Richmond Palladium (Weekly), Volume 34, Number 3, 17 February 1864 — Page 1

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17. r. huLlLiUW ax cc u. vv.iJA.via. ' TEXtMS: $2,00 A YEAR, j& ' ' rATABLB IN ADVAVCB. ALL KINDS JOB PRINTING, ' . Dam ia ths beat manner and at for prices. arotBcet No., Waiu-ivu, North side. ,:, ,'The VkRioxxL Cuakactlr of Mr. Lijtcorji demands some consideration in an article of this kind, which however crudely and' superficially, nevertheless aims -somewhat at's vlew'of the man and hi . act. . And here mr pen is tempted to unduly linger; but we rnnst, at mont, ski in along and o1ey the exactions of space. An interesting volume might be made out of the frank, natural, open, honest, social, benevolent, gentle character of Abbaiiam Lincoln. " Hi para bles; bin quaint but illustrative stories, are on every body's lips. His modest, unpretending, acceaHihle manner is marked by all who approach him. His undying good humor and eqability amount almost to a miraculous endowment His common sense shines ou ton all subjects like a sun. In this way everylody speaks of him who has no motive to speak alie. His jokes are proverbial, and endless; but they are not like the jokes of the awkward man about whom the celebrated Dr. Johnson wrote "it was difficult to tell whether they laughed at the man or his stories." Jo: Mr. Lincoln's jokes are good, unctuous, witty, humorous, human kind of jokes; they hurt nobody, and please everylody. If he is ever satirical, what pains he takes to extract the sting! Surely no man ever lived who, more uniformly, was guarded least he should wound the feelings of his fellow man. Wise, yet innocent and unsuspicous; wise in the sense of the words "wise as the serpent, but harmless as the dove," he reads men well but without prejudice. Of his firmness and moral courage, the country has had abundant proof. AH the Diplomacy that he knows, or practices, is the great art (in a public man) of speaking and writing the truth, in a plain unvarnished style. This is the reason why the people can understand him so well, and why the politicians cannot comprehend him at all. No on has ever obtained an advantage over him in any important coversatiou or correspondence ; and j et he has measured swords with the ablest and most adroit among those who would defend lies. His heart has rebelled at the stern execution of military .law; he cannot i bear to condemn a man to death. His pardon of tho sleeping sentinel has been made immortal by the elocution of Murdook; but the inspiration of tho young Ioet who penned the lines founded on that incident, and of the elocutionist who uttered them in such tender music, the inspiration was Mr. Lincoln. It was he who was both the poet and the orator of that touching event. We cannot follow him to the hospital : we cannot see the eyes which moistened, nor feci the beatings of tho heart which swelled as he went among their wards to solace and encourage the suffering, brave, uncomplaining loys : but these things live, and will live in tradition. One lofty example of his perfect unselfishuess is illustrated in the fact that, as his cabinet was first organized, it contained three prominent rivals for the Chicago Presidential nomination. Mr. Lincoln is, so far, universally conceded to be honest in all his ends and aims, that, perhaps, it is safe to say that no man of known weight of character and influence in all the land, of whatever party; no man who, by the record of his own life has proven that he knows tho value of character, will be found to speak otherwise than in praise of Mr. Lincoln's fair fame. Thus to have come out of such a war, with all its temptations, corruptions and peculations, is to revive a splendid character: such as shone in the noblest periods of history; names high on the roll of men from which the ingenuous youth of all ages have gathered, still gather, and will forever drink in the gratest inspiration : Wnoe honor with increase of act prow, A streams pulldown enlarging as they go." And this personal character of Mr. Lixcoln is that which has been attained by but few men of mark in all the world. The regard of the people for him is affectionate; it savors of the' household: they feel toward him as if, they had him by the hand,' or were socially- chatting with him in their homes, without the slightest reserve; in the most genial and confidential manner. They believe exactly what he says. Thev know that he never utters falsehood or deceit to them. Their regard is absolutely filial. Even old grey-beards will speak of him in tones of positive endearment as "Uncle Abe," or "honest Abe." If one tells another that Mr.; Lincoln has pepetrated a recent joke; the auditor pricks his ears with genial attention to hear the joke ; and his mouth smiles in very anticipation. So when it is announced that Mr. Lincoln has given a solemn utterance to some grave matter, upon which the decision of the highest interest depend, the reliant, confiding, acquiescent heed which is accorded, ! proinptly and absolutely, without the slightest doubt or reserve, are wonderful testimonies of the depth and breadth of the popular respect and confidence he has won. His motives are nev-

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JflST0f.m scarry. VOL.. XXXIV. f er suspected. Everybody knows, and evevrybody says that he means right. If he makes a mistake, it is instantly excused ; and they say "no man i3 perfect; but no man, under such terrible circumstances, could do better than Uncle Abe." If a General, the veriest idol of the hour, is relieved or supended in the very height of his heydey, instantly the excitement is subdued by the reflection that, "Uncle Abe knows what he is alout! It will turn out to be all right." Such magnetism of character as this njider the circumstances of the case, extending so universally, and upon, comparatively, so short an acquaintance with the masses, is unparalleled. Men have won the universal awe, or confidence, or wonder, or admiration, and their partizans have been willing to follow them to the death, or to die by them; but the commanding spirits of this sort have either been far off abstractions, idealities to a certain extent; or militaryleaders in the blaze of renown and success, whose enthusiasts among their cotemporaries were of the military cast, and whose historical panegyrists have been most attracted by th t romance of their career. But this household character is exceedingly rare; and most rare indeed is it that such a character has been won in the midst of the distress and affliction of a people by the man charged, at such a time; with the heaviest rcponsibilities in the public affairs. Here and there, standing out like grand mountains, we find such names, at long intervals, rooted in history; names whose claims to the affection and regard of their own times rested purely and simply on the foundation of moral character; whose deep hold of their fellow men was unaided by any mere excitement, (such as brilliantjparts in Oratory, Statesmanship, or Generalship produce over the minds and imaginations of men, yet leave their hearts untouched.) In our own land, Washington was such a man: And Abraham Lincoln is another. To sum up this attempted sketch of this wonderful magnetism which belongs to the charactertif Mr. L'ncoln, we say, (and it is no exageration whatever) that he has become to be regarded as the veritable, incarnate "Uncle Sam." We have now reached a point, where we desire to say something about what is called the OerosinoN Party, and their doings ami sayings. So far as we know that is the only party. In a partizan sense, the supporters of the administration do not deserve to be called a party; certainly they do not covet such designation. Administration men are simply and purely Union men who are in favor of all energetic and lawful measures to put down a wicked revolt, and to establish a healthy peace and a sound union. The Union men, whose candidate Mr. Lincoln, as we hope, will be, intend no half measures. They do not in etui that a.iy sore, or cancerous spot shall be quacked over by wvat may be called a peace, only to breakout again more furiously and fatally. Far too much precious blood has already crimsoned the turf and soaked the roots of the green grass to admit of ! Miirh lmltorino' Thfil'nion mramriintn restore the Union in such a form that it shall be a Union. Not separate and distinct communities, the one Puritan, the other Cavalier; tho one democratic, the other aristocratic; but a sound American Union, irradiated by the Democratic idea. The time' to talk about slavery has gone bj The South chose to abolish it, despite warning, despite amnesty, dcpite every inducement which could be held out alike to their interest and to their duty. Among the other despoiled effects of war, and following only and pre cisely the law of Wfcr, Slavery is practically abolished, the social and political effects of which will be, that the negroes m . st be paid as freedmen to labor on the plantations where, hitherto, they have been owned. To this complexion the necessities and the common sense of the South ranst come at last. Then, the entire matter before th country is War for the Union until the rebels submit. Now, in this country, on such an issue, there can be but one loyal party. This is clear enough. Without, therefore, arrogating to the administration's supporters an exclusive claim to loyalty, let us, modestly and briefly examine a little into the sort of material of which the Opposition is composed; we mean the vast, preponderating element of the Opposition: and then let us proceed to judge how far such materials should be trusted by a wise people, as their instrument in such a work ' as 19 im3 01 P""ng uown tne rebellion; and. also, of establishing a sound, health ful, permanent peace. We have but one way to judge of men, and that is, by their acts. We have no way of determining the future, but by the past. Guided by such light, let us look a little at the Opposition. The ballots are yet hardly counted which were deposited for the traitor Vallandigham. Why did they make him their standard-bearer? Not only was he their candidate for Governor in Ohio, but the whole Opposition was rallied to his de

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fence, in every State in which an election was then about to be held. Why was it that in the City of New York, at the Academy of Music, Governor Seymour of New York, Seymour of Connecticut, Fernando Wood, and, in fine, all the representative men of New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Indiana and elsewhere, of the Opposition, should have endorsed Vallandigham ? Why, on his account, did they seek to influence the people almost to the point of revolt? Were these honest, true, faithful, loyal men who did this 'i Who did this when the nation was in great peril ; when the administration needed most the strong hand, and fervid hearts, and whole influence of a united people to fill up our thin ranks, and aid our noble defenders in the field ? Who were they who cavilled ! and pettifogged about the draft, until New York was deluged in blood by riot-! ers? Certainly these were not the acts of friends of the administration; but they were the deeds of the Opposition. Even the defeated candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania, Judge Woodward, was distinguished only by, and recommended, therefore, to, the Opposition by his hostility to the conscription act: for barely was he defeated before be hastened to announce, in an elaborate judicial opinion, his view that the draft was unconstitutional and void. For what reason have the Opposition thus conducted themselves ? Why is it that even now, in his last message, Governor Seymour of New York, publishes to the whole world of men, to Europe and to the Rebellion, an elaborate statement to insinuate the glaring and dangerous lie, that we are a bankrupt people ? Their reasons have been given and considered already in this article, wherein we have treated of Military Law and Arbitrary Arrests. Did these leaders really feel the force of such "reasons" to be so all-compelling as to overwhelm even their apprehension for the fate of the National arms ? Can any one believe that these men were actuated by any other designs than those which forever impel the maneuvers of gambling politicians ? Nor must it be forgotten that a large portion of this Opposition held immense peace meetings in the city of New Y'ork; that they even went so far as to juggle a large proportion of the people into almost insubordination on that idea; and that leaders among them were imprudent enough to assume that the rebels should be treated with, without paying the slightest regard to the existence of the Government ! Now if the Opposition had had their way, we should have had no Emancipation edict; no draft; no declaration of military law unless on the stage of active hostilities ; public sentiment, inflam-

ed by pernicious sympathy with the re- j his name with that of such men as Valbellion, would have run riot; the courts J landigham and Fernando Wood? Will would have been loaded down by inflam- j they crawl over and around his new

atory cases of arrested persons ; and incendiary lawyers, incendiary speeches, and an incendiary press would long ago have betrayed us to the rebellion. But the "sober second thought" of the people came! They saw the precipice to which their leaders were decoing them, and they recoiled. With a hearty good will they came back to the support of the administtation ; and, thank God ! we thus escaped the greatest peril which the country has known since the rebellion broke out. This conduct of our noble people induced the leading actors of the Opposition to assume new parts in their cunningly devised play. Suddenly they became very patriotic. Even now, those members in the Congress who were floated on the wild (but now rebuked) wave of public excitement and impulse, (members without a constituency) will be found exceedingly loyal in their - votes and speeches. But can they deceive again ? Is the reptile any less venomous because he has shed his skiu? Is he not the same snake? What are we to infer would be the conduct of such men if, like Mr. Lincoln, they held the sword and purse of the nation? If they controlled the vast patronage of this war? If they directed its arms; if to them were confided the trust of negotiating a peace? Is it not painfully evident, even to the plainest mind, that these men are not patriots; but that they are mere politicians, whose only hope of a restoration of the political power which has departed from them consists in some such sort of re-nnion, as shall enable them, once more, to employ the political element of slavery as the foundation of their hopes of party success? What are the antecedents of the leaders of this Opposition? Remember that these are the men who crushed Douglas beneath the car of slavery; the men who palzied the hands, the heart and head of Buchanan; and who fed their expiring hopes on the fortunes of the armed traitor Breckenridge. One glance at those antecedents will fully answer the pregnant question with which we concluded the foregoing paragraph. The antecedents of these men will b found with

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- - FE 9 that Southern policy which, simply by consolidating the entire slave vote of the ultra South, enabled the Northern managers for many years (for Presidential bribes and the like) to give over the interests of this nation, in its every department, to the very men who are in armed revolt against us. For forty-nine out of the seventy years during which the Government has existed, Slavery has filled the Presidential chair, and, for thirteen years more, it has dictated the conduct of that office. It has controlled with absolute sway the army and navy of the United States; it has distributed the political patronage in all departments of the Government; it has proscribed every man, in every section of the country who held slavery to be an evil; it has dictated the legislation of Congress; it has soiled the ermine of the Supreme Court; it has depraved the organization and action of political parties, and through them, it has sought to make Slavery a permanent political power. It has grasped at the complete control of the Territories of the United States, to create the basis of new extensions of political power. All this it has achieved and aimed at: yet, during its entire and controlling life, it has been an interest distinct from, and hostile to, the other great interests of the nation: and the Slave holding class have constituted less than one-fiftieth part of the population of the United States; and; in every legitime regard, the slave interest has been far inferior to every other interest of the Government. With this interest the fortunes of these leaders are leagued. Unhapily, lamentably, such is an unvarnished, incontrovertible history of the acts, conduct and antecedents of the controlling spirits of what is called the Opposition Party. Can such men be trusted ? And the painful fact is forced upon us that these very leaders, and for this very end, are now lifting the canvas of a tattered tent where a war stained hero reposes, on a distant shore, all over-covered with laurels, and whose deeds reflect back the radiance of the stars that smile upon and honor him: a man whose glory, whose thoughts, whose fame, whose usefulness all lie in the tented field, in tho active service of his country. The nation has rewarded him promptly and unanimously by the highest badge of distinction in its official power, and, as this, so far as any external recognition goes, no jewel is so dear to the soldier. Even were he a trained civilian, to remove General Grant from such a field would be a revolt aginst the plainest maxims of prudence. What will such an Opposition do with such a man? Do they propose to black-ball him with their positive! v infamous record? To associate made fame, befouling it with their slimy tread? Will they seek to sting the immortal part of him to sudden death, as by the venomous bite of the fabled asp? Or do they design to subject his reputation to the more and disgusting and insidious process by which the vampire is said to suck the life blood of its victims ? If General Grant were to consent to become the political leader of such a party, at a period like this in our political affairs, then would his deserved and glittering renown fade and disappear in la night that would know no roseate morning ! We say this because we have demonstrated the fact, which is now the recorded history of our nation, that the leaders of the Opposition mean no good. They are not only true to their political antecedents with the rebels; but, from the beginning of their opposition to the war policy of the administration, their exclusive aim has been, now is, and to the end will continue to be, to grasp the spoils of the treasury and the political power of the people. It is painful to pursue this speculation, as connected with General Grant; nay, it is absolutely revolting. Long, long be it before serpents shall rear their envenomed heads on the moss-grown base of Grant's monument ! Let us all devoutly hope that the proud fabric may stand, until it shall moulder into imperishable worth. We have dealt at some length upon what we call the Opposition party, for the reason that we wish strongly to impress all Union men with the great necessity which exists, that they shall make sure that the destinies of this country shall fall into no peril, such as would attend them in the ambitious, selfish and unrighteous keeping of these political freebooters. Nor are we without strong hopes that we have presented such a picture of the past conduct of these unscrupulous men, as will awaken many an honest (so-called) conservative to rub his eyes, to shake off his lethargy, to arouse fully recovered from his heavy and dreamful sleep, to see, with quickened and strong sight, the character of the companion into whose company he has been deluded by the cheatery of old associations, f old names, of old ideas

PALLADIUM

GOD'S. THY COUNTRY'S AND TRUTH'S. " s i oiifLi I Tg;m

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BRUARY IT, 1864. which are flying like the lightning into the bosom of the cloudy past even with such speed as the hurricane chases the scattered leaves of the forest. To prevent the success of the men who figure so infamously in the history of the rebellion, the Union men assuredly are solemnly called upon to make assurance doubly sure to "take a bond of Fate." We must swear upon our country's altar, and we must sacredly redeem the deep pledge that the schemes of this junta of conspirators shall not succeed to obtain the control of the helm of the laboring Ship of State. We must solemnly, and before high Heaven, resolve that this social revolution shall not go backward; that the honored dead have not died on gory fields in vain; that not in vain limps about among us the mutilated trunks of our noble and dear braves; that not in vain have the hearts of fond wives, sisters, lovers, parents, been wrung by the devoted sacrifices which they have heaped up on the altar of our country. The reward the high reward of a dear-bought peace must be paid in the full, final, and bright redemption of our beloved land. Now, if ever, has the time ideed come, when the ballot is to be enforced to aid the bulletThen to whom shall we entrust our banner in the mighty crisis before us? Whom shall we select to represent the honor, the safety, the future of our Institutions? If we believed that the foregoing question were merely and purely a personal one, we should feel humiliated in the dust at tbe narrowness of our own souls, that we should have asked it. This is no time for personal considerations. But with our standard-bearer in the coming fight is associated everything that is dear, holy and sacred among men. It is to be a contest with rebels in our midst : therefore it is a war for Heaven, for honor, for our firesides. And we must, one and all, elevate ourselves (if we would prevail) to the high stature of American patriots. If they succeed, everything goes back; if we conquer, the mighty idea goes forward; forward, as we have every reason to believe, down to the "last sylable of recorded time," the mighty idea that man is capable of self government. It will be because of the commission of some grave fault by us, if our sacred cause can be imperilled. Therefore it is that we have "presented the well known, the beloved name of Abraham Lincoln for re-election. That name represents a character which the people fully know and wholly trust a name respected and honored all over the civilized globe. There is nothing uncertain, either about his integrity or his capacity. Jle has been tested in the fiery furnace and has proved to be pure gold. The known should not be changed for the unknown the tried for the untried. Were a vote submitted to the Union people as to whom they would prefer to guide our destinies during the next presidential term, we solemnly believe that nineteen-twentieths of the masses would thunder forth the name of Lincoln. Were a similar vote to be submitted to the worst men in the Southern revolt, the unanimous shout of such mis creants would be "Elect an y man but Lincoln; yet, 'if possible restore our old friends the Opposition!" If this question were submitted to Europe, every liberal friend of American progress would counsel the renomination of Mr. Lincoln; and every Southern sympathizer, every deadly foe to our institutions, would sneer and scoff at his name. Is there any honest, impartial, careful reader, or observer of what is going on about ns, both at home and abroad, who has tho slightest doubt of these our statements? Other men may be esteemed as excelling Mr. Lincoln in this or that mental point of view; one as having more skill here, and another there, in the varied departments of mind; but there is no other man upon whose entire wisdom, temper and integrity the people rely in any degree which will bear comparison with the rank that Abraham Lincoln holds in American regard. We will not contemplate the possibility that the intrigues of mere ambition, or that the jealousies and malignity of disappointed office-seekers, or that any other cause pan be made to prevail to defeat the public will in this respect. We believe that Abraham Lixcoln will be preserved to be the next President : Because he deserves it : Because he is the author of a policy which the people intend to carry oat, and which they will not see rebuked, or imperiled by the hazard of political chances : Because the administration for which he is reponsible has been a more vast undertaking than has hitherto devolved upon an American Statesman; and for the reason that, in every respect, it has been a wonderful success: Because the people of the land are yearning to say to Mm by their votes Well done good and and faithful servant ! good and faithful Magistrate ! good and faithful fellow cit

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izen and friend !" Because our patriots desire that the now wonderful temple wherein the President sits, as the symbol of their political faith, shall be completed, even to the last cornice on its proud and towering dome, before he shall leave its portals: Because it appears to us that Abraham Lincoln has been selected as an instrument by the Divine hand to accomplish an unperformed mission ; and in a high sense do we accredit the maxim that "the voice of the people is the voice of God." And finally, we have full faith that He who called him forth through, human instrumentalities, to do the greatest of works for mankind, and for His own glory, has so adjudged it that Abraham Lincoln shall yet live to be the President of the UNITED States; and that all the people shall say Amen. NOTES. We subjoin, as Notes to tbe foregoing article, what follows from published letters of Mr. Lincoln, and which forcibly illustrate parts of our remarks. We regret that we have not been able to find the Speech made by Mr. Liscols in reply to Mayor Wood, of New York to which, as the reader will observe, we hare made emphatic reference.. The circumstances of tltat case were, that Mr. Lincoln on his way to be inaugurated, being the public guest of the Mayor, was harangued by him in the City Ilall, in formidable style, about the great interests of the country; as represented in the prosperity and business of the city of New York. He was pompously and authoritatively (in substance) threatened by Wood, in ease these interests should be disturbed and ruined by civil commotion. Mr. Lisoolv, in reply, modestly observed in substance, that when a tkip was in danger, the first duty of the officer in charge was to save the ship, her crew and passengers. If ttitk Aete the ranja could be saved, all the better; but if the throwing overboard of the cargo was deemed expedient in such an exigency, then that the sacrifice must unhesitatingly be made for the security of the ship and of tbe souls on board. For" said he, "the ship and the crew and passengers being in equal peril if these are lost they cannot be restored, but there would be no insurmountable obstacle in the way of importing or exporting another cargo!" Mr. Luteal' Addrtm to Am Seignbort in SftrintjMJ, on leaping hi home for hi fuaugtirationi "Mt Frikni8: No one, not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century. Here my children wero born, and here one of them lies buried. I know sot when I sliall see you again'. A duty devolve upon me perhaps greater than that which has devolved upon anyother man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I feet that I cannot succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and in the same Almighty being I place my reliance for support: and I hope you, dry friends, will all pray that I may rec jive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. Again I bid you all an affectionate farewell !" Extract from ilr. Lincolu't letter to Horoe (Jrary, Avgtut 22, 1862. As to the policy I "seem to be pui.uin?,"' as you sav, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I wonld save it in the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored the nearer tlie L'nion will be the Union, n it was. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same tima save slavery, 1 do not agree with them. If there be those w ho would not save the Union unless they conld at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save $he Union, and not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Lnion without freeing any slave, I would do it if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it and if I could do it br freeing some and leaving other alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Uuion,and what 1 forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save tbe Union. 1 shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing Jlmrts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause. 1 hhall try to eorrer errors when thoiem to be errors, and 1 shall adopt nttc views so J'ant as Uiey shall appear to be true rinem. I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official duty, and I intend no modification of my oft -expressed personal icma that all men everywhere could be free. Yours, A. LINCOLN. Extract from Sir. Lincoln' letter to the SjrimfitlJ Om4 Sit r acute Convention Anguef, 26, 1S63. "But tbe Proclamation, as Law, is either ralid or is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot be retracted, aDj more than the dead can be brought to life. Soma of you profess that its retraction would operate favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction than kei'ort the istmf There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the Rebellion before tbe Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an exphcit notice that it was coming, unlets averted Kv those in revolt returning to their allegiance. Tbe 'VVar has certainly progressed as favorably for ns since tbe issue of tbe Proclamation as before." "There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I woukl say: You desire peace, and yon bis me me that we do not have it. But bow can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways: First to suppress the Rebellion br force of arms'. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If yon are, so fir we are agreed. If yon are not for it, a second war is to fire op tbe Union. I am against this. Are ron for it? If you are, yon should say so plainly. If yon are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. 1 do not believe that any compromise embracing th maintenance of the Union is now possible To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the Sooth and peace men of the North get together in convention, and franie and proclaim a compromise embracing a retoratko of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army eaa keep "Lee's army oat of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise to which the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at all affect that army. la an eSbrt st such compromise we would waste time, which the enenrr would improve to our disadvantage, and that wonld be all. Yon say that yon will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for yon ; bat no matter. Fight yon then, exciuarrely, to aavs the Union. 1 issued the Proclamation on purpose to aid yon in saving the Union. Whenever vos shall hare conquered all rssistanc to the Union, tf I shall nrge yon to continue fignung, it will be an apt tune then for yon to declare yon wul not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Cnkm to whatever extent the negroes sbouid cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to Ton. Io ron think differently 1 " Extrartm from Mr. xaaeow's letter (Ja, 13, 1363) Is Enrntm CbrsWa? ud esWa, of AiUmj, Sew York. Refering to the proceedings of fha meeting of the Vallandigham Sympathisers, whose organ Mr. Conxdu was, Mr. Loieoui says : " They proceed to resolve ' that thee safeguards of tbe eitixen against the pretensions of srbitrary power were intended more ly nafly for bis protection in times of civil commotM." And, apparently to demonstrate this proposition, tbe resolutions people d : They were secured substantially to the Esusk people ajlir years of protracted civil war, and were sdopted wto our Constrtaoen at the elom of the Revolution. '- Would not the desnonstrasion have seen bstasr it eootd bars beew truly said that theaa safi guards land sdopted sad appbsd rfn ma the eml wars and avwf saw Revoioaoo, inslisi of sVr she ons and at the stent

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TRnS OF ADVEflTISniG: Ons sHnsre, three ........ ...ltffm 2 2 ach additional Insertion ti " Three ntowtns..SvOO Six Months . , nM One Year. .... gTCan A liberal mnooaat SBssW ssfsaljnl mini lias toeuta, for the oust So. of Inssrnsnsj sasJks. A - sqaar. - m ton kas of tnss tyns. So advsrtiaement inwrssd fur ass than Ons rsnatl tnoogh less than Ira lines ana1 for oes week only . AH ma played advrro semen ts Bataauts ny tarn rnss. , , jfc " Bswnlnr 'inks, I asnn) na lias j In lis isnl specials, 1 cents per hnsw v-? jgsT-AdverUi n it, stOm ts BMdI I. aintraonanv to msurs of tb other? I, ton, am devotedly for theaa W civil i ctA war. sad at all rimes. except I of rebefiioa or invasion- ins tmhhc war, and when, in sasety may mqmrs' tbetr swsnrnsioa.' " "Vet, thoroughly tinned with a revsrencs tor ths guaranteed righto of indrndnala, I was slow to adopt ths strong measures which by owjrreea I haws bees forced to regard as being within ths eseeptians of the Consututiou, and as nsdiaff sola to ths awbbe safety. Nothing is better known to tussore than that courts of justice sxs utterly incompetent to sock rases. Civil courts are organised chtefty for trials of lndiv idaal, or, at aaoet, a few mdzridnala acting in concert, and this in quiet times, and ssi shsrgss of crimes well denned in ths hvw. Evua in times as jsaus lianits of horse-thieves and robbers frsqusnUy grow ton numerous and powerful for the ordinary souna of justica. But what comparison, in noaabsrs, bars anca bands ever borne to ths insurgent sympathisers even in many of the loyal Ststes t Again : a Jury too frsqasatlr haa at least ons member mors ready to hang ths panel Xh'i to hang ths traitor. And yet, again, he whs dissuades ons man from volunteering, or mducss ons soldier to desert, weakens ths Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in bsttls. Yet thw dissnaaion or induce men! may be conducted as to be no defined crims of which any civil court would taks eogoisanos. " The man who stands by and says nothing when ths peril of his Government is discussed, cannot be misunderstood. If not hindered, as is sure to help the snemy ; much mors, if he talks ambiguously talks for his country with "buta," and "lfs, and vands." Of bow little value ths constitutional provisions I bars quoted will be rendered, if arrests shall never be mads until defined crimes shall bars been committed, mar bs illustrated by a few notable examples. Gen. John C. Breckenridge, Gen. Robert E. Lea, Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, Gen. John B. Magrnder, Urn. William K. Preston, Gen. Simon B. Bucknsr, and Comtnudors Franklin Buchanan, now occupying ths very highest places in the Rebel war service, wars all within the power of the (iovernment since tho Rebellion began, and were nearly as well known to ths traitors then ss now. Unquestionably if ws bad seised and held them, ths insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no ons of them had tlien committed any crims defined in ths law. Every one of them, if arrested, would have been discharged on asbeiw eurpma, were ths writ allowed fi operate. In view of these and similar casrs, I think the (pe not unlikely to corns when 1 shall be blamed for having mads too few arrests rather than too many." Must I snoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, whils I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert T This is none the less injurious when effected br getting a father, or brother, or friend, into a public meeting, and there working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to wrije the soldier boy that he is fighting in s bad cause, for a wicked al ministration of a eontraiptibls Government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall dettf-rt. I think that iu such a case to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a great mercy." How we Neglect the Body. True following is excellent, though we do not know to whom to credit it: ? By the exereise of a very little reflection we shall discover that the mind and the body are loth dependent on each pther. The mind, more especially, upon the physical structure; for, without stimu- . lant from the bodily vigor, the brain rej4Tnses to work, and thought is paralyzed. i These are truisms, and are not put forth i' as embodying any new and startling doc trine. I bey are so true that all thinking men know the force of the remarks, but fail to take an 3- steps to practice what is suggested by them; for when a man is told that his mind is weak it implies bodily waste, and he most of necessity recruit . tli mi o 1 0 imnrnvs ths ftthsv . Thin nr. ticle is no plea for gymnasia, or other a A a . A . simuar institutions; in iacx, we looKupon these as the last resort for restoring lost animal strength, and invigorating the wasted tissues and muscles of the uody. Rather do we seek in these lines to impress upon every person engaged in sedr entary pursuits, the absolute need that exists for sensible and diverting bodily activity. How does the case stand? How do men in general spend the few boars they can spare from business? Let the reader f look around among his acquaintances. or ask himself, and he can see clearly that but few persons give the attention they ought to this subject. One individual, for instance, stands all day in his store, bends over his desk, and wearies out his body and mind by close attention to business. Possibly, at five o'clock, he goes home, because be can't stand any longer what does he do then? He plays five minutes with the baby, or else doses in the corner over a newspaper, all doubled up like a jack-knife. Still other men of business snatch a hasty minute to dine, and come home at night only to pore over ledgers and business accounts without end. These plans may be very excellent ones to get riches by, but there arc demands of the body to be attended to which, neglected, all the wealth of the world cannot comepnsate for. - The obvious remedy is to give each function and organ of the body its proper degree of care. The millionare well not consent that his horses shall stand idle in the stable, for he knows that by so doing they lose in beauty and spirit; yet he denies to his own body what he recognizes as indispensable for the animal, and suffers his energies to waste for the want of use. The mechanic, who lias an overabundance of muscular exercise, requires intellectual food, that his brains may develop, and his ideas be enlarged; while the reverse is true of literary men.' In the beginning of this article: we mentioned gymnasia, and their influence; c think that one great feature in developing oar" frames is too often overlooked and that is the uCree of interest or sympathy an individual haf ill his efforts to become robust. Most persons' will COS cede that if a man forces himself to walk about in a pen, open to air and sunlight, for a certain period, he' will not necessarily present a picture of perfect health; and that mere tramping over s stated number of miles may not always bring him in sight of the fountains of youth. But Nature inspires the heart of man with all her beautiful sights and sounds; let him feel the sweet influences of the land scape filling his heart with joy and gratitude; and then a walk of half s mils is better for his body that five miles under other circumstances. It is not so much what we do for the rssTtoratiosi of lost physical energy, as how we do it. Active exercise is in fact only another name for restoration; and that this is imperatively necessary to a healthy body, all will admit. Outraged nature inflicts sore present punishment upon men for their -.-t.t -e . v. ; waII AttnM ,, happiness, in a line of detented and; figuratively emasculated descendants The Circuit Court t Louisville, decided that the Adam Express Company were not rMponsibi as cossunon carriers tnr tht nnnev ati-ilam hv .John Moraran. at Cave City, Kentucky, in Hay, lMtt, the monev navm dssp tssen ci con enemies.