Rising Sun Times, Volume 4, Number 163, Rising Sun, Ohio County, 24 December 1836 — Page 1

TP HTTP

w p T r7

68 V AIjEX. E. fiF.EXX.

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. On Tuei1av, the Cth instant, the President of the United States transmitted to the two Houses of Congress, the following .Message: Fellow Citizens of the Scnati and House of Jicjrcxentativcs : Addressing to you the last annual message I shall ever present to the. congress of the United Slates, it is a source of the most heartfelt satisfaction to he able to congratulate you on the high state of prosperity which our beloved country has attained; with no causes at home or abroad to lessen the confidence with which we look to the future for continuing proofs of the capacity of our free institutions to produce all the fruits of good government, the general condition of our affairs may well excite our national pride. 1 cannot avoid congratulating you Vmd my country, particularly, on the success of the efforts made daring my administration by the Executive and legislature, in conformity vilh the sincere, constant and earnest desire of the people to maintain peace, and establish cordial relations with all foreign powers. Our gratitude is due to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, and I invite you to unite w ith me in offering to Him fervent supplication, that his providential care may ever be extended to those who follow us, enabling them to avoid the dangers and honors of war, consistently with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our country. But, although the present state of our foreign affairs, standing, without important change, as they did when you separated in July last, is (I altering in the extreme, 1 regret to say, that many questions of an interesting character at issue with other powers, are yet unad justed. Am )ng-t the most prominent of these is that of our Northeastern Boundary. With an undiminished confidence in (he sincere desire of his Britanic Majesty's Government, to adjust that question, I am not yet in possession of the precise grounds upon which it proposes a satisfactory adjustment. With Franccour diplomatic relations have been resumed, and under circumstances which attest the disposition of both Governments to preserve a mutually beneficial intercourse, and foster those amicable feelings which are so strongly require I by the true interests of the two countries. With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Naples, Sweden, and Denmark, the best understanding exists, and our commercial intercourse is gradually expanding itself with them. It is encouraged in all these countries, except Naples, by their mutually advantageous and liberal treaty stipulations with us. The claims of our citizens on Portugal are admitted to be just, but provision for the payment of them has been unfortunately delayed by frequent political changes in that kingdom. The blessings of peace have not been secured by Spain. Our connections with that country are on the best footing, with the exception of the burthens still imposed upon our commerce with her possessions out of Europe. The claims of American citizens for losses sustained at the bombardment of Antwerp, have been presented to the Governments of Holland and Belgium, and will be pressed, in due season, to settlement. With Brazil, and all our neighbors of this continent, we continue to maintain relations of amity and concord, extend ing our commerce with them as far as the resources of the people and the policy of their Governments will permit. The just and long standing claims of our citizens upon some of them, are yet sources of dissatisfaction and complaint. No danger is apprehended, however, that they will not be peaceably, altho' tardily acknowledged and paid by all, unless the irritating effect of herslruggle with lexas, should unfortunately make our immediate neighbor, Mexico, an exception. It is already known to you, by the corresponuence oeiween itie two e0v ernments, communicated at your last session, that our conduct in relation to that struggle is regulated by the same principles that governed us in the dis pute between Spain and Mexico her self, and, I trust, it will be found, on the most severe scrutiny, that our acts have strictlv conesponded with our prof sions. That the inhabitants of the U States should feel strong prepossession Cfor t'ie ore Par,J ls I,ot surprising. But this circumstance snouni, oi itseil teach us great caution, lest it lead us

I WISH NO OTHER III'.RALU, XO OTHER

ESISlXi; SfcA, I'MIAA, SAT R T IS PAT, MEC'JtfRBKK M, ISS

into the great error of suffering public policy to be regulated by partiality or prejudice; and there are considerations connected with the possible result of this contest between the two parties, of so much delicacy and importance to the United States, that our character requires that we should neither anticipate eve-its, nor attempt to control (.hem. The known desire of the Tex anslo become a part of our system, although it; gratification depends upon the reconcilement of various and conflicting interests, necessai ilv n work of time, and uncertain in itself, is calculated to expose our conduct to misconstruction in the eyes of the world. There are already those who, indifferent to principle themselves, and prone (o suspect the want of it in others, charge us with ambitious designs and insidious policy. You will perceive, by the accompanying documents, that the extraordinary mission from Mexico .has been (ei mma(eJ.":i 'he sole grounds mat lac obligations ot tins government to itself and to Mexico, under treaty stipulations, have compelled me to trust a discretionary authority to a high officer of our army, to advance into territory claimed as pu t of Texas, if necessary to protect our own or the neighboring frontier from Indian depredation. In the opinion of the Mexican functionary who ha jusl left us, (lie honor of his country will be wounded by American idlers entering, with the most nmicaide avoui i purposes, upon ground from winch the iolloweis of his government have been expelled, and over which at there is at piesenl no certainty of a serious tloi I on its pai I being made to reestablish its dominion. The departure oi this minister was the more singular, as he was apprised that the sufucienc) cf the caiiLO assigned for the advance of our troops by the commanding General, had been seriously doubled by me, and that (here was evei y reason to suppose that the troops of the U. States their commander having had time to :ucorl;tin (h.j truth oi falsehood of the information upon which they had been marched to Nacogdoches would be either there in perfect accordance w ith the principles admitted to be just in his conference with the Secretary of State. by J he Mexican Minister himself, or were already withdrawn in consequence f the impressive warnings their com manding officer had received from the department of War. It is hoped and believed his government will lake a more dispassionate and just view of this subject, and not be disposed to contrue a measure of justifiable precau tion, made necessary by its known inajilitv, in execution of the stipulations of our treaty, to act upon the frontier, into an encroachment upon its rights, or i statu upon its honor. In the mean time, the ancient comlaints of injustice, made on behalf of our citizens, are disregarded, and new causes of dissatisfaction have arisen, ome of them of a character requiring M'ompt remonstrance, and ample and mmediaie redress. I trust, however, by tempering firmness with courtesy, and acting with great forbearance upon every incident that has occurred, or tuat may happen, to do and to obtain justice, and thus avoid the necessity of again bringing this subject to the view of Congress. It is my duty to remind you, that no provision has been made to execute our treaty with Mexico, for tracing the boundary line between the two coun tries. H hatevcr may be the prospect of Mexico being soon able to execute the treaty on its part, it is proper that we should be, in anticipation, prepared it ail times to perform our obligations, without regard to the probable condi tion of those with whom we have con tracted litem. The result of the confidential inqui lies made into the condition and prospects of the newly declared Texan go vernment, will be communicated to you in the course of the session Commercial treaties promising great advantages to our enterprising merchants and navigators, have been form ed with (he distant governments of Mus cat and Siam. The ratifications have been exchanged, but have not reached the department of State; copies of tin treaties will be transmitted to you, i received before, or published, if arri ving alter, the. closing of the present session oi Congress Nothing has occurred to interrupt the good understanding that has long existed with the Barbary powers, nor

, TO to check the good will which is gradually growing up in our intercourse with the dominions of the government of the distinguished Chief of the Ottoman Empire. Information has been received at the department of State, that a treaty with the Emperor of Morocco has jan been negoliatci w I; w in ne re ceived ii time to be laid before the So nate previous (o the close of (he session. on will perceive, from the report o the Secretary of the Treasury, that the financial means of I he count ry continue to keep pace with its improvement in all other respects. The receipts into the Treasury during the present year, will amount to about 17.CJ 1 js'JG : those from customs being estimated at -S22.523, 1 5 1 ; those from lands at about S 2 -1,000,000, and (he residue from miscellaneous sources. The expenditures for all objects during (he year, are estimated not to exceed ".y22.000.000. w hich will leave a balance in the Trea- !!'') for public purposes,ot the 1st day f January next, of about ,S1 1,7 23,950. Phis sum, with the exception of live millions, will be transferred to the sev eral Mates, in accordance with the pro visions of the act regulating the depos!s of the public money. The unexpected balances of approbation, on the first day of January next, are estimated at .si 1.03G.0o2, exceeding by ,S'9.G3G,0G2,"the amount vvhich w ill be left in the deposit banks, object to the draft of the treasurer of Use United States, after the contem wiled transfers to the several Stales ire made If, the the future re ceipts should not be suihcieut to meet these outstanding and future approprilions, then; may be soon a necessity to use a portion of the funds deposited with the States. The consequences apprehended, when the deposit act of the last session recei ved a reluctant approval, have been measurably realized. Though an act merely for (bo !.p.;ii rtf ih snrphw mnnevs of the United States in the State Treasuries for safe keeping, until they may- be wanted for the service of the General Government, it has been exlenively spoken of as an act to give the mono to the several States, and they lave been advised to use it as a gift, without regard to the means of refunding it w hen called for. Such a suggestion has doubtless been made without a due consideration of the obligation of the deposit act, and without a proper attention to the various principles and interests which arc alleclcd by it. It is manifest that the law itself cannot sanction such a suggestion, and thai, as it now stands, the Slates have no more lulhority to receive and use these de posits, without intending to return them than any deposit bank, or any individuil temporarily charged with the safe keeping or application of the public money, would now have for converting thesame to their private use without the consent and against the will of the government. But independently of the violation cf public faith and moral ob ligation which are involved in this suggestion, when examined in reference to the terms of the present deposit act, if is believed that the considerations-which should govern the future legislation of Congress on this subject, will be equal ly conclusive against the adoption of any measure recognizing the principles on which the suggestion has been made. Considering the intimate connection of the subject with the financial inter ests of the country, and its great im portance in whatever aspect it can be viewed, I have bestowed upon it the most anxious reflection, and feel it to be my duty to state to Congress such thoughts as have occurred to me, to aid tneir deliberation in llie treating it in the manner best calculated to conduce to the common good. The experience of oilier nations ad monished us to hasten the exlingishment of the public debt. But it will be in vain that we have congratulated each other upon the disappearance of this evil, if we do not guard against llie equally great one of promoting the unnecessary accumulation of public revenue. No political maxim is better established than that which tells us that an improvident expenditure of money is the parent of profligacy, and that no people can hope to perpetuate their liberties who long acquiesce in a policy which (axs them for objects not necessary to the legitimate anil real wants of their Government. Flattering as is the condition of our country at the present pei i-

SPEAKER OF MV LIVl.VJ ACTIONS

KK!:r MINK IIONOH FROM CORIUTTIOX."

so, ed, cecause of its unexampled advance in all the steps of social and political improvement, it cannot be disguised 1 1 . at there is a lurking danger already nppaienl in the neglect of this w arninr tiuth, a.n w hen the J that (no time representatives ) ias arrived the people snouiti ; e employed m devising some ODl'iate remeilv (h iri nntv mori ani isis, to .avert it. Under oar present revenue system, (here is every probability that there will continue to be a surplus beyond me wains cf the Government: and it lias oeccmeour duty to decide whether such a result be consistent with the true objects of our Government. Should a surplus be permitted to accumulate beyond the appropriations, it must be retained in the Treasury as it now is, or distributed among llie people of l he States. To retain it in the Tieasury, unemployed i;i any way, is impracticable. I t is, besides, against the genius of our free institutions to lock up in vaults the treasure of the nation. To take from the people the right of bearing arms, and put their weapons of defence in the hands of a standing army, would be senrcly more dangerous to their liberties than to permit Government to accumulate immense amounts of treasure beyond the supplies necessary to its legitimate wants. Such a treasure would doubtless be employed, at some time, as it has been in other countries, when opportunity tempted ambition. To collect it merely for distribution to the Shales, would seem to be highly impolitic, if not as dangerous as the proposition to retain it in the Treasury. Tiie shortest reflection must satisfy every one that to require the people to pay (axes to the Government merely that they may be paid back again, is sporting wills the substantial interest of the country, and no system which produces such a result can be expected to receive the public countenance. Nothitij.- Totivl l... ((tit.ocl Ky il, vn if 4:tf'lt individual who contributed a portion of the lax could receive back promptly the same portion. But it is apparent that no system of the kind can ever be enforced, w hich will not absorb a consi derable portion of the money, lobe distributed in salaries and commissions to the agents employed in the process, and in the various losses and depreciations which arise from other causes; and the practical effect of such an attempt must ever be to burden the people with taxes, not for purposes benefi cial to them, but to swell the profits of deposit banks, and support a band cf useless public officers. A distribution to (he people is im practicable and unjust in other respects. It would be taking one man s property and giving it (o another. Such would be the unavoidable result of a rule of equality (and none other is spoken of, or w ould be likely to be adopted) inasmuch asthere is no mode by which the amountofthc individual contribution of our citizens lo the public revenue can be ascertained. AVe know that they contribute unequally, and a rule therefore that would distribute to them crjualtt, would be liable to all the ob jections which apply to the principle of an equal division of properly, io make Ihe General Government the instrument of carrying this odious principle into elfect, would be at once to destroy the means of its uscfulnessand change the character designed for it by the framers of the constitution. But the more extended and injurious consequences likely to result fiom a policy which collects a surplus revenue for the purpose of distributing it, may be forcibly illustrated by the examination of the effects already produced by the present deposite act. This act, although certainly designed for the safe-keeping of the public revenue, is not entirely free in its tendencies from many of the objections which apply to this principle of distribution. The Government had, without necessity, received from the. people a hu ge surplus, which instead of beitui employed as ' ' ' - O I heretofore, and returned to them by means of public expenditure, was deposited with sundry banks. The banks proceeded to make loans upon this sur plus, and thus converted it info bank ing capital ; and in this manner u nas tended to multiply bank charters, and has had a great agency in producing a snirit of wild speculation. The pos session and use of the property out of which this surplus was created, belong to the people; but the Government has

VOLOIBS IV.--XO. 163.

transfered its posession to incorporated banks, whose interest and effort it is to make hu ge profits out of its use. This process need only be slated to show its injustice and bad policy. And the same observations apply to the influence which is produced by the steps necessary to collect, as well as to distribute such a revenue. A bout three-fifths of all the duties on imports are paid in the city of New York, but it is obvious that the means to pay (hose duties are drawn from every quarter of the Union. Every citizen in every Slate, who purchases and consumes an article which has paid a duty at that port, contributes to the accum ulating mass. The surplus collected there must, therefore, be made up.cf moneys or property withdrawn from other points and other stales. Thus the .w ealth and business of every region from which these surplus funds proceed, must be to some extent injured, while that of the place where the funds arc concentrated, and employed in banking, are proportionably extended. But both in making the transfer of the funds which are first necessary to pay the duties and collect the surplus and in making the re-transfer which becomes necessary when the time arrives for the distribution of that surplus there is a considerable period when the funds cannot be brought into use; and it is manifest that, besides the Joss inevitable from such an operation, its tendency is to produce fluctuations .in the business of the country, which are always productive of speculation, and detrimental to the interests of regular trade. Argument can scarcely be necessary to show that a measure of this character ought not to receive further legislative encouragement. By examining the practical operalion of the ratio for distribution, adopted in the deposite bill of the last session, we shall discover other features, that appear equally objectionable. Let it be assumed, for the sake of argument, that the surplus moneys to be deposiled with the States, have been collected, and belong to them, in the ratio of their federal representative population an assumption founded up on the fact that any deficiences in our future revenue from imposts and pub lic lands, must be made up by direct taxes, collected from the States in that ratio. It is proposed to distribute the surplus, say $30,000,000, not accord ing to the ratio in which it has been collected and belongs lo the people of the States, but in that of their voles, in the colleges of electors of President and Vice President. The effect of a dis tribution upon that ratio is shown by the annexed table, marked A. By an examination of that table, it will be perceived that in the distribution of a surplus of 30,000,000, upon that basis, there is a great departure from the piinciple which regards representation as the true measure of tax ition ; and it will be found that the ten dency of that departure will be to increase whatever inequalities have been supposed to attend the operation of our federal system in respect to its bearings upon the different interests off the Union. In making the basis of repre sentation the basis of taxation, the fra mers of the constitution intended to elualize the burdens which are necessa ry to support the Government; and the adoption of that ratio, while it accom plished this object, was also the means of adjusting olher great topics arising out of the conflicting views respecting (he political equality of the various members of the confederacy. Whatever, therefore, disturbs the liberal spirit of the compromises which established a rule of taxation so just and equitable, and which experience has proved (o be so well adapted to the ge nius and habits of our people, should be received with the greatest caution and distrust. A hare inspection, in the annexed tabic, of the differences produced by the ratio used in the deposite act, compared with (he results of a distribution according to the ratio of direct taxation, must satisfy every unprejudiced mind, that Ihe former ratio contravenes the spirit of the constitution, and produces a degree of injustice in the operalion of the Federal Government which would be fatal to the hope of perpetuating it. By the ratio of direct taxation, for example, the state of Delaware, in the collection of 30 millions of revenue, would pay into the Treasury (Coutimu il on fourth page.)