Richmond Palladium (Weekly), Volume 36, Number 9, 26 April 1866 — Page 1

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THE PALLADIUM:

PUBLISHED TUCB9DAT MORVIKG8, BT TERMS: $2,00 AYEAH FAT ABLK IN ADTAWCB. ALL KINDS JOB PRINTING, I'vhis i n tin bt MiHr and at fair prleee. net Warner Baildiar. ltfcieeesl.T1 JJJ 0 FJESS 1 10 N AL C AR D S: W. T. MENDENHALL, M. D. (Office over Earirit'i Hat Store) frir AVI7f(2 located in thia place, offi-ra hi profeeallL eioaal serrices to tbe eitisene of Richmond end totally. .Ang..3l,loS. J7tf Offiees4idfrefePo4tJ rranfrlia r?f , 'East aide, between Main snd-Walmrt,! July 17. 1884 30 it RICHMOND, Iamma C. H. BURCHENAL, A'JTOllXUJT AT-LAWt Office, over Citf"- Bank, entrance oa MaiAUeet; h - ' swe(23-tf) 3" Tf JOWnj, C. ITRIDGET Attorney at IaW & Notary, VA VB1I AIT JMJILDIMO, o Near the corner fiti and FUtb-et.4ritrans on . Mai., T3 3 Richmond, Indiana. fivATit sPRBEdrrrsrA:? OFFICE IX VUOUAS S BCILDI5G, Room. Latolr oec-ipied br Dr. Woollen. 3b El.IZyll KNOWLE3, M. D., .viso locatd in itiun.Tiin, (mm ner nroffesaioaaiierTtxa Io tha-familte oflhia eitrueeial .attention gren to Ubatetrtca and waeasi Women.4-' " - ' ' Office MaIa, Opposite Hunttnfrtoa Hoaae; Keaideaee, at Mor Kinle'a, Main-at, Second door aat of Eighth. KFERESCESs Prof. A. 0. Bl&ik, axlieal College. Cleveland, O. H. B. TnATaa, M. C, Detroit, Michigan. Hon. EaanTua MriT, aattle Crack, " CaaaLKa MaaaiTT, "a Dra. . IL. and JaxjG, HipcMrait. fa vette, Ind. Insnraice Company, Richnond, Indiana. OPfiiEni rear of' FIRST NAT- . ONAL BATfKL a t tt M -i -I I vl A Rlaka a Uken at a? foir rateaand on aa favors able terms, aay any other responsible Firelnaarance Company. OfflCERS. taaauirr, JlSE P. SIDDAIX, Vies Paaaiirr, TIIOS. WOODNUTT, SacaaraaA. F. SCOTT, J nr 1 n r. J 5lRECTORS:3 ..w? James Rc, .Ckaulna f Coffin, John "M. Gas Joha W. Crnbbs, " " William 9. M, t:uiJee Pi Siddall, James In 9Ioiaaon, Strphea R. Wiggins, roiIN C. II.VLEY, Geaeral Aceat. 37-ly. Indian. Patent Agency. W. . DENNIS, .mlwmll .Agent and Attorney, aft tl E-caniirr oett! Vnitni Stmtrm Pntnt (fi, ' Office istarr Hall Ilunding, tiiVl ;s "RICHMOND, ISO., in WILL make ecinoatums snd Drawinirs, Prosecute ami rend Infringmenta in tbe United States Courts, ami U attend to all matters appertaining to Patents. T -., , Patent Dee, Assgnot,- and Contract, carttfullr drawn auilianiinatiom aado. Au-. 31, is. ; i t St , i Sr-f. RtiAL C3TATE ACENCY. Licensed, Renl . Esjate;iAteat i )ficv, in Starr lr.U huildjis Uichmoa REAU iSTATK bought and atld. or .hltnftiHuaoaad:iioto leased and "uls Vcted. All 4roportT U1 be ragiatered free o char : ".I... IV . . WsT. DifjS Aug. 31, 1S8S. -tf INSURANCE -AQEHfr9 IXSCRASCE EFFECTED BY TUE SCBSCB-r in nrst-rlass, resjectable Companies and on ai onabla TERMS as in anr other office. pire tanaraace oa tta participating or son-, tielpatine plan. 1 "L XI te laaarance hn Companies who par a d dead in to and three year from date of policies. All Mnrma adjusted and aroaaDtlr paid here. . Those desin.ua of effecting Insurance in either if I, lie or ACChienis, snonia can ana enquire my raw bat'ora iaaunur ehMarhere. - WILLIAM BELL, " - ' XoUrr Public, Real EsUte Collecting and ' ' " ,Mjoifl - - ' BjeI AjtsiU. : Corner 5th and Main Streets. sa n - . - JosntWl'BrasoTt. Edwb T. Brneos. " J. W. BTJUSON & Co, aaKTracrravms or RICHMOND. IND. E-MiU4 ene-ha'.f anile KortV of the CUy, oa fhe ? V"'"f ' lP Tneapika. . - ,s ; HlgMi Ilarket-Prico Paid for Flax iSi'td.""' . tu,it. , way B ARG ATiTO, BJtGr AQTS! -A. T Eareao X. Iewt' ISL. Store. Fort Wayns Asanne, tharr mimm in it, ri - TT r I ' T ery artiole ia his store wHXtaoBerea, ... . 'AT tWT, AND -HO MISTAKEN M-V .MS mm Coatinne rift OS JsKxAssobA, In t. AprB U,

fii:yfillMOID

IiisT(CS- SOCVtlYf- BE rv Judge Test's Decision on th Cas4Jn Rosin Baowmno, u. f IlliC This is an action breught in this court by appeal to recover a balance 'due for work ana laoor wuien iarues "sc performed for Browing.- "'.; The-defendant. Browning, by war of answer says, mat me piainuu, wwugu born, io the United States, is it negro that he came into the State - of Indiana the 10th day of May; 1858, and that he therefore has not the authority under the constitution and liws of the state to rn ak 6 and enforce contracts. " io tms easwer ine piainun which of course admits the facts, but't a- t. . - t V ' i i denies the conclusion that Barnes has no riiht to enforce his contract will Brown-. in-S- -': - V ... The defendant insists that the plaintifl's coxiiing into the State, is in violation of the 13th Article of the Constitution of the Stale of Indiana, which pro hibits nearoes from coroiaff into the State, aiKi debars them from all right to , enforce contracts, dec, , ' ,, The plaintiff on the contrary contends that the 13th" Article is void, and should : not prevent him from maintaining his action to enforce payment' for Ifre' labor; he performed for the 'defendant". "First The 13th Article is in contra vention of the letter and spirit of the Constifutioa f the Vntod States; : StuonaJi-It aj to. direct conflict jwitli the Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery. I Third It is void under the 1st sec tion of the Civil Rights Act, which giveto all person born in the ' Unitod States full risrht to make and enforce contracts

"anyjaw. statuie,rdiminee, regulation,. icnacuneni embracing a coyeciea num- ; ,u ,., f .;ti,.t,i Jtber of persons as in the case or cession

or custom in the country notwithstand ing " , . - - . - The 13th Article of the Constitution provides that upon the adoption of that instrument in November, 1851, no negro br mulatto shall come into or settle in the State; that all contracts made with those coming in contrary to such prohibitation shall be void; that to employ or encourage such negro-, to remain - iu the State, shall be punishable by fine ; that all such fines shall be appropriated to colonization ; and that the general assembly shall pass laws to carry the pro visions or tue Article into eneci. i it. S. TtiaL fi7I t i f I ' :T A ?..T .f .t- . , Accordingly the General Assembly-? passed an act to enforce the 13th article f of the Constitution, which provides that "Any person who shall employ a negro or mulatto, ;-who shall come iuto .the. State of Indian tia. subsequent to the thir-- i tv first day of V October, one thousand eight hundred and fitty-one, or shall heieafter come into said state, or who shall encourage sliest negro op mulatto to remain in the State, shall be fined in any sum' not less than ten dollar, nor more than five hundred dollars. 1 R. S. S75. 1 The 23th Article of the Constitution inaugurating the policy of excluding ne groes from the" State, and to remove those already among , .us as speelily as possible, was separately submitted to a vote of the, people, under, the title of ."Exclusion and colonization of negroes." It is a matter of historv with what an overwhelming majority that article was. approved by tue popular voice at tue lime.'" . As far back as 1831, free negroes were excluded from the State by acts of our Lrsnslatnre, and these acts were 'declar-' led constitutional by the Supreme Court. Tb-o State vs. Cooper, 5 Klacic. 5IDJ, and Baptists vs., the State 5 Black. 284. In neither of these cases have the Court furnished. us with an argument in sup, ixu-t ol, tlir opinion, but seems to have contented themselves with ,j barely pronouncing the acts constitutional without assigning any reason for their : judgt' ment in tlie premises. It is very obvi ous, nowever, as a mere oiice regulation to prevent vagrants or paupers Irom coming iuto tlie State,' the Legislature might interpose to prohibit their ingress' "within our borders, or even 'provide for their removal wheu: they came in the Stae aud should remain after such prohibllation. That this was the basis of tbefr opinion, CI s the more clear from tin; fact that the statute prohibiting negroes from settling in the S(te required, they should give bond and security for their good behavior, aud that they would not become a public Charge. A failure to comply with such requirements authorized the overseers of the poor to hire out such negro for the best price in cash for six months, paying the avails of such hiring into the country treasur3", or at their option to remove such negro or mulatto without the jurisdiction of the State. , While the dangerous doctrine of State sovereignty, or State Supremacy . has t been most signally overthrown by the triumph Of : the ..Federal Government Dver tue aavocaies oi mis ausura heory j yet the States . have rights hich the National Government cannot institutionally invade. These rights - , , buld be steadily adhered to if we uld preserve the liberty of the Americitizen, subject only to the opinions a Judgment of the Federal courts of trUTnion ; and while discarding the s dogma of State supremacy, we "H not run. into the opposite extreme anrrget that the State , has rights as weithe National Government: In factor each has their legitimate: orb 'n wki to revolve. Among these unaoubte.jgh.t3 is that of protecting ourelves l-n the ingress of vagrants and PPf Whatever may be the power . to declare who shall and ""oauot be citizens they cannot Ke ODOB. I r tj: l ic cwie ui inuiaua a ua ersons,f the description referred na thu,. v fuiiv rfln.u. in the mions of nnr ., . v.i poaedthsupreme Court in 1839. 131,?' bisaid, towever, that ttie arttcle aq; lte i4irs made in aid

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JUST AND FEAR NOT! LET ALL THE ENDS THOU AIM'ST AT, BE THY

RICfOIOtf I, of its urovisions are merely to prevent vagrants and paupers from coming into the State. The enactments are sweepinland general in their character. They exclude a whole race of men though born and reared in the United States, from coming within the borders of our State, not because they have , committed any crime and without any reference to theii moral deportment, or even ! ability to support themselvesl , In' fact, the case at bar shows that the . plain tin was laboring for bis living, and comes into this court to enforce the contract for Ms wages- ... , ; Congress bv late act. commonly call ed "The Civil Rishts Act," has declared that Alr persons born io . the United States.' and not subject- to any foreign pbwer, excepting. Indians not taxed, are . . . . ' .v . f ereoy- aeclarea ; to be citizens or tue United States" .'Now, it is not for tfcis court to" discuss the expediency of this declaration on the part ot Congress. We are to administer the law, and ' enforce Us provisions so long as it In no manner conflicts with the powers of the Government or Constitution of the land. The Constitution of the United States expressly delegates to Congress the pow er "to establish a. uniform rule of Nata ralization.V In the case , of Chirae vs. Chirac 1 Whea ton, 261, the Supreme Court of the United States says, "That the power of naturalization is exclusively in Congress does not deem'to be and certainly, ought not to be controverted." A State . may authorize ' loreigners t hold real estate within Us jurisdiction, to exercise the right, of suffrage, and do tnany other things which citizens may do, but it has no fight to naturalize for: eiguers, or make them citizens. Congress may do this either by a uniform rule of .natui'-aiizntion, by special enact- ' nient in a pat tici.lac case, or by special of Louisiana, by treaty, where it was de- . clareu "that the inhabitants or t:ie ceaf ed territory shall be incorporated into ! the Union, and enjoy all the advantages i of citizens of the Lnited' States. This j point is too clear to admit of, controverj sy, and needs no further elaboration. j But there may be some doubts whether the Civil Rights act is in force, the j fame not having been published by auj thority, at least to the knowledge of the ; court. Let us therefore examine the : question as unconnected with the act of Congress. , The celebrated Dred Scott case was decided against the plaintiff upon the gronnd that his sncestors were imported lrooi Afi ica and sold as slaves, and he wanot therefore a citizen of the United States. In other words the question, before the Couit, as stated by Judge Taney, - was "Could a , negro. whose ancestors were imported into this country, and sold as slaves, become a member of the political -. community formed and brought into existence by the Constitution of the Uited St.ites, and as such become entitled to all the rights, privileges, and immunities, guarantied by that instrument to the citizen ? One of which rights is the privilege of suing in a court of the United ! States in the cases specified in the Coni stitution.' I It is apparent from the reasoning of t the Court in that case that the decision ' would . have been the same, - whether lred Scntt had been a! freeman or a ive. it was enoush that he was a nei gro, and that African slavery existed in our country." In fact. Judge Taney, iu delivering his opinion, savs : "The question before us is, whether the class described in the plea of abatement compose a portion of this jeople. and are constituent members of this soverignty? We think they are not, and that they are not included, and were not intended to . be included under the word "citizens" in the Constitution, and can therefore claim none of the rights and privileges, which that instrument provides for, and secures to citizens of the United States. On 'the contrary, thej" were at that time considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race, and. whether emancipated or not, yet remained subject, to their i authority, and had no rights or privileges, but such as those who held the power and the Government might choose to grstnt them." Jndae9 McLean and Curtis, in , very able opinions, dissented from the majority of the court, besides which their judgement was criticised by the press, and able jurists all ..ver the land. In fact, it may be truly said that the American people pronounced their verdict against that decision. It is not necessary, however, that we should attempt to controvert anything said by the court on that occasion ; but admitting every posisition assumed to be correct at the time, the basis upon which the judgment of the court was founded, has been swept away. Slavery, by the late amendment to the Constitution of the United States, has been abolished. That vile system which brought this country to the verge of ruin, and so long stained its fair character, no longer exists, and with its overthrow all the wrongs and oppressions built upon the wretched institution must cease. The reason upon which the judgment in the Dred Scott case was founded no longer obtains, and therefore the law as expounded by the Supreme Court of the United States mast fall to the ground. , , . ,. VatteL in his law of Nations, says: "The inhabitants, as distinguished from citizens, are foreigners, who are permitted to settle and stay in the country." Book 1, Chap, 19, p. 10L Foreigners owe no allegiance to the country, and are not bound to military duty. Negroa born in the United States owe allegiance to the Government, are bound to military duty,; and are subjected to be drafted into its service in times of war or danger. Can it then be possible that a negro shall be compelled to bear with the white man all. the burthens of Government, and yet not be a citizen ? It is a monstrous absurdity.

WAYXE CO.,

If the reasoning here be correct, that e negro oorn in he United States is a , the 1 citizen, then the 13th Article and th laws maae unaer ii s mints iu etmuici wiirt that clause of the Constitution of the United States, which declares that, "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citi-" zens in the several States. Article IV. Sec. 2. It follows as a matter of course that like all other citizens he may come into tbe State and remain in it, subject like others to its laws, and poliee regulations. He is en tilted to sue in our courts, and liable to be sued. , He can like others claim the benefit of the laws fur the protection of his person and property,, and enforce his contracts for work aud labor performed. It is not a consequence, however, that by virtue of the Constitutional provisions just quoted he can exercise all political rights enjoyed by others, such s the right of suffrage and of" holding office. . These rights must depend upon the legal laws of the State. Numerous persons, though citizens, can not vote or hold office, either on account of age, sex, or want of the necessary qualifications. The truth is, that citizenship under the Constitution of the United States, is not dependent on the possession of any particular political, or even of all civil rights; and any. attempt to define it must lead to error. What "civil right," even shall be enjoyed by its citizens, and whether all shall enjoj' the same, or how they may be gained or lost, are questions to be determined in many -instances by the State itself in accordance with its own views of the necessities or expediencies of its condition.'1 Without refference to the Civil Rights act, I shall sustain the demurrer to the defendant's answer, fully satisfied that the plaintiff is a citizen of the United States, independent of the act of Congress on that subject, with' the right to ustaia iiis action for his labor. SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT. Washinotox, April 18. In reply to the crowd of soldiers and sailors assembled at the White House this evening to pay their respects to the President, President Johnson said : "I confess that in the peculiar posture of public affairs, j our presence and address gives encouragement and confidence to me in my efforts to discharge the duites incumbent on me, as Cheif Magistrate of the Republic: and in what I have to say, I shall address you in the charreter of citizens sailors and soldiers ( Applause. ) We are to-day, involved in one of the most critical ami trying: situations that has occurred since this .Government came into existence. 1 he nation has another test still to undergo, and that is to give evidence to tie nations of the earth, and to its own c;t zens. th..t it has rower to overcome internal foes that is has strength enough to put down treachery and treason within its own borders. (Cheers.) We have commenced the ordeal, aud I trust In God we will pass through it succ essfully. (Cheers. ) 1 feel complimented bv the allusion of your Representative to the fact that in the Senate in 1SG0 and 1861. when the n tiou was entering on this ordeal, I raised my voice and hand against treason, treachery and traitors at home, (Cheers, and cries of "Good.") I stand here to-' day holding and maintaining the same position which I then enunciated (Cheers.) I stand here to day opposing traitors and treason, wherever they be, in the South or in the North. (Loud Cheers.) I stand here to day, as I then stood, using all my powers, " mental and physical, to preserve this nation in passing through the third phase of its existence. The organized forces- and com bined powers that recently stood arrayed against ns are disbanded and driven from the field ; but it does not follow that there are still no' enemies against our present form of government and our free institutions. (Applause) I then stood in the Senate of the United States denying the doctrine of separation and secession. I denied then, as I do now, that any State has the right of its own will to separate itself lrom other States, and the right to destroy the Union and break up the Government; and I think I have given some evidence that I have been sincere and in earnest; and now I want to know why it is that the whole train of slanderers and calumniators have been barking and snapping at my heels ? (Cheers ) Why is it that they have arrayed themselves against me? Is it because I stand on the side of the people, and when I say the people, I include sailors and soldiers? (Cheers.) Why is it that they are arrayed in traducing and vilhfying and columniating me? Where were they during tbe rebellion ? I aver at home in bed. ( Laujrhter. ) In the Senate, I raised my voice against it, and when it was believed that it would be to the interest of the nation, and would assist in putting down the rebellion, did I not leave my place in the Senate, a place of emolument, ease and distinction, and take my position where the enemy could be reached, and where men's lives were in danger? f Cheers and cries of "That's so." While I was thus exposed, personally and publicly, some of my present traducers and calumniators were far removed from the foe, and were enjoying ease and comfort Cheers and laughter. But I care not for them. I care not that slander, the fon! whelp of sin, has been turned loose against me, I care not for all that, and let me tell yon here to-day that, although prety well advanced in life, I feel that I shall live long enough to live down the whole pack of traducers and slanderers. Applause. They have turned the whole pack loose to lower me in your estimation. Verily, they can t do it. Tray, Blanche and Sweetheart, little dogs and all, come along snapping and snarling at my heels, but I heed them not Cheers. The American people citizens, soldiers and tailors know that from my advent

PALIADIUM

OD'S, THY COUNTRY'S AND TRUTH'S!" HISTORICAL iSTV,

APRIt SG, 1866. fnto public life to the present moment, I ( have always stood unwaveringly the advocate and defender of their rishts and interests. TCheers 1 We are now in the nation's third ordeaL We are not vet through. We denied that States could go out of the Union-. We denied the doctrine of secession, and we have demonstrated that we were right. - We demonstrated it by the I strong arm. Yes, the soldiers and the sailors. God bless them, have demon etrated by their patriotism and strong i arms that States have not the power to leave the"- Union. Applause. What lollowea r rue Conteterate armies were orerpowercd ard disbanded, and there was a willinrnes9 on the part ot the people of those States to come back, in obedience to the laws, and acknowledge the supremacy of the Constitution of our fathers. ' - For what have we passed through this third ordeal ? It was to prove the principle that no State had the power to breakup the11 Government. It was to put down the rebellion. The rebellion has been put down,, aud for what ? Was it to destroy the States ? Verily, never. For what have. all these lives been sac rificed, and all this treasure expended ? Was it far the purpose of destroying the States? No; it was for the purpose of preserving the union of the States. That is what we have been contending for, and to establish the fact that the nation i can lift its h-ad alove and beyond inter nal wars 'anJ treason, and traitors at home. "' When rebeltitrti in Massachusetts was putdown, did that put Massachusetts out of the Union, and destroy the State? When the rebellion in Pennsylvania was put down, did that destroy the State and put it out of the Union? So, when the recent great rebellion was put down, and the Constitution and laws of the country restored, did they not stand in the Union a part of the glorious aud bright galaxy of States? Loud cUeers. 1 In passing through this ordeal, what has been done in them under the direc tion of my lamented . predecessor ? We succeeded before I came here in restoring the relations between Tennessee and the rest of the Union, with one exception, and that was the relation of representa tion, s I came to Washington, and under extraordinary circumstances, succeeded to the Presidential chair. The Congress of the United States had adjourned without prescribing any 'plan. I then proceeded; as I had done in my own State, in the reconstruction oTthe Government, to restore the other States, nod how did we begin? We foundthat the people had no courts, and we said to tbe Judges, District Attorneys, " and Marshals, go down and hold your courts. The peo pie need the tribunals of Justice to be opened. ' ' ' Was there anything wrong in that ? The, courts were opened What elf ; We looked out aud saw that tbe popl; down there had no mails. T:ey ha" been interrupted and cutofTby the operation of the rebellion We said toft Postmaster General, lt-t the people have facilities tor mail t-ommuncation. and let them again beain to understand wht we all feel and think that we are one people. We look out aain ami saw tbt there wa9 a blockade, that the custwa Houses were all closed. We ssid open the doors of the Custom "House, and re move the blockade. Let the pursuits of peace go o'u, and it was done. ' We thus traveled on step by step, opening Custom Houses and appointing collectors, and establishing mail facilities, and restoring all the relations that had been interrupted by the rebellion. Was there anj'thing undertaken to be "done here that was not authorized by the Constitution ?,that was not justified by the great necessity of the case? that has not been clearly consonant with the Constitution? with the generous spirit of our Governf ment? Cheers ... What remained to be done? One oth ( er thing remained to show tr.e civilized f world that we bad passed successfully through the orueal or our national ex istenee; and prove that our Government was perpetual. A great principle was to be sustained which was established in our Revolution when bur fathers were contending against the power of Great Britain. What was one of . the principal causes of their complaint ? It was that they were denied representation. They complained of taxation without representation. Cheers. One of the great principles laid down by our fathers, and which fired their hearts, was that there should be no taxation without representation. How then does the matter stand ? Who has been usurping the power? Who hs been defeating the operation of the Constitution ? And what now remains to be done to complete the restoration of these States to all their former relations under tbe Federal Government, and to finish the great ordeal th-ongh which we have been passing? It is to admit rep resentation. cheersj and when we say a Imit representation, what do we mean ? We mean representation in the constitu tional and law abiding sense, which was existing at the beginning of the Government. The Constitution declares in express terms that each house, the Senate and House of Representatives, each acting for itself, shall be the judge of the retarns, election and qualifications of its own members. It is for each house to settle that question under the Constitution, and under the solemn sanction of an oath. And ean we believe that either House would admit any member into its body, to participate in the legislation of tbe country, who was not qualified ? They have tbe power not the two houses but each house for itself. The Constitution further declares that no State shall be deprived of its' eqnal suffrage in tbe Senate of the United States, without its consent. Where do we stand ? All that we have needed to finish tbe great work of restoration is for the two houses, respectively, to decide the question. Oh ! but, some one will say, a traitor might come in." The answer to i

WholeXfcr,J TVaTb Cb

, that is, that judge, and if each House mast be the a traitor presents himself. 1 1 cannot help it. The House knows that he is a traitor, f Applause 1 And if he is a traitor, can thev not kick turn out of the door, and send him back, say ing to the people who sent him. "You must seud us a loyal man T Cheers Is there any ditSculties about that? ("No, no," and cheers.) If a traitor presents himself to either House, can not that house say to him, "No, yon can not te arttninea into mis - oouy ; go bck " We will not deny your people the right of representation, but they must send a loyal Representative." (Cheers. ) And - when the States do send loVal Representatives, can yon have any better fidelity to the Constitution and laws. There is no one learned in the Constitution and laws who will say that, if a traitor happens to get into Congress, that body cannot expel him. after he gets in.v That makes assurance doubly sure, and conforms the action of the Government to the Constitution of our fathers 5 Hence, I say, let ns stand by the Constitution, snd iu standing by it, the Government will be preserved. While I have been contending against traitors, and treason, and secession, and the dissolution of Uoioo, I have been contending, at the same time, against the consolidation of power here. I tJiink the consolidation of power here is equally dangerous with the separation of caates. Cheers. The one would toti ter us, and might run into anarchy, the other would concentrate and eventuate a monarchy. Oh! but there is an idea abroad that one man can be a usurper. Mr. JefTerson, the apostle of liberty, tells us. and so does common sense, that tyranny and despotism can be exercised by many more vigorously and more tyrannically than by one. What power has your President to be attained? What can he "do? What ean ! he originate? Why, they say, be exercises the v to power. Laughter. Wuat is the rto power? A voice "To put tfyrwn the nigger." Woo is your President? Several voices "Andy Johnson." Is he not elected by the people? In, the olden times when tribunes were first elected in tbe Roman Republic, the people chose a tribune and placed him at the doors of the Senate, so that, when that body ventured an oppressive act, he was clothed with power to say -veto I forbid. N Your President now is the tribune of the people. I thank God I am, and I intend to assert the .power; which tbe people have , placed in me Cheers. Your , President, standing here day after day, discharging his duty is like a horse on a trertj wlreel, and because he dares differ in opinion in regard to public measures, he must be denounced as a usurper and tyrant. Can he originate, any thing under' the Veto power ? I think the veto power is con servative in Us character,-and affirmative-. All that can be done fry the veto power is to say when legislation is im proper, hasty, unwise, unconstitutional. stop rtctioii, wait till this can be submit ted to the people, and let them onsidor whether it is right or wrong. Applause. J .That "is all there is in it He;K-e J say that tyranny and power can be exercised some whete else than by the Executive,, He is powerless. All that he can do is to check le$ islation, to hold it in a state of abeyance until the people can co.isider and uuderstand what is bein;. done and what b s been done. I have done what conscience, I believe, required me to do. Applause. J So believing, J intend to stick to my position, relying on the ja fgment, the intelligence of the people, the soldiers and sailors expressly. Cheers. Then, for my life, I cannot see where there is any tyranny. It is very easy to impugn motives and suspect the purest and best acts of a man's lite. If you come forward and propose a certain thing, you.- motives are suspected and condemned, and if you withhold your opinion, you are. regarded as opposed to the matter, so that it is very hard to move one way pr.the other. In all questions pertaining to the interests of the American people, for in them is my hope for ' the salvation of ;. the country, I am with you, soldiers, sailors, and citizens. , . Who has sacrificed more than the ham ble individual that addresses you? lias not my all been put on it? My life, my property, every thing sacred and dear to man, has been slaked upon it; - and can I now be suspected of faltering at the close of this third ordeal of the nation? Where is he, in public or private life, who has sacrificed more, or who has devoted more of bis time and energies to the accomplishment of the great end than I? And I have done it from the promptings of my own heart. I believe it was right, and with your hearts and countenances, and your encouragement I shad go through on that lice. Cheers and laughter.. And when I come to talk adout sailori and soldiers, about this to be done, and that to be done, all I want is for yon to wait and see, so far as yon are concerned. Wait and see if I don't stand by you, although every one may fail. (Cheers.) I want to see measures of policy brought forward that will advance the interests of the people and of that portion of the people who constitute the gallant and brave men who in both branches of the service upheld the national flag' and sustained tbe country in the recent straggle. -I thank yea, gentlemen, for this en couragement. It cheers me on. and gives me strength to perform the work before me. If we are true to ourselves if we are trne to the Constitution the day is not far distant when this Government will be restored. . Let ns go and restore the Government; let ns enlarge tbe area of our commerce and trade; aad let, us 'not only inspire confidence at home, bat respect abroad by letting the nation resume its career of greatness. I knew that some would find fault with me. and say that I am too - lenient, too kind, and all that. If we are all to be put to death, or paniabed, or thrown a-

TERMS OF . ADVEnncinr.

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way for one offence, or for the aecond offence, aad were to lie lost and ezcluded from society, aad coaatunlen with our fellow men, how many of as would be left I bave felt when I hare done wrong, that we mast reason with each other, aud understand our nature, and what is necessary to restore peaee, harmony and concord to a distracted and devoted people. . Ia the time of war It Is right to burn villages, sack cities, devastate fields, to 4 lay waste a country, and cripple and re- 4 dnce the enemy, bu in. time of, peace the reverse of that course is precisely the rk:ht one. and the true policy of a nation Is to rebuild its cities, restore its ', villages, and renew its fields of agrlcul, , tnre. I know there are some who hsve , . jeeu at home caltvating during the war, ' and who bring to tbe ermsiuWatioa of peace, harmony, and tbe avecaitont of . civil life, all the feeling of. reeealrasn t which animated us when the wot- was running high. But take the brave sntn who sustained the flag on tbe field aud on the wave, and yoic will find better feelings and judgment, on those que. ',' tions than you will find with those who , have keii sitting in the closet, and novelsmellcd gunpowder. Cheers. 1 Yes, from the private to the general, they . know how to treat the present eircum-f-taiiccs, than any of those oloset patriots an 1 humanitarians. iteTben", my countrymen, fellow citizens, soldiers aad sailors, let us rejoice that peace has" come.-. Let us rejoice that relations of the States are about befog restored; let us make every effort we can, oa prober;,,,

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existed between the Federal ' Gorarn- ; ment and the States, 'and I tbaak Crort, that peace is restore -1 tbaatt God " - T "H that the baleful planet of tire ad Mood which a short time ago-was in the as-''

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