Rising Sun Times, Volume 3, Number 111, Rising Sun, Ohio County, 26 December 1835 — Page 2

iourn w"nluul laying the subject before ihun. TiKe received by me were bclicved l b of lhat character. That 1 ho feelings produced in the dated Mates by the news of the rej, ction of the appropriation, would be V tell as 1 have desenbed thorn to have been, was foreseen by the French Government, and prompt measures were taken by U V- prevent the consequence. The Kir.g. in persor,cxpresscd, through our Minister at Palis, his profound regret at the decision of the Chambers, and ptomUed to send, forthwith, a national ship, with despatches to bis Minister here, authorizing him to give such assurances as would satisfy the Government and people of the United States

that the treaty would yet e Miniuii rxccutcJ by "France The national ship arrived, and the Minister received his instruction!". Claiming to act under the authority derived from thorn, he gave to this Government, in the name of his, the most solemn assurances, that, as soon after the new elections as the charter would permit, the French Chambers would be convened, and the attempt to procure the necessary appropriations renewed: that all the constitutional powers of the King and his Minister?!, should be put in requisition (o accomplish the object: and he was understood, and so expressly informed Ly this Government, at the lime, to i-ngage that the question should be nrrssed to a decision, at a period sufljcicntly early to permit information of the result to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of their next tcssion. Helving upon thcec assurances, I incurred the responsibility, great as I regard it to be, of suffering Congress to separate without communicating with them upon the subject. The expectation jutly founded upon the promises thus solemnly made to this Government by that of France, were not realized. The French Chambers met on the 31st of July, 1 33-1, soon after the election, and although our Minister in Paris urged the French Ministry to press the subject before them, they declined doing so. lie next insisted that the Chambers, if prorogued without acting on the subject, should be reassembled at a period so caily. that their action on the treaty might be known in Washington prior to the meeting of Congress. This reasonable request was not only declined, but the Chambers were prorogued to the 29lh of December, a day so late, that their decision, however urgently pressed, could not, in all probability, be obtained in time to reach Washington before the necessary adjournment of Congress by the constitution. The reasons given by the Ministry for refusing to convoke the Chambers at an earlier period, were afterwards shown not to be insuperable, by their actual convocation on the 1st of December, under a special call for domestic purposes, which fact however did not become known to this Government until after lh commencement of the last session of Congress. Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it became my imperative duty to consult with Congress in regard to the cxpcndicncy ol a resort to retaliatory measures, in case the stipulations of the treaty should not be speedily complied with; and to recommend such as, in my judgement , the occasion called for. To this end, an unreserved communication of the case, in all its aspects, became indispensable. Tohave shrunk, in making it, from sajing all that w is necessary to its correct understanding, and that the truth would j-istify, for fear of giving offence to other, would have been unworthy of u. To have gone, on the other hand, a single step further, for the purpose of wounding the pride of a Government and people with whom we had so many motives for cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal advantage would have been unwise and improper. Admonished by the past of the difficulty of making even the simplest statement of our wrongs without disturbing the sensibilities of those who had, by their position, become responsible for their redress, and earnestly desirous of preventing further obstacles from that source, I went out of my way to preclude a construction of the message, by which the recommendation that was made to Congress might be regarded as a menace to France, in not only disavowing such a design, but in declaring that her pi ide and her power were too well known to expect any thing from her fears. The message did not reach Paris until more than a month after the Chambers had been in session, and such was the insensibility of the Ministry to our rightful claims and just expectations, that our Minister lias been informed, that the matter, when introduced, would not be pressed as a Cabinet measure Although the message was not officially communicated to the French Government, and notwithstanding the

declaration to the contrary which it

contained, the French Ministry decided to consider the conditional recommen dation of reprisals, a menace and an" insult, which the honor of the nation made it incumbent on them to resent. The measure resorted to by them to evince their sense of the supposed indignity, were, the immediate recall of llu ir Minister at Washington, the offer of passports to the American Minister at Paris, and a public notice to the Legislative Chambers, that r.ll diplomatic intercourse with the U. States had been suspended. Having, in this manner, vindicated the dignity of Franco, they next pro ceeded to illustrate her justice. To this end a bill was immediately introduced into the Chamber of Deputies, proposing to make the appropriations necessary to carry into edict the treaty. As this hill subsequently passed into a law, the provisions i f which now constitute the main subject of ditlicully between the tw o nations, it becomes my duty, in order to lay the subject before you in a clear light, to trace the history of its passage, and to refer, with some particularity, to the proceedings and discus sions in regard to it. The Minister of Finance, in his opening speech, alluded to the measures which had been adopted to resent the supposed indignity, and recommended the execution of the treaty as a measure required by the honor and justice of 1 ranee I le, as the organ of the Ministry, declared the message, so long as it had not received the sanction of Congress, a mere expression of the personal opinion of the President, lor which neither the Government nor the People of the United States were responsible, and that an engagement had been entered into, for the fulfilment which the honor of France was pledged. Entertaining these views, the sin gle condition which the French Minis trv proposed to annex to the payment of the money was, that it should not be made until it was ascertained that the Government of the United Slates had done nothing to injaic the interests of France; or, in other words, that no steps had been authorized by Congress ot a hostile character towards I ranee What the disposition or action of Con gress might be, was then unknown to the French Cabinet. But, on the I lh of January, the Senate resolved that it w as, at that time, inexpedient to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs between the United Slates and France, and no action on the subject had occurred in the House of hepresentatives. These facts were known in Paris prior to the 23th of March, 1335, when the committee, to whom the bill of indemnification had been referred, reported it to the Chamber of Deputies. That committee substantially re-echoed thescntimentsof the Ministry, declared that Congress had set aside the proposition of the President, and recommended the passage of the bill wilhout any other restriction than that originally proposed. Thus was it known to the French Ministry and Chambers, that if the position assumed by them, and which had been so frequently and solemnly announced as ihe only one compatible with the honor of Prance, was maintained, and the bill passed as originally proposed, the money would be paid, and there w ould be an end of this unfortunate controversy. Hut this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amendment introduced into the bill at the moment of its passage, providing that the money should not be paid until the French Government had received satisfactory explanations of live President's message of the 2d December, 1834; and what is still more extraordinary, the President of the Council of Ministers adopted this amendment, and consented to its incorporation in the hill. In regard to a supposed imult which had been formeily resented by the recall of their Minister, and the offer of passports to ours, they now, for the first lime, proposed to ask explanations. Sentiments and propositions which they had declared could not justly be imputed to Ihe Government or People of the Uni led Slates, arc set up as obstacles to the performance of an act of conceded justice to that Government and People. They had declared that the honor of France required the fulfilment of the engagement into which the King had entered, unless Congress adopted the recommendations of the message. They ascertained that Congress did not adopt them, and yet that fulfilment is refused unless they first obtain from ihe President explanations of an opinion characterized by themselves as personal and inoperative. The conception that it was my in tention to menace or insult the Government of France, is as unfounded, as the attempt lo extort from the fears of that nation what her sense of justice may

deny, would be vain and ridiculous.

uut the Constitution ot the United States imposes on the President the duty of laying before Congress the condition of the country in its foreign and domestic relations, and of recommending such measures as may, in his opin ion, be required by its interests, r rem the performance of this duty he cannot be deterred by the fear of wounding the sensibilities of the People or Government of whom it may become necessary lo speak; and the American People are incapable ot submitting lo in interference by any Ijovernment on catlh, how ever pow erful, with the tree performance ol the domestic duties which the Constitution has imposed on iheir public functionaries. The discussions which intervene between the sevcial departments of our Government be long to ourselves; and tor any thing id in them, our public servants are only responsible to their own constituents, and lo each other. If, in the course of their consultations, facts arc erroneously stated, or unjust deduc tions are made, they require no other inducement to correct them, however informed of their error, than their love of justice, and what is due lo their own character: but they can never submit to be interrogated upon the subject as a matter of right, by a foreign power U lien our discussions terminated in acts, our responsibility to foreign pow ers commences, not as individuals hut as a nation. The principle which calls in question the President for the Ian guage of his message, would equally justify a foreign power in demanding explanation of Ihe language used m the report of a committee or by a member in debate This is not the first time that the government cf France has taken excep lion lo the messages of American Pres idents. President Washington and the lirst President Adams, in the perform ance of their duties to the American People, fell under the animadversions of the trench Directory, i he objec tion taken by the Ministry ofCharlcs the ienlh, and removed by the explana lions made by our Minister upon the spot, has already been adverted to. When it was understood that the Minis try of the present King took exception to my message of last year, putting a construction upon it which was disavowed on its face, our late Minister at Paris, in answer to the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with the language used in the message, made n communication to the French Government, underdale oflhc 29th of January , 1835, calculated to remove all impress ions, which an unreasonable susceptibil ity had created. He repeated, and call ed the attention of the French Government, to the disavowal contained in the message itself, of any- intention to intim idale by menace he truly declared that it contained, and was intended to contain, no charge of ill faith against the King of the French, and properly distinguished belwccn the right to complain, in unexceptionable terms, of the omission to execute an agreement, O 7 and an accusation of bad motives in withholding such execution; and de monsl rated that the necessary use of that right ought lo be considered as an offensive imputation. Although this communication was made without instructions, and entirely on the Minister's own responsibility, yet it was after wards made the act of ibis Government, by my full approbation; and that appro bation was officially made known on the 25th of April, 1835, to the French Government. It, however, failed to have any effect. The law, after this friendly explanation, passed with the obnoxious amendment, supported by the King's Ministers, and was finally approved by the King. The people of the United Stales are justly attached lo a pacific system in their intercourse with foreign nations. It is proper, therefore, that they should know whether theirGovernment has adhered to it. In the present instance. it has been carried to tlic utmost extent, that was consistent with a becoming self-respect. The note of the 29th of January, to which I have before alluded, was not the only one which our Minister took upon himself ihe responsihiliiy of presenting, on the same subject, and in the same spirit. Finding that it was intended to make the payment of a just debt dependent on the performance of a condition which he knew could never be complied with, he thought it a duty to make another attempt to convene the French Government that whilst self respect, and regard lo the dignity of other nations, would always prevent us from using any language that ought to give offence, yet we could never admit a right in any foreign Government to ask explan-ations-of, or to interfere in any manner in, the communications which one branch of our public councils made

with another: that in the present case, no such language had been used, and that this had, in a former note, been

fully and voluntarily stated, before it was contemplated to make the explan ation a condition: and that mere migni be no misapprehension, he stated the terms used in the note, and he officially informed them that it had been approved by the President: and that, therefore, every explanation which could reasonably be asked, or honorably given, had been already made, that the contemplated measure had been anticipated by a voluntary and fricndlj declaration, and was, therefore, not only useless, and might be deemed offensive, and certainly would not be complied with, if annexed as a condition. When this latter communication, lo which I especially invite the attention of Congress, was laid before mc, I en tcrtained the hope that the means it w as obviously intended lo afford, of an honorable and speedy adjustment of the difficulties between the two nations w ould have been accepted ; and I there fore did not hesitate lo give it my sanction and full approbation. This was due to the Minister who had made himself responsible for the act; and il was published to ihe People of the United States, and is now laid before their representatives, to show how far their Executive has gone in its endeavors to re store a good understanding between the two countries. It would have been, at any time, communicated to the Government of France, had it been officially requested. The French Government having received all the explanations which honor and principle permitted, and which could in reason be asked, it was hoped it would no longer hesitate to pay the instalments now due. The agent authorized to receive the money, was instructed to inform the French Minister of his readiness to do so. In reply lo this notice, he was told that Ihe money could not then be paid, because the formalities required by the act of the Chambers, had not been arranged. Not having received any official communication of the intentions of ihe French - Government, and anxious to bring, as far as practicable, this unpleasant affair to a close before the meeting of Congress, that you might have ihe whole subject before you, I caused our Charge d'Affaires at Paris to be instruc ted to ask for the final determination of the French Government; and in the cvent of their refusal to pay the instalments now due, without further explanations, (o return lo the United Slates. The result of this last application has not yet reached us, but is daily expected. That it may be favorable, is my sincere wish. France having now, thro' all the branches of her Government, acknowledged ihe validity of our claims, and the obligation of the treaty of 1 83 1, and there really existing no adequate cause for further delay, will at length, it may be hoped, adopt the course which Ihe interests of both nations, not less than the principles of justice, so imperiously require. The treaty being once executed on her part, lililc will icir.ain to disturb the friendly relations of the two countries; nothing indeed which will not yield to Ihc suggestions of a pacific and enlightened policy, and to the influence of that mutual good will, and those generous recollections, which we may confidently expect will then be revived in all their ancient force. In any event, however, the principle involved in the new aspect which has been given to the controversy, is so vitally important to the independent administration of the Government, that it can neither be surrendered nor compromittcd witiioul national degradation. I hope it is unnecessary for me to say, that such a sacrifice will not be made through any agency of mine. The honor of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me, for the statement of truth and the performance of duty; nor can I give any explanation of my official acts, except such as is due to integrity and justice, and consistent with the principle on which our institutions have been framed. This determination will,' I am confident, be approved by my constituents. I have, indeed, studied their character to but lit tle purpose, if Ihe sum of twenty-five millions of francs will have the weight of a feather in the estimation of what appertains to their national independence; and if unhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain, in any quarter, they will, I am sure, rally round the Government of their choice, with alacrity and unanimity, and silence forever the degrading imputation. Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which, since the last session of Congress, have occurred in this interesting and important mat ter, with the views of the Executive in regard to them, it is at this time only necessary to add, that whenever the ad-1

vices, now daily expected Irom our

Charge d' Affaires, shall have been received, they will be made the subject of a special communication. 1 he condition of the Public Finances was never more flattering than at the present period. Since my last annua communication. all the remains of the Public Debt have been redeemed, or money has been placed in deposite for this purpose, whenever the creditors choose to receive it. All the other pecuniary en gagements of the Government have been honorably and promptly fulfilled; and there will be a balance in the Treasury at the close of the present year, of about nineteen millions of dollars. It is believed, that after meeting all outstanding and unexpended appropriations, ll. re will remain near eleven millions, to he applied lo any new ob jects which Congress may designate, or to the more rapid execution of the works already in progress. In aid of these objects, and to satisfy the current expenditures of the ensuing year, it is estimated that there will be received, from various sources, twenty millions more in 1 83G. Should Congress make new appropriations, in conformity with the estimates which will be submitted from the proper departments, amounting to about twenty-four millions, still ihe available surplus at the close of the next year, after deducting all unexpended appropriations, will probably be not less than six millions. This sum can, in my judgment, be now usefully applied to proposed improvements in our navy yards, and to new national work?, which arc not enumerated in the present estimates, or to the more rapid completion of those already begun. Either would be constitutional and useful, and would render unnecessary any attempt, in our present peculiar condition, to divide the surplus revenue, or to reduce it any faster than will be effected by the existing laws. In any event, as the annual report from the Secretary of the Treasury w ill enter info details, showing Ihc pr obability of some decrease in the revenue during (he next seven 3 ears, and a very considerable reduction in 1312, it is not recommended that Congress should undertake to modify the present tariff, so as to disturb the principles on which the compromise act was passed. Taxation on some of the articles of general consumption, which are not in competition with our own productions, may be, no doubt, so diminished, as to lessen, to some extent, ihe source cf this revenue, and the same object can be also assisted by more liberal provisions for the subjects of public defence, which, in the present state of our prosperity and wealth, may be expected to engage your attention. If, however, after satisfying all the demands which can arise from these sources, the unexpended balance in the Trersury should still continue to increase, il vvoulJ be better to bear with the evil until the great changes -contemplated in our tariff laws have occurred, and shall enable us to revise the system with that care and circumspection ichriTftiuT lo so delicate and important a subject. It is certainly our duty to diminish, as far as we can, the burdens of taxation, and to regard all the restrictions which are imposed on the trade and navigation cf our citizens, as evils which we shall mitigate whenever we are not prevented by the adverse legislation and policy of foreign nations, or those primary duties which the defence and independence of our country enjoin upon us. That we have accomplished much towards the relief our citizens by the changes which have accompanied the payment of the public debt, and the adoption of the present revenue laws, 13 manifest from the fact that, compared with 1833, there is a diminution of near twenty-five millions in the last two years, and that our expenditures, independently of those for the public debt, have been reduced to near nine millions during the same period. Let us trust, that by the continued observance of economy, and by harmonizing the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, much more may be accomplished to diminish the burdens of Government, and to increase still further the enterprise and the patriotic affection of all classes of our citizens, and all the members of our happy confederacy. As the data which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before jou in regard lo our financial resources, are full and extended, and will afford a safe guide in your future calculations, I think it unnecessary to offer any further observations on that subject here. Among the evidences of Ihe increasing prosperity of the country, not the least gratifying is that afforded by the receinta from th r n.,uu lands, which amount, in the present