Rensselaer Semi-Weekly Republican, Volume 20, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 December 1898 — M’KINLEY’S ATLANTA SPEECH [ARTICLE]

M’KINLEY’S ATLANTA SPEECH

I eannot withhold from this people my profound thanks for their hearty reception and the good will which they have shown me everywhere and In every way since I have been their guest. I thank them for the opportunity which this occasion gives me of meeting and greeting them and for the pleasure it affords me to participate with them in honoring the army nnd the navy to whose achievements we are indebted for one of the most brilliant chapters of American history. Other parts of the country have had their public thanksgiving and jubilees In honor of historic events of the past year, but nowhere has there been greater rejoicing than among the people here, the gathered representatives of the South. 1 congratulate them upon their accurate observation of events which enabled them to fix a date which Insured them the privilege of being the first to celebrate the signing of the treaty of peace by the American and Spanish commissioners. Under hostile fire on a foreign soli, fighting In n common cause, the memory of old disagreements has faded Into history. From camp and campaign there comes the innglc healing which has closed ancient wounds and effaced their sears. For thJs result every American patriot will forever rejoice. It Is no small Indemnity for the cost of war. This Government has proved Itself Invincible in the recent war and out of it has come a nation which will remain Indivisible forevermore. No worthier contributions have been made In patriotism and In men than by the people of these Southern States. When at last the opportunity came they were eager to meet It, and with promptness responded to the rail of the country. Intrusted with the able leadership of men dear to them, who had marched with their fathers. under another flag, now fighting under the old flag again, they have gloriously helped to defend its spotle*s folds and added new luster to Its shining stars. That ling lias been planted In two hemispheres, and there It remains, the symbol of liberty and law, of progress and pence. Who will withdraw from the people over whom It floats Its protecting folds? Who will haul It down? The victory we celebrate Is not that of a ruler, a President or a Congress, hut of the people. The army, whose valor we admire; the navy, whose achievements we applaud, were not assembled by draft or conscription, but from voluntary enlistment. The heroes came from civil ns well ns military life. Trained nnd untrained soldiers wrought our triumphs. The peace we have won Is not n selfish truce of arms, but one whose conditions presage good to humanity. The domains secured under the treaty yet to be acted upon by the Senate came to ns, not ns the result of a crusade of conquest, hut us the reward of temperate, faithful and fearless response to the call of conscience, which could not be disregarded by a liberty-loving and Christian people. We have so borne outnelves In the conflict nnd In our Intercourse with the powers of the world ns to <*scnpe complaint of complication. nnd give universal confidence of our high purpose nnd unselfish sacrifices for struggling peoples. The task Is not fulfilled. Indeed, It Is only Just begun. The most serious work Is still before us, nnd every energy of heart nnd mind must be bent and the Impulses of par tisannhlp subordinated to its faithful execu. tion. This Is the time for earnest, not fuln( heart*. New occasions tcnich now duties. To this nation and to every nation there comes formative periods In Its life and history. New conditions can be met only by new methods. Meeting these conditions hopefully and facing them bravely and wisely Is to lie the mightiest test of American virtue mid capacity. Without abandoning past limitations. traditions nml principles., but by meeting present opportunities and obligations. we shall show ourselves worthy of the great trust which civilization bus Im posed upon ns. At Bunker Hill liberty was nt stake; nt Gettysburg the Union was the Ifstie; before Manila mid Santiago our nrniles fought, not for gain or revenge, but for human rights. They contended for the freedom of the oppressed. for whose welfare the United Ntatee .has never failed to lend a helping band to establish and uphotd. “and, 1 believe, never will. The glories of the war cannot be dimmed, but the result will be Incomplete sml unworthy of us unless supplemented by ci’ll victories, hard** poacibly to win, In

H I their way no less indispensable. We will have our difficulties and our embarrassments. They follow all victories and accompany nil great responsibilities. They are Inseparable from every great movement or reform. But American capacity has triumphed over all lu the past. Doubts have In the end vanished. Apparent dangers have been averted or avoided and our own history shows that progress has come so naturally and steadily on the heels of new and grave responsibilities that as we look back upon the acquisitions of territory by our fathers we are filled with wonder that any doubt could have existed or any apprehension could have been felt of the wisdom of their action or their capacity to grapple with the then untried and mighty problems. The republic Is to-day larger, stronger and better prepared than ever before for wise and profitable developments In new directions nnd among new lines. Even If the minds of some of our own people are still disturbed by perplexing and anxious doubts, in which all of us have shared and still share, the genius of American civilization will, I believe, be found both original and creative and capable of subserving all the great Interests which shall be confided to our keeping. Forever In the right, following the best Impulses and clinging to high purposes, using property ami within right limits our power and opportunities, honorable reward mint Inevitably follow. The outcome cannot be In doubt. Wo could hnve m-Mded n n the difficulties that lie across the pathway of the nation If a few months ago we had coldly Ignored the piteous appeals of the starving nnd op. pressed Inhabitants of Cuba. If we had blinded ourselves to the conditions so near our shores nnd turned a deaf enr to our suffering neighbors, the Issue of territorial expansion lu the Antilles nnd the East Indies would no: have been raised. But, could we have justified such n course? Is there any one who would now declare another to hnve been the better course? With less humanity and less courage on our part, the Spanish ling. Instead of the stars and stripes, would still be floating nt Cavite, at Ponce and at Santiago, nnd a “ehnnee In the race of life" would be wanting to millions of human beings who to-day call this nation noble, and who, I trust, will live to call it blessed. Thus far we hnve done our supreme duty. Shall we now, when the victory won In war Is written In the treaty of peace and the civilized world applauds nnd waits In expectation, turn timidly away from the duties Imposed upon the country by Its own great deeds? And when the mists fade away and we see with clearer vision, may we not go forth rejoicing In a strength which win employed solely for humanity and always been tempered with Justice and mercy, confident of our ability to mt'et the exigencies which await us, tM’cnuse confident that our course Is one of duty and our cause that of right. AT SAVANNAH, GA. There Is cause for congratulation that with the grave problem before us growing out of the war with Spain we are free from any divisions at home. Our financial and revenue policies cannot be changed for at least four years, and whatever legislation may be had affecting them during that period, will hi* to Improve ami strengthen, not destroy them. The public mind can, therefore, repose In reasonable security, while business will proceed without appreh union of serious and sudden changes so disturbing to the commercial world and no distracting to the business men. All of which Is fortunate to the country, for every Interest and every section of the country. Even those who desire other ami different policies prefer permanency to constant change, or whut Is almost as hurtful, the fear of change. There are happily now .<» domestic differences to check the progress nml prosperity of the country which our peaceful relations with the w rid will encourage and st rengl hen. This Is fortunate, too. In another"zense. It le.nes tin country free to consider and discuss new question*, w hlch are Immediately before us. unbiased by party or political alliances. These new questions are to be thought out and wrought out, not In n spirit of partisanship, but In a spirit of patriotism; not for the temporary advantage to one party <>y the other, but for the lasting advantage of the country. Neither prejudice nor passion, nor previous condition enn embarrass the free action and calm judgmvul of the question.

We have entered upon hew path*. W* are treading in an unexplored field, which will test our wisdom and statesmanship. The chief consideration is one of duty; our actions must be controlled by It. No settlement is admissible which will not preserve our honor and promote the best Interests of all concerned. With a united country and the gathered wisdom of all the people, seeking only the right. Inspired only by high purposes, moved only by duty and humanity, we cannot err. We may be baffled or deterred and often discouraged, but final success In a Cause which is altogether unselfish and humanitarian can only be deferred, not prevented. If, following the clear precepts of duty, territory falls to us and the welfare of an alien people requires our guidance and protection, who will shrink from the responsibility, grave though it may be? Can we leave those people, who, by the fortunes of war and our own acts, are helpless and without government, to chaos and anareny after we have destroyed the only government they have had? After destroying their government, 4t is the duty of the American Government to provide for them a better one. Shall we distrust ourselves, shall we proclaim to the world our inability to give kindly government to oppressed peoples, whose future, by the victories of war. Is confided to us? We may wish It were otherwise, but who will questlotConr duty now? It is not a question of keeping the Islands of the East, but of leaving them. Dewey and Merritt took them and the country instantly and universally applauded. Could we have brought Dewey away without universal condemnation at any time from the Ist of May, the day of his brilliant victory, which thrilled the world with Its boldness and heroism? Was It right to order Dewey to go to Manila and capture or destroy the Spanish fleet, nnd dispatch Merritt and his army to re enforce him? If It were our duty to send them there and duty required them to remain thpre, It was their clear duty to annihilate the fleet, take the city of Manila, and destroy the Spanish sovereignty in the archipelago. Having done nil that in the line of duty. Is there any less duty to remain there and glee to the inhabitants protection and also our guidance? AT AUGUSTA, GA. It Is Indeed an honor to me, and one that shall never be forgotten, to stand in the . place associated with names of Washington and Lafayette and Clay and Webster. It Is also a pleasure to me to be In the city where that gallant cavalry officer, Gen. Joe Wheeler, was born. It Is a pleasure for me to meet In this welcome those veterans of the gray, those Confederate soldiers, and to feel that In common with the veterans of the blue and all their fellow citizens they are in heart touch with the aims and purpose* of this great republic. What n wonderful country we have and with what pride the contemplation of its history fills us all! When Washington was here we had a little over 3,000,000 of people; we have 75,000,000 to-day. We have added vastly to our territory. We are to-day the largest manufacturing and largest agricultural nation of the world. Our commerce floats on every sea, and only the day before yesterday I saw that a thousand tons of ship plates had been landed in Glasgow, Scotland, and, what is even more significant, it was carried upon a ship bearing the American flag. My fellow citizens, I congratulate yon upon the prosperity of the country. I congratulate you upon the progress it has made In the last third of a century. But I congratulate you even more because as a people we are now united and more devoted to national purposes and more Imbued with the true national spirit than we have been since the formation of the Federal Union. There are no divisions now. We stood united In front of a foreign foe. We will stand united until every triumph of that war has been realized. This, my fellow citizens, is a fitting conclusion of a most remarkable trip I have made with my associates In the South. Nothing could be more appropriate. Only as one star differs from another does this reception differ from those accorded to us at every step. All have been a glorious tribute to the patriotism of the people and their love of country, and I leave this inspiring picture, 1 leave this wonderful manifestation of gracious hospitality, and wonderful demonstration of devotedness to the Union and the flag, with memories that I will carry with me so long as life lasts. AT MONTGOMERY. ALA. To the General Assembly and Cltlaenat The warm-hearted welcome which has been given to me by the citizens of Alabama has deeply touched me, and In return for It 1 cannot find language to express my gratitude and appreciation. To be welcomed here In the city of Montgomery, the first capital of the Confederate States, warmly and enthusiastically welcomed as the President of the common country, has filled and thrilled me with emotion. Once the capital of the Confederacy, now the capital of a great nnd glorious State, one of the Indestructible States of an Indestructible Union. The Governor says he has nothing to take back. We have nothing to take back for having kept you in the Union; we are glad you did not go out, and you are glad you stayed In. Alabama, like all the States of the Union, North and South, has been loyal to the flag and steadfastly devoted to the American, nation and to American honor. There never has been In the history of the United State* such a demonstration of patriotism from one end of this country to the other aa In the year just passing, and never has American valor been more brilliantly illustrated In the battle line on shore and on the battleship at sen than by the soldiers and sailors of the United States. Everybody Is talking of Hobson, and justly so. but I want to thauk Mother Hobson In this presence. Everybody fa eaikiuM about Gen. Wheeler, one of the bravest of the brave, but I want to speak of that sweet’’little daughter that followed him to Santiago and ministered to the sick at Montauk. I have spoken In many places and at many times of the herotam of the American army and the American navy, but In our recent conflict the whole people were patriots. Two hundred thousand men were called for, and a million rushed to got a place in the ranks. And millions stood ready if need be. I like the feeling of the American people that we ought not to have a large standing army; but It has been demonstrated In the last few months that we need a standing army large enough to do all the work required while we are at peace, and only rely on the great body of the people in an emergency to help us tight our battles. We lov* peace. We are not a military nation, but whenever the time of peril comes the bulwark of this people rests In the patriotism of Its citizens, and this nation will be safe for all time because 75,(>f0.000 people love it. and will give up tbelr lives to sustain and uphold It. I thank you, my fellow-citizens, for this generous warmth and wealth of welcome which you have given me to-day, and I shall go back to my duties at our great capital' finding that we have a united country that acknowledges allegiance to but one authority, and will march forever unitedly under one flag, the glorious old stars and stripe*.