Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 21, Number 104, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 18 September 1900 — Page 2

CAMPAIGN IS OPENED

Notable Address of Senator - 1 - .T 8Charles W. Fairbanks. PARTY’S LUMINOUS RECORD l ' Republican Policies Have No Apologies to Offer.

Promises Wrought Into Fulfillment Give Fall Assurance of Further Wise and Capable Direction of the Nation’s Affairs at the * Hands of the Present Administration —Senator Fairbanks Presents a Conclusive Argument For Republican Victory. In opening the Republican state Campaign la Indiana Wednesday night Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks... United States senator from Indiana, in a notable address delivered at English’s ©peraliouse, Indianapolis, said in part: . Mr. Chairman and Follow Citizens— I shall discuss in a plain way and as briefly as may be. some of the questions engaging the attention of the American people. We should approach them as patriots, rather than as partisans, inspired only by the purpose to advance the best. interests of our common country.- Prejudice and passion have no rightful place in the august tribunal where the destiny of the’ American republic is determined. We come before the people with no apology upon our lips, but with a luminous record of righteous deeds done, (with promise wrought into fulfillment. We are not ashamed of our issues, nor afraid to frankly espouse our new ones. Our record is lief ore the people, and it is a part of the enduring history of the republic. We could not change ft if we would, and we would not if ,we could.

Pour years ago we promised to enact A tariff law which would supply the federal treasury with adequate revenue and promote American interests. ,We have redeemed this pledge by the enactment of the Dingley law. This Jaw established confidence, reopened factories, erected new enterprises and opened the way to profitable-.employ-ment for the great army of unemployed workingmen. The products of the farm found ready markets at enJianced values; the treasury was replenished and prosperity prevailed throughout the United States in unusual degree. It lias been but a few years since the streets and the highways were Crowded with idle workingmen, vainly Searching for work—work at any Wages. It lias been but a few years Since idle men. pinched by want and hunger, were marching upon Washington, appealing for relief. A revolution has occurred, peaceful in its process, mighty and significant in its results. The ranks of the employed have been Increased by hundreds of thousands. Jjabor lias had work. It has not been asking for bread at the hands of charity. It has been building homes: it has been educating children; it has |>een increasing deposits in building and loan associations and in savings hanks. Shall we reverse this gratifying condition? Shall we again increase the ranks of the unemployed? Shall work continue to seek labor, or ahall we return to the days when labor wap anxiously seeking work? <1 Cur-wry. The St. Louis convention declared for the maintenance of the gold standard, and for the promotion of international bimetallism. Agreeably to the pledge, the president early sent a commission to Europe to confer with the leading European governments with respect to an international agreement. The commission was unable to accomplish an agreement, but the Republican party had, kept its pledge.. TbC* present congress enacted a law firmly the gold standard. Every dollar of our currency is now

gold or its equivalent. We have added to the stock of our circulating medium *o that the per capita is $26.50, against I $21.16 in 1896. The aggregate amount 'is $2,062,425,496 of which 88 10, 474,460 is gold and gold certificates, $626,470,S2O is "silver and silver certificates, $820,350,06G greenbacks and national t>ank notes. In short we have more SUid better money today than ever, and Are will never consent to its debasejflbent. We will never consent to silver which would drive out ■Erery dollar of gold “and reduce the psilver add silver certificates, the greenfmcks and national bank notes to less -fban one-half their present value. The Kansas City convention declared fn favor of tbe immediate restoration «f the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ffttlo of' 16 to 1, without waiting for §toe aid or consent of aziy other nation. -fThe opposing’candidate is the incar,n of Wie free silver issue, and no orm declaration was really necesin view of his candidacy, ese declarations of tlie convention the candidate, are a menace to the t of ttie country and to our indusprogress. The coinage of r and gold, as pro]K>sed, would > from circulation every dollar of mm id. and reduce to a silver basis the Bnrer and paper mrrwicy remaining. Egjug producing a radical contraction our circulating medium. it market ratio of silver B about 84 to l. It is Sinecure the concurrent Hr oth tnptals, if they o 1 > a ratio which so disr lo in the markets, it is recognized by financiers rad years, that the pooravariably drives out of

circulation the best. We are able to keep a limited quantity of silver and paper in Circulation at a parity with gold, by making them interchangeable Willi each other, or by some provision restricting their use. The demand for the free coinage of silver lies in the desire of flie producer!* of silver bullion to secure a market for their product. It Is purely and simply a selfish business proposition. This is shown by the chairman of the notification committee in his address to Mr. Bryan at Topeka. Said he: “The duty of the government is to encourage, protect and develop the productive industries of the people. Silver mining is as legitimate and honorable an industry as is the mining of gold. The United States could lead the world in the production of silver, and add more than $1."0.000,--000 to the annual wealth produced by the people.” Twice congress has endeavored to’ provide for the purchase of the-annual output of the silver’ mines in the United States. The Bland-Allison act of 1878 and the Sherman act of 1890. were’ designed to absorb our annual product of silver. They stimulated the silver industry, and the population increased, while the price of silver in the market decreased. until, to avoid the utter wreck and destruction of our currency, the purchasing clause of the Sherman act was repealed'in September. 380.1. Its repeal, in a measure, restored public ' President Cleveland is entitled to the everlasting credit of the people of the United States for the determined and courageous stand he took for the repeal of the purchase clause of the Sherman act and for the maintenance of the gold standard. For this service he -won the unsparing abuse' of the Populistic element in his own party, but he won the favorable judgment of history. The gold standard has lreen adopted by the United States because, by the experience of the great nations of the world, it is found to be the soundest, the best. Its overthrow would work a revolution iu our commercial and domestic affairs which would be appalling in its consequences. It would be more destructive than war. more devastating than flood or pestilence. The silver standard, which is not recognized by any first class nation, and has been repudiated even b.v some of the lowest rank, if adopted in this country would result in closing the factories and workshops, and the power of the great army of- consumers to purchase would be diminished or destroyed. The loss resulting from the free coinage of silver would fall not

only upon the capitalists and workingmen,'with cruel severity, but it would seriously injure the' 903,000 pensioners of the republic. We shall not consent that they shall be paid in depreciated or 48-ceut dollars. Those who toil should not be defrauded of the fruit of tlieir labor. There' is no device which so surely clieats labor as a decurrency, and it is the part of good government to provide for a circulating medium which shall be as good in the hands of labor as in the hands of capital. It lias been said by some who have certainly not given careful and serious thought to tiiis vital subject, that if Mr. Bryan should be elected and carry the house of representatives, the gold standard would be secure because of the Republican senate. Is it tvjse to take chances? But, assuming that lie should not secure Immediate possession of the senate, ins election would be a menace to the integrity of our currency system. The apprehension alone would fftuse hesitancy; commercial atrophy. Our able secretary of the treasury, Mr. Oage, has recently pointed out the very serious results which would follow the election of Mr. Bryan, if he should adhere to the position be assumed in 1896, He then declared, as you will remember,' that ,- if there is aSy one that believes thaf the gold standard is good tiling, or that it must he maintained, I want him not to cast liis vote for me. because T promise him it will not bo maintained in Hie country longer than I am able to get rid of it.” There is no reason to question Mr. Bryan's integrity of purpose or to doubt that he would make tiiis declaration‘good. A largo part of public debt is payable in coin—either gold or silver—fit the option of the government. The daily disbursements, amounting to upward of $1,500,000. could be paid in silver. To elect to pay all this in silver would be disastrous.

Those who think that the gold standard is absolutely secure, and that our monetary system is in no peril, because the souud money senate cannot be changed immediately, are in danger of a mice awakening. It has been suggested that the law might bo modified at the coining session of congress so as to remove from the secretary all discretionary power. In short, throw about It additional safeguards, so that a hostile administration could not pervert its purpose. Without stopping to point out the difficulty of revising the law so as to make all its provisions mandatory, it is sufficient to suggest that an onsier and more certain way to uphold its integrity is to elect an administration in favor of executing it as it stands. It Is»beyond the ingenuity of man. almost, to devise a law which a hostile executive can not render nugatory. It is said that imperialism is the paramount issue. Is it meant that the gold standard law now on the Statute books shall not. be repealed? Is it meant that a law *hall not l>e endeted, if the Bryan ndministratloii is givcij the power, which Will inevitably result in silver monometallism? Let us utiders touch the situation. Let us n >1 pro ceed blindly. Opposition success, under the banne r of anti-imperialism, manna «iiu flvertiimw and death of the

g.nl standard law. and the triumph of silver monometallism. War With Spain. The record of the administration In the war with Spain and with respect to the problems growing out of it, Challenges our admiration. Its course has been • dictated by the loftiest motives and a brilliant chapter has been added to America’s history. The president desired permanent peace established in Cuba, and the independence of the Cubans secured; To this end he tendered the good offices of the United States to the Spanish cabinet. WhJl# thus invoking the peaceful instrumentality of diplomacy, the opposition was unsparing in its criticism of the executive. Cuba lay so close ro our shores that turbulence and revolution within her borders were instantly and sensibly felt by us. Twice we had been brought to the very verge of war by her conduct. The Black Warrior incident and the Virginius affair had in their time profoundly disturbed the country, and war was on each occasion averted only b.v the exercise of great tact and a spirit of forbearance on the part of the government of the United states. For years our coast cities were ravaged by disease which had its permanent abode in the-pesti-lential cities of Cuba. Our national honor, our national peace and the health of our people demanded that Spanish misrule should eeasj> in the island and it should be permitted lo enjoy an enlightened, independent government:

The country will not forget the dark hours which preceded the declaration of war. They will not forget the strong, calm, conservative, straightforward course of, the president, unmoved by the clamor, the criticism, the unkindness of the unreflective. His resisteuce of the urgent cry of the opposition for war was in nowise due to any lack of confidence in the result or the issue or to any want of faith in the power of the government. We were unprepared for war. We had so long pursued the ways of peace that we were unfit for even one engagement. Tile inadequacy of our fleet was everywhere recognized. Our coasts were unprotected. Xo one knew hut that the opening engagement with Spain would be the signal for a general engagement among European powers. But the opposition took no thought of this. The country will not forget amidst the smoke and fustian of a political campaign with what suburb courage the president held war in cheek when it became inevitable. Preparations were pushed with the utmost expedition. Amidst it all was to be heard the opposition clamor for war without delay. Those who criticised most then, criticise most now. Those who were most eager for war were quickest to run from our duty and responsibility when it closed.

The world knows with what swiftness the president made war when ih due course, it had been declared by congress. The matchless victory of our navy in the Philippines and the resplendent triumph of our army and navy in Cuba have become an enduring part of our heroic history. Spain sued for peace, and the terms of settlement were embodied in tiie treaty of Paris, terms which were honorable and liberal* deliberately negotiated by able and distinguished American and Spanish commissioners. When the trejity Wit * laid before the senate for ratification, the opposition raised the cry of imperialism and urged the want of constitutional power. The Republican party was without the requisite two-tliirds vote in the senate. When the treaty was in most peril. Mr. Bryan advised his friends to support its ratification, and upon his advice the requisite two-tliirds was barely secured and the treaty was ratified. With the ratification and exchange of the treaty new territory passed to our control, and we stood face to face with great new problems, problems which we had not sought, but which in the evolution of human affairs were thrown upon us and which a brave and self-respecting nation must meet with fortitude. The territory acquired was acquired lawfully and without'violence to any rights, I shall not stop to discuss the question of power nor the question of consent. The time for that is past. With the ratification of the treaty these questions were closed Suffice it to say that we have acquired the islands in the same manner, so far as authority and consent are concerned, as we have heretofore acquired vast areas with their populations during the past century. The authority under the constitution is ample and has been sanctioned by the unbroken practice of nearly 100 years. We are to (leal therefore with the question of policy rather than with the question of power, with practical questions rather than with those of purely academic interest.

Let us briefly see how utterly,baseless and foolish is the claim of imperialism. Ity'the treaty of Paris-Spain relinquished her title and sovereignty to Cuba. The island is in possession of' the United States, which is engaged in establishing for It a republican form of government. There can l>e no suggestion of imperialism here. The very contrary is true, for at this moment we are building upon the ruins of imperialism the fabric of Independent republican government. We acquired title to Porto Rico by the terms of the treaty of Paris. The people of the island welcomed our coming, and have cordially co-o|>erated with us in our effort to establish a liberal measure of government. Within two years from the ratification of the treaty the Porto Ricans have been given a better government, and have been permitted to share la it more fully than ever in their history. No other territory acquired by the United States has ljpen given so large a measure of self gov-

err. ment so quickly after acquisition. One will search in vain to find anything iu, our relations to Porto Rico since,the hour our soldiers set foot upon its soil which is suggestive of imperialism. or of anything except an inflexible purpose to give to the people’of the island the amplest opportunity to enjoy the fruits of republican government. Philippine Republic.. We have heard jifuah of a Philippine republic. The truth is that no such rer public, according to our understanding of the term, lias ever been established, or is in existence today. It is | true that after we overthrew the Span--1 ish authority, Aguinaldo undertook to \ establish a government which he was | pleased to style a republic. It was, however, an Aguifialdoan dictatorship. The course of the administrai tion with respect to the Philippines is known to the world. It has been dictated by the most exalted motives, by a sense of simple duty. We did not enter the Philippines with the spirit of a conqueror or of a nation cent upon mere conquest, but instinct with the spirit of mercy, upon a mission of | humanity; not for the purpose of erectj ing an einpife, but for the purpose of , overthrowing an empire. Aguinaldo ; will find that he has Spain no longer | to deal with; that the United States jlias no tribute, and that*'he must unconditionally respect the sovereignty of our flag. The president has from the beginning givtm the Philippine people the amplest assurance of our generous purpose, and has sought to win i them to the ways of peace, prosperity : and self-government. He has been dej sirious of substituting civil for mili- | tary authority, and'has invited the peoj pie to the very largest possible pari ticipation in their local adniinistrat on. | We did not obtain the Philippines because of their commerce or.because j of their proximity to the Oriental countries with which the administration , has been successfully establishing a I great and expanding commerce, but I we acquired them because a national ! duty commanded. And when duty ori ders. no nation desiring its own and : the world’s approval, dare disobey. : Our course in the Philippines imperialistic! Whoever so affirms misjudges ?dW history of his time. Xo one can i look upon the efforts of the president | to uphold our authority and integrity

in the archipelago and do otherwise , than praise. He stands for the American people. His success is their glory, ; his failure their shame. He is not acting as a partisan, but a*s a president. What of (he future of the Philippines? The future rests within the supreme control of the American people, it rests within the sound discretion of congress. Until congress shall otherwise decree, the president of the United States must go forward in the work of pacification, in the work of establishing civil government. The president lias recorded the national purpose as to the future, a purpose broad, republican. humane. Let those who talk of Imperialism ponder it well. It is instinct with humanity and patriotism. "No effort,” said he, “will bfe spared to build up the waste places, desolated by war and by long years of jnisgovernment. We shall not wait for tire end of strife to begin the beneficent work. We shall continue as wc have begun, to open the schools and the churches, to set the courts in operatjon, to foster industry jind trade and agriculture, and in every way in our power to make these peo--1 pie whom providence has brought within our jurisdiction feel that it Is | their liberty and not our power, .tlieir i welfare and not our gain, we are seek- , ing to enhance. Our flag has never | waved over any community but in j blessing. I believe the Filipinos will j soon recognize the fact that it lias not I lost its gift of benediction in its world ! wide journey to tlieir shores." This is consistent with the exalted I purpose with which we entered upon j the war with Spain. It is consistent I with our institutions; it is the spirit of | liberty, not of bondage. It is not. the j language of imperialism, but is the ! utterance of republicanism. It means that under our guidance these people are to be lifted to a higher level of civilization and to the enjoyment of free government, which to them has JieeuJiitlierto unknown. The Republican platform makes solemn pledge to the Filipinos that “the largest measure of self-govern-ment consistent with their-welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by • law." Whatever the duties of the United States may be, they must not. lie abandoned. They must be frankly j recognized. And our future course and relations to the Filipinos must he always measured by a sensitive regard, not only for their welfare, but for tlie obligations of the United .States,

Who are the imperialists? we may inquire. Those who ratified the treaty, or those who opposed its ratification? jAgain we ask Mr. Bryan, why he did not crush imperialism at the very start? Why did he not withhold the torch from the building rather than attempt to suppress the flames after they were under dangerous headway? We have this answer: “If the treaty had been rejected,” said lie, “the opponents of imperialism would have been held responsible for any international complications which might have arisen before the ratification of another treaty.” Is this sufficient warI mat for the ratification of a treaty ! which it is alleged started the country [upon a career of imperialism? This is certainly a strange conception of patriotic duty. Then was the opportunity for Mr. Bryan to make a stand, lie, in fact, as the acknowledged leader of his party, held the absolute veto power. The Republicans were in the minority—a word from him, and the.

treaty was dead beyond resurrection. The incipient imperialistic policy, socalled.. was crushed. Thus it will be seen tlutt the imperialism with which he now attempts to frighten the people is of his own creation, and if it is fraught with the dangers lie prophesies, he cannot avoid his full share of responsibility before the American people. The pretence, however, that the treaty lays the groundwork of imperialism is a hollow mockery. Senator Hoar, who strenuously opposed the treaty, thus speaks of Mr. Bryan’s efforts: “He put forth all of his powers as a great party leader *..* '* to secure the ratification of the .treaty: Xot content with writing letters lie came to Washington in person to overcome the reluctance of his followers. Seventeen of them voted for the treaty, of whom only four or live at most had been previously known to be in its favor.” In view of all this, the utter hypocrisy of the imperialistic cry must be manifest to every American citizen. I do not indulge in extravagant language When I say that the issue of imperialism is an unadulterated sham and fraud. Mr. Bryan proposes as soon as a government is established to give independence to tlie Filipinos. Xot absolute, unconditional .independence, however, but independence under a protectorate of the United States. If the Democratic contention that the constitution extends in its full force to the Philippines he true, it would be impossible to alienate_tlie archipelago if it has become included within the constitutional body politic of the United States. It would be ns truly impossible for congress to cede it as it would .be to alienate the state of Nebraska. Mr. Bryan’s present proposal, therefore, to establish an independent government and convey the islands to that government, is without constitutional authority. If we have no right to govern tho Filipinos, by what right shall we establish a protectorate? Who has invited us to establish a protectorate? A protectorate under the cir-

cumstnnces is offensive to the right of absolute -independence, It is repugnant to the principles of absolute self government. It is a restraint upon the freedom of the state. It seems tb ps that the course we followed with respect to territory acquired hitherto is a safe guide fot* the future. We must discharge our obligations without regret, in a manful way, in an American way, conscious of the fact that we have the power, the manhood, the patriotism and the Christian spirit necessary to do it. Responsibilities once assumed must be honorably discharged, not dishonorably abandoned.

Consent of the Filipinos. But it is said that we are governing the Philippine islands without the consent of the Upon what facts does this assertion rest? It is true we are not governing them with the consent of the rebel, Aguinaldo and those associated with him, but he is not authorized to speak far the great majority of the inhabitants. He represents but comparatively a small minority of the people. Many of the tribes are as hostile to him as he is to tin* flag of the United States. From the vast majority of the people there has come no word of dissent. Shall we consult the minority, or the vast majority in the Philippines? Shall wo capitulate to a minority and leave millions in the islands to the imperialistic rule of Aguinaldo? We are today in possession of the Philippine islands Ayith the consent of a large majority of the peop!&; at leaST we have no word of dissent from them.

Aguinaldo, for whom the opposition express so much sympathy, and who lias been compared to Washington, Bolivar and other patriots, planned a slaughter of American soldiers and foreign residents which would have appalled Chistendom if it had been successful. Fortunately, the intended massacre was frustrated by the vigilance of our soldiers. Singularly enough, the date of massacre was fixed for the anniversary of Washington's birth. The proclamation of Aguinaldo's secretary of the iuterior was carefully prepared to the minutest detail. The man who planned this fiendish enterprise is today watching the progress of the pending campaign and hoping for an opposition triumph. It is to the mercy of such a man we are asked to surrender the foreigners in the Philippines—Germans, British, French and other nationalities. In short,' we are asked to surrender the majority of the people of the archipelago, who nre in our keeping by a solemn international engagement, to the atrocious leader of a small minority of the inhabitants of the islands. What answer will the American people make? y The Porto Rtcau Act. The Kansas City platform condemns the Porto Rican act. This measure, which for a time gave rise to a difference of opinion among many wellmeaning citizens, is constitutional and just. The feature of flie measure to which most exception lias been taken is that which provides for the retention of duties upon commerce between Porto Rico and the United States. It has been charged that these duties are in contravention of the constitution. When we expelled the Spanish armies and took possession of the island, we found 800,000 people in a deplorable condition. There wns no scientific system of taxation in the island. It was deemed wise by congress that the people of Porto Rico should hear part of the expense of the administration of their own government, rather than that the entire burden should rest upon the Unites! States. The president, In his annunl message, recommended free trade with the Island. The congress, upon further inquiry into the

affairs of the island, and Upon information not in possession of the president at the date of the submission of bis message, deemed it wise that a part of the requisite revenue should be raised by the small, duty indicated upon the commerce between the island and the United States. The measure had the entire approval of the president. The opposition suggested that it was dictated by the trusts, but it was soon discovered that the trusts were absolutely opposed to it. for they objected to any duties whatever upon sugar and tobacco which were the two commodities chiefly affected. They and others were during the pendency of the bill and are now suing the officers of the United States in New York to recover nearly $2,000,000, -which, it is alleged, were improperly collected in the way of duties, holding that the j constitution extended to Forto Rico, and that their collection was therefore, unconstitutional. This measure, toe which exeepnon Is taken by the opposition, was enacted entirely in the . interest of the Porto Ricans' and' is just in its operation. The people of the island are satisfied with it. I rusts. The Republican party recognizes the honest co-operation of capital to meet new business conditions and to pro- | mote the extension of our foreign | trade. It is inexorably opposed, liow- ; ever, to all combinations or so-called j trusts intended to stifle fair competition, to create monopolies, or to control prices. The Republican party is credited with the only national legislation Which has been effective in the regulation or restriction cf combinations in any degree. It enacted the interstate commerce law and the Slier-' 1 man anti-trust law—two measures which have lieen wholesome in their effect. An anti-trust bill was passed | by tlie house of representatives, after | protracted debate, at the last session j of congress, but too late to enable its consideration by tin* senate prior to adjournment. Tills measure, it Is fair to say. bad the support of both Democrats and Republicans in the house and did not become a party measure. When in power, the Democratic party accomplished absolutely nothing which was effective upon the subject. Mr. - Bryan, as a member of congress, did nothing In restraint of the trusts, although the subject was then engaging public attention. The Republican party proposes to deal with the subject ■in an honest, intelligent and effective way, so that legitimate enterprise shall \>e free from destructive combinations of whatever character, and the public be protected against unjust exactions. *

China. The Chinese situation, grave and critical, suggests, to the thoughtful the fortunate circumstance that we have at the head of our national affairs a well poised and resourceful executiveone who is not only well known at home, hut who is equally well known among the foreign nations. Horn the beginning ol' the pending trouble until now, no mistake lias been made. We have not been plunged headlong into untenable positions, or involved in embarrassing complications. Each step has been taken deliberately and wisely. If war with, China is happily averted, there, nevertheless, will he profound and serious problems for solution. Shall we commit their solution to inexperienced bands? i

Negroes. The Democratic party appeals for the support of the colored people. There is something in this which verges upon the audacious. A party which has stubbornly opposed the negro in liis slow and tedious advance' from serfdom to liberty, and which lias in four states reduced him to a state of vassalage, by robbing him of one ol’ the clearest rights of an American freeman, (lie elective franchise, should be the last to expect from., him support or sympathy. The Democratic crusade against the political equality of the negro is one of the significant and serious movements of the day, and presents a question which is of great gravity. With the negroes in Mississippi, Louisiana, North Carolina and South Carolina disfranchised,, it ill becomes our Democratic friends to talk of imperialism in tile Philippines. It would seem that they should have observed the southern beam while seeing the Philippine mote. The Paramount Issue. • , Those who say that imperialism is the paramount issue nre in error, for the dominant question in this campaign is Bryanism. Imperialism is a sham, but Bryanism is a reality. Bryanism found its concrete expression in the Chicago, Sioux Falls and Kansas City platforms. Bryanism is the doctrine of unrest, discontent, class prejudice, private and national repudiation. It is a menace to labor and capital. It Is the essence of Populism. It is a long way between the Democracy of Jefferson, Jackson, Tllden and Cleveland and Bryanism. Time will not permit me to more than mention our state administration, one of the best In our history. It meets with universal commendation. All honor to Gov. Mount for his magnificent achievements. Fellow citizens, It is impossible to over-estimate the importance of the impending campaign; its far-reaching significance. Indiana-great and splendid state she is—Should not support any reactionary policy. She will ndt. She will stand firm, as she has stood heretofore. In favor of a protective tnriff, the gold standard, national duty and the lionof of our flag. No stain rests upon It, symbol of Liberty. Justice and Mercy. Let us give our potential support to an administration which male*;* for prosperity and honor at home and for prestige and. boDor abroad-