate which ratified the treaty and the Congress which added Its sanction by a large appropriation comprised Senators and Representatives of the people of all parties. Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their success at the polls In November there will be a withdrawal of our army and of American sovereignty over the archipelago, the complete independence of the Tagalog people recognized and the powers of government over all the other peoples of the archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. Prolongs the Rebellion. The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done has already prolonged the rebellion and increases the necessity for the continuance of a large army. It is now delaying full peace in the archipelago and the establishment of civil governments, and has influenced many of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by Gen. MacArthur under my direction. But for these false hopes a considerable reduction could have ben had in our military establishment in the Philippines and the realization of a stable government would be already nt hand. The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the sovereignty of the United States In the Philippines to a small fraction of the population, a single tribe out of eighty or more inhabiting the archipelago, a faction which wantonly attacked the American troops In Manila while In rightful possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of the treaty of peace by the Senate, and which has since been In active, open rebellion against the United States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in the Islands without consulting the majority and to abandon the largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us, to the cruelties of the guerrilla Insurgent bauds. Demands Cannot Be Met. More than this, we ar» asked to protect this minority in establishing a government, and to this end repress ail opposition of the majority. We are required to set up a stable government in the Interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and tired upon our soldiers, and then maintain It at cost or sacrifice again-t its enemies within and against those having ambitious designs from without. This would require rn army and navy far larger than Is now maintained In the PblllpSlnes and still more In excess of what will e necessary with.tbe full recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of authority not our own, as thus prop sed, is the very essence of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose, but which by their policy would of necessity be established in Its moat offieuslve form. No Premium on Murder. The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers the agents of the republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order to the Philippines. They will not make them the builders of the new commonwealth. Such n course would be a betrayal of our sacred obligations to the peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurers the lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would make possible and easy the commission of such atrocities as were secretly planned, to be executed on the 22d of February, 1899, in I the City of Manila, when only the vigilance of our army prevented the attempt to assaa-l sinnte our soldiers and all foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its surroundings. In short, the proposition of those opposed to us to continue all the obligations in the j Philippines which now rest upon the government, only changing the relation from principal, which now exists, to that of surety. Our responsibility is to remain, but our pow-; er is to be diminished. Our obligation is to be no less, but our title is to be surrendered

to another power, which Is without experience or training, or the ability to maintain ■ stable government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its International obligations with the rest of the world. Will Defend Oar Title. To this we are opposed. We should not yield our title while our obligations last. In the language of our platform, “Onr authority should not be less than our responsibility,” and our present responsibility is to establish our authority in every part of ths islands. f . No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore public order, establish law, justice and stable conditions as ours. Neither Congress nor the Executive can establish a stable government in these Islands except under our right of sovereignty, our authority and our flag. And this ws are doing. We could not do it as a protectorate power so completely or so successfully as we are doing it now. As the sovereign power we can Initiate action and shape means to ends, and guide the Filipinos to seif-development and self-government. As a protectorate power we could not initiate action, but would be compelled to follow and uphold a people with' no capacity yet to go alone. In the one case we can protect both ourselves and the Filipino# from being Involved in dangerous complications; in the other we could not protect even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Consent of the Governed. Besides, if we cannot establish any government of our own without the consent' of the governed, as our opponents contend, then we could not establish a stable government for them or make ours a protectorate without the -likq consent, and neither the majority of the people nor a minority of the people have invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a protectorate even with the consent of the governed without giving provocation for conflict and possibly costly wars. Our rights In the Philippines are now free from outside interference and will continue so in our- present relations. They would not be thus free in any other relation. We will not give up our own to guarantee another sovereignty. Our title Is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were receiving a good title when they concluded the treaty. The executive believed it was a good title when he submitted it to the Senate of the United States for its ratification. The Senate believed it was a good title when they gave it their constitutional assent, and the Congress seems not to have doubted its completeness when they appropriated $20,000,000 provided by the treaty. Title la Unquestionable. If any who favored its ratification believed it gave us a bad title they were not sincere. Our title is practically identical with that under which we hold our territory acquired since the beginning of the government, and under which we have exercised full sovereignty and established government for the inhabitants. It is worthy of note that no one outside of the United States disputes the fullness and integrity of the cession. What, then, is the real issue on this subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or not, it is whether we shall be responsible for the government of the Philippines, with the sovereignty and authority which enables us to guide them te regulated liberty, law, safety and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible and arbitrary government of a minority, without sovereignty and authority on our part, and with only the embarrassment of a protectorate, which draws us into tNeir troubles without the power of preventing them. Obligations of War. There were those who two years ago were rushing us on to war with Spain who are unwilling now to accept its clear consequences, as there are those among us who advocated the ratification of the treaty of peace, but now protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must bo prepared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they make treaties must keep them. Those who profess to distrust the libera! and honorable purposes of the administration in its treatment of the Philippines'are not justified. Imperialism has no place in its creed or conduct. Freedom Is a rock upon which the Republican party was bullded and now rests. Liberty is the great Republican doctrine for which the people went te war and for which a million lives were offered and billions of dollars expended to make it a lawful legacy of all without the consent of master or slave. Strain of Hypocrisy. There Is a strain of ill-concealed hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the constitutional guarantees to the people of the Philippines, while their nullification is openly advocated at home. Our opponent may distrust themselves, but they have no right to discredit the good faith and patriotism of the.majority of the people who are opposed to them. They may fear the worst form of imperialism with the helpless Filipinos In their hands, but if they do it is because they have parted with the spirit and faith of the fathers and have lost the virility of the founders of the party which they profess to represent. The Republican party doesn't have to assert Its devotion to the Declaration of Independence. That immortal instrument of the fathers remained unexecuted until the people, under the lead of the Republican patty In the awful clash of battle, turned its promises into fulfillment. It wrote into the Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to American citizenship, and it has never broken them or counselled others in breaking them. It will not be guided In its conduct by bne set of principles at home and another set In the new territory belonging to the United States. Doctrine of Lincoln. If our opponents would only practice aa well ad preach the doctrines of Abraham Lincoln there would be no fear for the safety of our institutions at home or their frightful Influence in any territory over which our flag floats. Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines by American freemen. The flag of the republic now floats over theso Islands ns an emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the republic stay and dispense to their Inhabitants the blessings of liberty, education and free institutions, or steal away, leaving them to anarchy or imperialism? The American question Is between duty and desertion. The American verdict will be for duty and against desertion, for tho Republic against both anarchy and imperialism. The country has been fully advised of the purposes of the United States in China, and they will be faithfully adhered to as already defined. Btifferers in Pekin. The nation is filled with gratitude that the little band, among them many of opr own blood, Who for two months bad been subjected to privations and peril by the attacks of pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, exhibiting supreme courage In the face of despair, have been enabled by God's favor to greet their rescuers and find shelter under their own flag. The people not alone of this land, but of all lands, have watched and prayed through the terrible stress and protracted agony of the helpless sufferers In Pekin; and while at times the dark tidings seemed to make all hope vain, the rescuers never faltered in the heroic fulfillment of their noble task. We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and marines, and to all the brave men who, though assembled under many standards, representing peoples and races strgngera in country and speech, were yet united in the sacred mission of carrying succor to the besieged. with a success that is now the cause of a world’s rejoicing. Passing of Sectionalism. Not only have we reason for thanksgiving for our material blessings, but we should rejoice in the complete unification of the people of nil sections of our country that has >o happily developed In the last few years and made for us a more perfect union. Ths obliteration of old differences, the common devotion to the flag and the common sacrifices for its honor, so conspicuously shown by the men of the North and South in the Spanish war, have so strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that nothing can ever again divide us. The nation faces the new century gratefully and hopefully, with Increasing love of country, with firm faith in Its free institutions. and with high resolve that they “shall not perish from the earth." Very respectfnly yours, WILLIAM M KINLEY.