Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 21, Number 104, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 18 September 1900 — THE FACTS ARE TOLD [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

THE FACTS ARE TOLD

McKinley's Letter of Acceptance Deals With Issues. THE PLATFORM IS SOLID Another and Permanent Victory Is Presaged on Same Old Line. Clear Presentation of the Issues Upon Which the Present Campaign Is Based Wiih a Comprehensive Review of the Situation 5= Regarding the New Foreign Territory of the United States.

Executive Mansion, | Washington. Sept. 10. | Hon. Henry Lodge, Chairman Notification Committee: ' My Dear Sir—The notification of the Republican convention of June 10, 1900, for the office of president of the United States, Which, as the official representative of the convention, you have conveyed to me, is accepted. I have carefully examined the platform adopted and give to it my hearty approval. Upon the great issue of the last national election it is clear. It up--4 holds the gold standard and indorses the legislation of the present * congress, by which that standard has been effectively strengthened. The stability of our national curtency is therefore secure as long ns those who adhere to this platform are kept In control of the government. In the first battle, that of the friends of the gold standard and of sound currency, were triumphant, and the country is enjoying the fruits of that victory. Our antagonists, however, are not satisfied. They compel us to a second battle upon the same lines on which the first was fought and Won. While regretting the reopening of this question, which can only djstdrb the present satisfactory financial condition of the government and visit uncertainty upon our great business enterprises, we aceept the issue and again invite the sound money forces to join in winning another, and we hope, a, permanent triumph for an honest financial system, which will continue inviolable the public faith. 1,. As in 1890 the three silver parties are united, under the same leader, who immediately after the election of that year, an address to the bimetal-, lists, said: “The friends of bimetallism have not been vanished: they have simply been overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a conspiracy of the money-changers against the welfare of tlie human race, and they •will continue the warfare against it.” The policy thus proclaimed has been accepted and confirmed by these parties. The silver Democratic platform of 1900 continues the warfare against the so-called gold conspiracy when it expressly says “we reiterate the demand of that (the Chicago) platform of 1890 for an American financial system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the Immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present ratio of 16 to 1. If another issue Is paramount, tills ‘ls Immediate.. It will admit of no defay and will suffer no postponement.

In all three platforms these parties announce that their efforts shall be unceasing until the gold act shall be blotted from the statute books, and the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to 1 shall take Its place. The relative Importance of the Issues I do not stop to discuss. All of them are Important. Whichever party Is successful will be bound In conscience to carry Into 1 administration and legislation Its several declarations and doctrines. One declaration will be ns obligatory as another, but nil are not immediate. It is not possible that these parties would treat the doctrine of 16 to 1, the Immediate realization of which is demanded by their several platforms, as vpld and Inoperative In the event that they should be clothed with power. Otherwise their profession of faith is insincere. It lsMherefore the imperative business of those opposed to this financial heresy to pre-

vent tie trlumph3 of ihe parties whose union is omy assured by adherence to the silver issue. Will the American people, through indifference or fancied security, hazard the overthrow of the Wise financial legislation of the past year and revive the dangers of the silver standard with all of the inevitable evils of shattered confidence and general disaster which justly alarmed and aroused them in 1896? The Republican party remains faithful to Its principle of a tariff, which supplies sufficient! revenues for the government and adequate protection to our enterprise and producers; and of reciprocity, which opens foreign markets of American labor, and-fur-nishes new channels through which to market the surplus of American farms. The time-honored principles of protection and reciprocity were the first pledges of Republican victory to be written Into public law. The present congress has given to Alaska a territorial government for which it had waited more than a quarter of a century; lias established a representative government in Hawaii; has enacted bills for the most liberal treatment of the pensioners and their widows; has revived the free homestead policy. In its great financial law It provided for the establishment of banks of issue with a capital of .$25,000 for the benefit of villages and rural communities. and bringing the opportunity for profitable business in banking within the reach of moderate capital. Five years ago we were selling government bonds bearing as high as 5 per cent interest. Now we are redeeming them with a bond at par bearing 2 per cent. We are selling our surplus products and lending our surplus money to Europe. One result of our selling to other nations so much more than we have bought from them during the past three years is a radical improvement of our financial relations. Tne great amounts of capital which have been borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material development have remained a constant drain upon our resources for interest and dividends and made our money markets liable to constant disturbances by calls for payment or heavy sales of our securities whenever moneyed stringency or panic occurred abroad. v We have been paying these-debts and bringing home many of our securities and establishing countervailing credits abroad by our loans and placing ourselves upon a sure foundation of financial independence.

In the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and the Boer states of South Africa, the United States lias maintained an attitude of neutrality in accordance with, its well known traditional policy. It did not hestitate, however, when -requested by the governments of the South African republics, to exercise its good offices for a cessation of hostilities. It is to be observed that while the South African repubftes' made a Tike request, of other powers, the United States is the only one whoch complied. The British government declined to accept the intervention of an.v power.

Ninety-one per cent of opr exports and imports now are carried by foreign ships. For ocean transportation we pay annually to foreign ship-owner's over $195,009,900. We ought (o own the ships for our carrying trade with the world and we ought to build them in American ship yards and man them with American sailors. A subject of Immediate importance to our country is tiro completion of a great waterway of commerce between the Atlantic and Pacific. Our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for Its completion and control by this government; and it is believed that the next session of congress will make provisions for the sure accomplishment of tliis great work.

Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities necessary to the general use of tlje people by suppressing natural and ordinary competition, thus enhancing prices, to the general consumer are obnoxious to the common law and the public welfare. They are dangerous conspiracies against tlie public good and should be made file subject of ’ prohibitory or penal legislation. The best service which can be rendered to labor is to afford it an opportunity for steady and remunerative employment, and give it every encouragement for advancement. The policy that subserves this end is the true American policy. The past three years have been more satisfactory to American workingmen than many preceding years. Any change of the present industrial or financial policy of the government would be disastrous to their highest interests.

Practical civil service reform has always had the support and encouragement of the Republican party. The future of the merit system is safe in its hands. The merit system, as far as practicable, Is made the basis for appointments to office in our new territory. The American people are profoundly grateful to the soldiers, sailors and marines who have in>every time of conflict fought their country’s battles and defended its honor. These, with the soldiers of the Spanish war, will not be neglected by tlielr grateful countrymen. The pension laws have been liberal. They should lie justly administered and will be. We have been in possession of Cuba since Jan. 1. 1899. We bare restored order and established domestic tranquility. The qualification of electors has been settled and under it officers have been chosen for all the muniei-" .polities of Cuba. These local governments are notv in operation, administered by the people. We hold Porto Rico by the same title as* the Philippines. The treaty of peace which ceded us the one conveyed to us the other. Congress has given to this island a government in which the inhabitants par-

ticipate, 6lect their own legislature, enact their own local laws, provide their own system of taxation, and in these respects have the same power tmd privileges enjoyed by other territories belonging to the United States, and a much larger measure of selfgovernment than was given to the inhabitants of Louisiana under Jefferson. Under the new law add the inauguration of civil government there has been a gratifying revival of business. The manufactures of Porto Rico are developing; her imports are increasing; her tariff is yielding increased returns; her fields are being cultivated; free schools are being established. Notwithstanding the many embarrassments Incident to a change of national conditions she is rapidly showing the good effects of her new relations to this nation. For the sake-of full and intelligent understanding of the Philippine question, and to give to the people authentic information of the acts and aims of the administration, I present at some length the events of importance leading up to the present situation. The purpose of the executive are best revealed and can best be judged by what he has done and is doing. It will be seen that the power of the government has been used for the liberty, the peace and the prosperity of the Philippine peoples, and that force has been employed only against force which stood in the way of the realization of these ends,

On April 25, 1898. congress declared that a state of war existed between Spain and the United States. On May 1, 1898, Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila bay. On May 19, 1898, Maj. Gen. Merritt, U. S. A., was placed in command of the military expedition to Manila, and directed among other things to immediately “publish a proclamation declaring that we come not ,to make war upon the people of the Philippines nor upon any part or faction among them, but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, co-operate with the United States in its efforts to give effect to this benefieient purpose, will receive the reward of its support and protection.” ' On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet in attempting to escape from Santiago harbor, was destroyed by the American fleet, and on July 17, 1898, the Spanish garrison in the city of Santiago surrendered to the commander of the American forces.

Following these brilliant victories, on the 12th day of August, 1898, upon the initiative of Spain, hostilities were suspended, and a protocol was signed with a view to arranging terms of peace between tlie two governments.— [Then follows an epitome of tlie official correspondence and acts of Hie peace commission and of the civil commissions acting ip the Philippines up to date], The [Philippine] commission is confident that “by a judicious customs law, reasonable land tax and proper corporation franchise tax, imposition of no greater rate than that in average American state will give less annoyance and with peace will produce revenues sufficient to pay expenses of efficient, government including militia and constabulary.” They “are preparing a stringent civil service law giving equal opportunity- to Filipinos and Americans with preference for former where qualifications are equal, to enter at lowest rank and by promotion reach head of department. * * * Fortyfive iniles of railroad extension under negotiation will give access to a large province rich in valuable minerals, a mile high, with strictly temperate climate. * * * Railroad construction will give employment to many and communication will furnish market to vast stretches of rich agricultural lands.” #

They report that there are “calls from all parts of tlie islands for public schools, school supplies and English teachers, greater than the commission can provide until a comprehensive school system is organized. Night schools for teaching English to adults are being established in response to popular demand. Native children show aptitude in learning English, Spanish is spoken by- a small fraction of people, and In a few years the medium of communication in the courts, publicoffices and between different tribes will be English: creation of central government within 18 months, under which substantially ail rights described in the bill of rights Tn tlie federal constitution are to be secured to the people of the Philippines, will bring to them contentment, prosperity, education and political enlightenment.”

This shows to my countrymen what lias been and is being done to bring the benefits of liberty and good government to these wards of, the nation. Every effort lias been directed to their peace and prosperity, their advancement and well-being, not for our agrandlzemeut nor for pride of might, not for trade or commerce,, not for exploitation, but for humanity and civilization, and for the protection of the vast majority of the population who welcome our, sovereignty against the designing minority whose first demand after the surrender of Manila by the Spanish army was to entej; the city that they might loot it and destroy those not in sympathy with their selfish and treacherous design^. Nobody who will avail himself of the facts will longer hold that there was any alliance between our soldiers and the insurgents, or that any promise of independence was made to them. Long before tlifcir leader bad reached Manila they had resolved if the-command-er of the American navy would give ♦hem arms with which to fight the Spanish tyruy, .they would later turn upon us, which they did murderously and without the shadow of cause or Justification. There may be those with-

out the means of full information, who believe that we were in alliance with the insurgents and that* we assured them that they should have independence. To such let me repeat the facts. On May 26, 1898 Admiral Dewey was Instructed by me to make no alliance with any party or faction in the Philippines that would incur liability to maintain their cause in the future, and he replied under date of June 6, 1898: “Have acted according to spirit of department’s instructions from the beginning. arid I have entered into no alliance with the insurgents or with any faction. This squadron can reduce the defenses of Manila at any moment, but it is considered useless until the arrival of sufficient United. States forces to retain possession.” In the report of the first Philippine commission, submitted on Nov. 2, 1899, Admiral Dewey, one of its members, said: -

“No alliance of any kind was entered jnto with Aguinaido nor was any promise of independence made to him at any time.” Gen. Merritt arrived in the Philippines on July 25, 1898, and a dispatch, from Admiral Dewey to the government at v.Yshington. said: “Merritt arrived yest: rilay. Situation is most critical at Manila. The Spanish may surrender if any moment. Merritt’s most difficult problem will be how to deal with the insurgents under Aguinaido, who have become aggressive and even flifeaterifri;: toward our army.” Here is revealed the spirit of the insurgents as early as .Italy, I.snß, before the protocol was signed, while we were still engaged ill active war with Spain. Even then the insurgents were threatening our army. On Aug. 13 Manila was captured and of this and subso’quent event's the Philippine commission says: “When the city qf Manila was taken Aug. 13tli. the Filipinos took no part in the attack, but came following in .with a view to looting the city and wore only prevented from doing so by our forces preventing them from entering. Aguinaido claimed that he had the right to occupy the city; he demanded of Gen. Merritt the palace of Malacauan for himself and the cession of all the churches of Manila, also that a part of the tnohey taken from the Spaniards as spoils of war. should be given up, and above all that he should be given the arms of the Spanish prisoners. All these demands wore refused.

Generals Merritt, Greene and Anderson, who were in command at tlie beginning of our occupation, and until tlie surrender of Manila, state that there was no alliance with' tlie insurgents—and no promise to them of independence. * * * And was it not our duty to protect the lives and* property of those who came within our control by- tlie fortunes of War? Could w-e have come away at any- time between May 1, IS9B, and the conclusion of peace without a stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without dishonor at any time after tlie ratification of the peace treaty by tlie senate of the United States? There has been no time since the destruction of tlie enemy’s fleet when we could or should have left tlie Philippine archipelago. After the treaty of peace was ratified no power but ■congress could surrender our sovereignty- or alienate a foot of the territory- thus acquired. Tlie congress has not seen tit to do the one or tlie other, and tlie president had no authority to do either, if he had so inclined, which he was not. So long as the sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the executive, whoever he may- be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be attacked to suppress its assailants. Would our political adversaries do less?

It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting in the Philippines if congress had declared its purpose to give independence to the Tagal insurgents. The Insurgents did not wait for the action of congress. They assumed the offensive, they opened fire on our army. Those who assert our responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have forgotten that before the treaty, was ratified In the senate and while it was' being debated in that body, and while the Bacon resolution was under discussion, on Feb. 4, 1899, the insurgents attacked the American army, after being previously advised that the American forces were under orders not to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in the recently captured archives of the Insurgents demonstrate that this attack had been carefully planned for weeks before it occurred. Their unprovoked assault upon our soldiers at a time when the senate was deliberating upon the treaty shows that no action on our part except surrender and abandonment would haVe prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any fair mind of where the responsibility rests for the shedding of American blood.

Witli all the exaggerated phrasemaking of this electoral contest, we are In danger of lieing diverted from the real contention. We are In agreement with all of those who supported the war with Spain, and also with those who counselled the ratification of the treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations imposed by the warand the treaty, we roust decline to act further with them and here the issue was made. It is otrr purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable to the wanfs and conditions of the inhabitants and to prepare them for self-r ceynment, and to give them self government when they are ready for it and ns rapidly as they are rekdy for it. That I am aiming to do unde.'"

my constitutional authority, arid trill continue to do until congress shall determine the political status of the inhabitants of the archipelago. Are onr opponents against the treaty? If so TtWy must be reminded that it could not have been ratified in the senate but for tlicir assistance. The senate which ratified the treaty and the congress , which added Its sanction by a large appropriation, comprised senators and representatives of the people of all parties.

Would our opponents Surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by our opponents in the mindsof the Filipinos, that with their success at the polls in Novenilwr there will he a withdrawal of our army and of American sovereignty over the archipelago; the complete independence of the Tagalog people recognized and the powers of government over all the other peoples of the archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. The effect of a belief in the minds of the insiirgetifsthat lids wilt bo done has already prolonged the rebellion aim im-rcqses the necessity for the continuance of a large army. It is now delaying full peace in the archipelago and the establishment of civ-il governments, and has influenced many of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of anmesty _ offered by General MacArtlmr under my direction. But for these false hopes, a considerable reduction could have been had in our military establishment in the Philippines, and the rellzatlou of a stable government would be already at hand. The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines to a Small fraction of tiTe population, a single tribe out of 89 or more inhabiting the -archipelago, a fraction which wantonly attacked the American troops in Manila while in rightful possession under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of the treaty of peace by the senate, and which has since been in active, open rebellion against the United States. We are asked to transfer our sovereignty to a small majority in the islands without consulting the majority and to abandon the largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us, to the cruelties ot the guerilla insurgent bands. More than this, we are asked to protect tliis minority in establishing a government and to this end repress all opposition of the majority. We are required to set up a stable government in tlie interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and*fired upon our soldiers, and then .maintain it at any cost or sacrifice against its enemies within and against those having ambitious designs without. This would require an army and navy far larger* than Is now maintained in the Philippines, and still more in excess of what will be necessary with the full recognition of out* sovereignty. A military support of authority not onr own as thus proposed which by their polieyhi.rEswp-buil’hh is the very essence of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose,, hut which by their policy would of necessity be established in its most effective form. The American people will not make the murderers of our soldiers the agents of the Republic to convey the blessings of liberty and order to the Philippines. They will not make them the builders of the new commonwealth. Such a course would lie a betrayal of our sacred obligations to the peaceful Filipinos, and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurerers the lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would make possible and easy the commission of such atrocities as were secretly planed, to,be executed on the 22d of February, 1899, in the city of Manilla, when only the vigilance of our army prevented the attempt, to assassinate our soldiers and all foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its surroundings. In short, the proposition of those opposed to ns is to continue all the obligations in the Philip]tines which now rest upon the government, only clmiigiiig the relation from priwipnWwhich now exists, to that of Our responsibility is to remain, but our power is to be diminished. Our obligation is to Tie no less, but our title is to be surren- | dered to another power, which is with- j out experience or training, or the ability to maintain a stable government at home and .absolutely helpless to perform its international obligations with the rest of the world.

To tbis we are opposed. We slump] not yield our title while our obligations last. In the language of our platform, “Onr authority should not be less than our responsibHity,”''and oiy present responsibility is to establish our authority In every part of the islands. No government can so certainly preserve tty? peace, restore public order, establish law, Justice and stable conditions as ours. Neither congress nor the exeeutlre can establish a stable government in these islands except under our right of sovereignty, our authority, and our flag. An* this we are doing. Our rights in the Philippines are now free from outside interference and will continue so in our present relation. They would not be thus free in any other relatiqn. We will not give up j our own to guarantee another sovereignty. Our title is 'good. Onr peace j commissioners believed they were re ceiving a good title when they con dialed the treaty. The executive be 1 laved It was a good title when he sub j rnitted it to tbe senate of the United States for Us ratification. The senate believed it was a good'titie when they

gave It their constitutional assent and the congress seems not to have doubted its completeness when they appropriated $20,000,090 provided by the treaty. If any who favored its ratification believed it gave us a bad title, they were not sincere. It is worthy'of note that no one outside of the United States dispute* the fullness and Integrity of the cession. What then is the real Issue on this subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or not. It Is whether we shall be resjionsible for any government of the Philippines with the sovereignty and authority which enables ns to guide them to regulated liberty, law. safety and progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and authority on our part, and with only tin* embarrassment of a protectorate which draws us Into their troubles without the power of preventing them. There are those who two years ago were rushing us on to war with Spain who are unwilling now to accept its clear consequence,' as there are those among us who advocated the ratification of the treaty of peace, but now protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must be prepared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they make treaties must keep them.

Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable- purposes of the admin! Oration In its treatment of the Philippines ape not justified. Imperialism lias no place in its creed or conduct,. Freedom is a rock upon which the Republican party was buikled and now rests. Liberty is the great RepuMiean doctrine for which the people went to war and for which 1/000,900 !iv s \v. o offered and billions of dollars exp tided to make it a Lawful legacy of all without the consent of master or slave. There is a strain of ill-cmi'c' aled Ityp-.-eris.v in the anxiety to extend I lie constitutional guarantees to the people of the. Philippines, while, their riuHftration is openly advocated at home. Our opponents may distrust themselves lint they have no right to discredit tie- good faith and patriotism of the majority of the people, who are opposed to them; they may fear the worst form of imperialism with fkir~ helpless Filipffios In their hands; But if they do. it is lteeaust•-they have 1 parted with the spirit' and faith of the fathers and have lost the virility of the founders of the party which they profess to represent. The Republican party dues not have to assert its devotion to the- ' Declaration of Independence. That immortal instrument of the fathers remained unexecuted until the people under the lead of the Republican party in the awful clash of battle turned its promises into fulfillment. I?' wrote into the constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to American citizenship and it has never broken them or counselled others in breaking them. It will not be guided in its conduct by one set of principles at home and another set in the new territory belonging to the United States.

If pur opponents should only practice as well as preach the doctrine of Abraham Lincoln, there would be. no fear for the safety of our institutions at home or their rightful influence in any territory over which our flag floats. Empire lias been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines by American freemen. The flag of the republic now floats over -these islands as an emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the republic stay and dispense to their inhabitants the blessings of liberty, education and free institutions, or steal away, leaving them to anarchy or im'perialismV The American question is between duty and desertion—the American verdict will be for duty and -against desertion, for the republic against both anarchy and imperialism. The country has been fully advised of the' purposes’ of the United States in China, and they will be faithfully adhered to as already defined. The nation is filled wit!! gratitude that the little band, among them many of our own blood, who for two months have been subjected to privations and peril by the attacks of pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, exhibiting supreme courage in the face of despair, have been enabled by God’s favor to greet their rescuers and find shelter under tlieir own flag. The people not alone of this land, but of all lands have watched and prayed through this terrible stress and. protracted agony of the helpless sufferers in Pekin, and while at times the dark tidings seemed to make all hope vain, the rescuers never faltered In the he*oic fulfillment of their noble task. We are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors and marines, and to all the bjave men who though assembled under many standards representing peoples and races strangers in country and speech were yet united ip the sacred mission of carrying succor to the besieged, witli a success that is now the cause of a world's rejoicing. Not only have we reason for thanksgivtng for our material blessings, but we should rejoice in the complete unification of the people of all sections of our country, that lias so happily.developed in the last few years and made for us a more perfect union. The obliteration of old differences, the common devotion to the flag and the common sacrifices for its honor, so conspicuously shown by the men of the north and south > n l ' ie Spanish war. have so strengthened the ties of friendship and mutual respect that nothing can ever again divide us. The nation faces the. new century gratefully and hopefully, vith-increasing love of country, with firm faith in its free institutions, and with high resolve that they “shall not perish frou. the earth.” ' t cry respectfully youts, M

WILLIAM M’KINLEY.

PRESIDENT M’KINLEY.