Richmond Palladium (Weekly), Volume 34, Number 1, 27 January 1864 — Page 1

WAYNE CO'JriTY

HIST

IS

THE PALLADIUM, rVBLiaUED WKDSKSDAY MOKXIXUB, BT D. P. HOLLOWAY & B. W. DAVIS. TSRMS: $2,00 A TSAR, PATABLB IX ADVAXCB. ALL KINDS JOB PRINTING, Doe in the best manner mod at Cur prices. Office: Ho. 4, Jfain-sU, Worth side. Tiii RICHMOND, IN D..... JAN. 26, 1864. THE PRESIDENCY-1864. . To-day we announce Abraham Lix COL! as the choice of the 1'alludium for the endorsement of the Union party of the country as their candidate for the Presidency of the United States, for the ensuing Presidential term. We do this ct, prompted thereto by the solemn conviction that the re-election of 3Ir. Lixcolx is called for by the sentiment of National policy, and of National gratitude; and because we believe that hi election Is desired by fully three-fourths of the honest and patriotic masses of our fellow' citizens? We annonuee this name with a feeling almost amounting to awe; for if we are to believe and who can doubt it that on overruling Providence guides the destinies of Nations, to us it appears that Abkaham Lincoln has been selected as an instrument by AImight3' God to accomplish the great work, not j alone of saving, but the equally sublime work of preserving for nil time to come, our wonderful Government, purged of those evils which experience has demonstrated to be fatal to our institutions; healed and made sound and whole from the diseases which have laid siege to its very life. To this conclusion we come from all the extraordinary circumstances which have attended the present strange (to human ej'cs) and unexampled war. If it is a remarkable fact that in this century, in the full blaze of the history of man, a Christian people, everywhere blending with the flag of their land the symbol of the Prince of Peace; a people living under the most benign rule which God has ever vouchsafed to man; a people upon whom prosperity, renown and honor, in the eyes of all Christendom, have been fairly rained down as if in golden showers from mild, indulgent Heaven; a people protected by their geographical osition and by a common unirtn tT tit rovurtli nml iiirrit; niminst. -o enll possibility, of successful foreign invasion; we sar. if it be a remarkable fact that such a people, under such cir- ' cumstanccs, should be so stricken blind ma deliberately to inaugurate the violence . nnd chaos of war against their own brethren and fond common parent ; a rationally promiso.no other iesU than f cither that of our mutual ruin, orv other--!-wise, tliat the humiliation and snljugation of ,-those whose parricidal hands struck the first blow, if this fact be indeed wonderful and bewildering, past all human solution, shall we not recognize therein the work of that awful Power who scourges nations as He does individuals ; and who, through HisPropheU, has announced the fearful truth that "the Xutions which forget Gvd ahull turthj perish ' And if this fact appears to us to be providential, then, we a.dv : How happens it, that at such a time, a Magistrate i ii, i. ; i i" . ... . snoiliu navv oeen raiseu iq tor iisessing the elements of character which are universally acknowledged as marking the nature of Aukauam Lincoln ? Unselfish, unambitious, modest, gentle, hu mane, even to weakness ; just, cautious, Jorbearing,and of an equable temper such as has distinguished no other public t-v full, uitwta tf,j-k iloi-a ,r WtlfiWQTox-? It is indeed most wonderful, that, passing by the noted politicians and statesmen of the land, a plain man. grown iaour wood, of very little political experience; remarkable only for his plain sense, his high moral qualities, and for the ' fripiidlv title which he had won amongst his old neighbors as "IIonlst Auk," should have been selected to guide the helm of the Ship of State in such a storm as has convulsed his administrnv tion ? What might not a bad, ambitious, selfish man have done, with the instruments of hell ready created to his hand, toward the utter ruin of Our social and rwVI!tu'a.I fttnirtiirr-! T)ir sfti.l.it nf Ida. tory well knows what such a one might have' done. Treason rampant in the South: corruption stalking naked and inviting co-oi-cratiou in the North; in-tomix-rate. honest zeal clamorinc to "rush in where sngels fear to tread;" everywhere confusion; here were indeed the tools for despotism, such as, in such timed, (with rare and sublime exceptions) has marked the characters of the men of like periods. - , In the midst of these temptations and of this confusion; when all the great lights to whom the people had Wen accustomed to look up, as if by some niirclev had suddenly disappeared from mortal eyes (Clat, WrnsTKK, Poi glas, and the like) when the people were exclaiming? with one voice, "Give us stability of some sort: Give us a man: Give us a leader : Give us a Military Dictator.:" at such a time as this, the whole power of this nation, and with it, all of its past, all of its present, and all of its future; its purse and its sword, were committed to the absolute keeping of Abkab&x Lixcolx. What a mighty trust! Let think of it who live to behold the

.1

HISTORICAL SOCIETY " BE VOL. XXXIV. Old Ship the same Old Ship well nigh restored from wind and wave ! Shall we forget the rilot ? Shall we rebuke the Pilot? Shall we trust the Ship to new and untried, perhaps to bad, unskilled Lands? Shall we say to the world, at home and abroad, that this man has abused his trust ? Shall we run counter to what appears to have been the selection of Providence ? Shall we admit to all of now abased Europe, shall we admit to the South, by a condemnation of Mr. Lixcolx, that we have changed our views and policy in regard to this war? That we mean some miserable peace that shall be no peace; or that we desire bac k again the social and political curse of slavery which (through the Divine judgment) the South themselves have abolished? To us, and to the vast majority, as we believe, of our people, there can be but one answer to these obvious suggestions. Mr. Lincolx should, by acclamation, re ceive the endorsement of the Union men of the nation. lie is the embodiment and representative of our policy and of our purposes. Resides these overwhelming fact?, in favor of his re-election, there is yet another of very grave importance. Mr. Lixcolx has just now arrived at a point when he is master of the situation. Now, he comprehends both his work and workmen; and both are organized. Any material change must make material con fusion, must work delay; and, to say the least of it, the risk of putting matters bark into a bad and complicated shape. "Friends to reward, and enemies to punish! " these are bad enough in good times. Shall we, by a change in the administration, take the chances of initiating armies of the devouring hounds of party to invade the grief of the land? It is otir purpose, somewhat hurriedly, to run over the leading features of Mr. Lincoln's character and administration. To do this, even to any proper extent, will require such space in our columns ns we are sure that our readers will excuse. Unhesitatingly, therefore, we invite them to accompany us over what we shall pass of this field. i The National eye first sees Mr. Lixcotx as s one of the pioneers in the design k down the enormous exactions of i to break the South Raising the feteadily advimcdiJrtth-Chfc crn Doughfaces, repealing and despisin. compromises, until, seizing on an informal saying of the Supreme Court of ! the United States, they had virtually de clared slavery to be national ; they had sourht to sink its roots in the Constitution, and even in the holy religion of j Cukist. They hail advanced to the point which maintained that Congress had no lower over the question in the territories, except to dccfee and perpetuate slavery therein. Finding a willing or a blind tool in Mr. Ibichanan, they had got from the then head of the Nation an avowal which amounted, practically, to the constitutional right of Secession; (for the denial of the power of t'e Government to force a revolted State to it allegiance amounts to nothing more nor less than this proposition.) Through the blindness or complicity of that lVesideut the Army ami Navy were scattered and ma le useless as against the, even then, formidable conspirators. Under such circumstances Mr. Lincoln (who modestly and firmly had announced that, in Ids judgment, the time had come to say to slavery, "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther; and here shalt thy proud waves be stayed:" you j must no longer absorb tne .xation. its olhces and power, with that detestable institution and its influences, social and political, enervating, slothful, shameful, barbaric as it has turned out to be, ) advocated the simple mission of Republicanism, in his unsuccessful contest in Illinois. In all the able, clear and temperate speeches which he made in that ; memorable campaign, he carefully stood I upon the one idea, of excluding slavery j from the Territories. Everywhere he then denied any design, or desire, or j right to interfere with the institution in i the States. In a clear and great speech j mado after the close of that campaign, : at the Academy of Music in New York, he rev lewed the whole question: he stated the exact end and aim of Republicanism to be this assertion of the power of the Government over the Territories and nothing more: concluding the speech with the almost sublime sentiment "Let

cr I

us have the faith that Right makes ! drunken hope of a divided North, and M ight, and in that conviction manfully j with the idea that Cotton was Kin. do our duty, as we understand it." - J Mr. Lixcolx called out few men? cornEminently a man of the people, grown paratively, such a number as seemed on onr soil, like our grand trees and j adapted to the exigence of a lanre but mountains, so distinguished had the Illi- unreasonable and short lived insurreenois campaign made him as a bold, calm, j tion. In all his early operations in the temperate, wise, firm, cautious and able war, he stood wekhin the line of what now

leader, tuat, in view or the penfous condition of things, should the Slave party obtain the control of the Government in the then state of the Southern mind, the Chicago Convention, with the quick instinct that he had elements of. character and a history which could not fail to com-

EICHMOID

JUST AND FEAR N0T! ALL

RICHlHOltfD, WAYXE COX

mend him to the people, conferred on liim the duty of its representative. Modestly and cautiously he accepted the nomination. In full view of the storm that lowered, he took the helm. How deeply the sense of obligation weighed on him, may he read in hi3 solemn farewell to his old friends and neighbors at Springfield as he started out on his Presidential tour to the capital. He felt almost the inspiration of a ProphetInexperienced in public affairs, his guide and support were Almighty God, the rectitude of his heart, the purity and wisdom of his cause, and what he firmly believed to be the intelligence and virtue of the great masses of the American people. His mission was to vindicate the j majesty of our Union and laws against j the blustering Southern Oligarchy who j thought with cotton, rice and sugar, to : buy and to perv ert the progress of this ' great nation. ! And so among traitors at the North j and in the South he embarked on his I journey to Washington. Wherever he ' went on that not ?d journey, however he people, he continually held the olive branch to the South, the olive branch of the Constitution. In those speeches he said, "the Southern crisis is artificial." No one proposes to trench on a single right,or prerogative.or iistitution,or even reasonable claim which belongs to you. With firmness (how grand in view of what has since occurred does that firmness appear !) he repudiated the nonsense

and crime of calling that coercion, which : tected and treated the freed in en as citiwas but a defence of the Government j zens, in their degreei He has invoked against the inroads of rebels and free-I the policy of compensated emancipation: hooters, who had seized and who held the I but if this bolt of war must strike the public property. At all hazards he de- ; innocent with the guiltj, nevertheless it termined to execute his duty as President ' will fall: nay, it has fallen. The avaof the United States. In his famous re- : lanche is loosened and no mortal power ply to Mayor Wood in New York, a ! may put it back. By the wisdom and speech made when all the surroundings firmness of Mr. Lixcolx, the worm has of Commerce were for humiliating been crushed out at the root of our po-

peace when it was attempted to awe ! this son of the West by painting to him '; ; the great interests involved and to be ; ruined, as they said, by any disturbance of their relations in that calm, quiet, self-reliant reply, the whole man, nay, ; the whole cause spoke out. That little reply was one of Mr. Lixcoln's parables, inpi ration. ? Over the kindling fires of sedition, he reached Washington. On his o.ith he

raad-dog cry oJLJ.Recw it now, in the light of the fearful plunged, JL-Jt u-

PrtrilftaderiT feRl mswry woicn nas since been ; made and A ad mr. -in

aid of N6i-th- 4tIie pisetcc of the mun tirills like an the picture and contrnst it with

swore to be faithful to the Constitution the evil thereof: we will not A Miami the Laws, and to execute Lis trust. tote to consider what shall be done with an

His measures of policy from that time to this will, in the highest bla-te of otir history, down to that far future to which, I under God, it is destined, bear noble j comparison with anything that has pre- ; ce lod or which may follow it. i His Inaugural Address was wise, sim- ! p!e, solemn, firm, and affectionate even to pathos. He demonstrated not only ; that there was no cause for a revolt, but j that none existed even for grave dissat- ; isfaction; he pointed to the fact that the j OpjKjsition, even then, held in Congress (the reins of power, lie foreshadowed i his assent to the call of a National Conj veution. He appealed most touchingly ' to common traditions, to common monu- ; meats, to our common glory, to consecrated battle fields to our kiudred intermingled by all the ties of blood and so1 eial alliance. f He could not. he would not entertain the horid idea of civil war; nor could he, ' nor would he abate onejot of the moder- ; ate, timely, necessary iolicy of which in ; ! the "fullness of time" he had become the j . instrument to enforce. ! But the judicially blind South mistook ' j this man ! Alas, they mistook the words of calmness, of remonstrance, of warn- j I ing, of reason, of appeal, for the ner- j j vous tremors of terror. On they went in j their mad career, until Sumter was fired. Then, when uprose the whole North as wnen at nigiit the cry of murder or fire j is heard in the crowded city or quiet vil- j lage, then when the Northern heart was roused to frenzy, the-.Presi lent was all calmness and self possession. Cautiously proceeding as a Civil Mag-j istrate, he had warned the knot of conj spirators at Montgomery to disperse j quietly to their homes. They Iaus'ued ! at thnt ! Peal after peal of derision went j up over his firt Proclamation from the j arch-fiends in that imperial synod. They said he was reading the Riot Act to j them ! They were then bloated with the is laiseiy called conservatism. But nevertheless, as events have since proven, he was following step by step a chain of wise and consummate policy which looked, even then, from that period, beyond what is our condition on the day on which these words are written.

THE ENDS TH0UiA"lffST at be thy

JA 9 Rebukirg all hot haste, he protected property and institutions of the South, until his best friends assailed him with all the warmth off a rude zeal. About this period it was that Lis immortal note wa3 written to Horace Greeley. But all was without availl On went the crazy South, and Euroffc seemed trembling in the ballanee. J Then it was that 5Ir. Lixcolx saw and realized that the,; insurrection had assumed all the proportions of a great war. The dove of peace, which so long and fondly he had painted to his soul, as hovering ou the skirts of the dun and angry but scattered clouds of battle, wa3 now devoted and swallowed up in their concentrated and fierr ... fold. Rising with the occasion. Mr. Llxcoln issued his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. In his judgment, it was necessary as a war measure: it w$s due to the state of Foreign Relations, which then, to all intents, were treating the South as a belligerent. It was, furthermore, an act of amnesty which the South had days of grace enough affbT?Teit"them to embrace. the Southern men ia arms to restore the I Union as it was! The appeal was un heeded. All that man could do, this good and wise Magistrate had done for the cause which was then called conservative. And now the blow was struck. The Emancipation Edict was issued. And the same calm and firm voice tells us that it will not be revoked. Following up this policy, he has prolitical tree, and which for so long has threatened us with political death. Thank God ! it was not reserved for us, amid our country's monumental ruins, to behold it as "the worm that never dies." If Mr. Lixcolx had faltered in this crisis ! who shall imagine the horrors into which 'a .backward' step .would have bar condition at the beginning of the war. Whatever may be the result of this negro clement (and sufficient - for the daj- is ulcer when life depends upon its prompt extirpation !) we now find the disease the almost fatally terminated disease in process of a sound cure The negro question is at rest forever, as a cause of discord, in this noble land, the last hope of Freedom on earth and yet who can doubt it destined to be her standardbearer until all the oppressed of man shall rise unshackled? Next: our Forcign policy is settled our name more dreaded abroad than ever before; for that very Proclamation has forced the world on the issue of Freedom or Slavery Barbarism or Progress! Well may the diplomatic tricksters of the old rotting systems fear their people on such an issue! Next : we see the agitation of slavery transferred where it belongs, from the North to the South; and this by the voluntary act of the citizens of Slave- States. Whatever cavillers may say to the contra-, the elections in Delaware, Maryland and Missouri expressed the unbiased sentiments of their people. They have seen the mischievous extent to which Slavery has gone, and with zealous and fervid hearts aud uplifted hands they have gone about the work of its cxtermination. Indeed the zeal of these reformers goes bevond that of the most "fanatic" of the old- Abolitionists, ready Tennessee trembles with Althe ground swell and Kentucky more than thrills with the pulsation. Virginia inaugurates emancipation, and ilaryland is agitating the policy of making emancipation immediate. And beside these magnificent results, can we overlook the African Soldiers who arc saving thousands of white lives; who are distba'mishing themselves in the camp and in the field; who are, in fact, the pioneers in the redemption of their race from ignorance, woe, barbarism, paujerisra and contempt ? Over almost insurmountable prejudices; within a miraculously short period of time, these wonderful results have been reached by Almighty God whose instrument Abrahax Lixcolx has been. By His grace, and for this mission, he has been guided and upheld. His steps have been gradual progress, directed by the power that marked charts for the prophets. Again we ask Had Abkaham Lixcolx faltered or turned back ia this work, -what would have been the condition of the revolt? What the conditions of our Foreign Relations? What sort of coun sels would we have had in the North? Would we have seen the unity the wonderful unity which is witnessed now?

Pi

LLADIUM

god s, thy courvrers and truth

tfUARY 27, 1SG4. t Has he not nobly vindicated himself ( against the sneer that he had "no policy?" t T r fiA It i . 1 iwMkrk 1 j : -. . ... . . v. : . v ,u, coaia ne, as now, point to his enemies an'J sav: "Uemember inv warnings and forbearance that yoa would not heed?" And during alfthis period, the success , , . . , of oar arms has been as wonderful as the grand recompenses which have flowed out of them. For a while the people. naturally zealous and impatient, were befogged on this point, assailed as they were at every turn by the adroit and pernicious engines of Party. Wide awake now, the people have quite recently demonstrated that there is uo party but the country no party but the Union party whose President and whose candidate Abkaham Lixcolx is. All who stand be - youd this line, no matter what their per sonal stature or pretensions, in this cri i sis, dwindle to the proportions ol r acj tion. The Republican party has fulfilled a heaven-born and heaven inspired mis- ! sion. As a partv, its work is done; it , . , , . , . has create an epoch; it has marked an era; it has become one of the pyramids of History. Henceforth its members are enrolled onlr under the broad banner of the Union. No good man can recognize mere party until the Ship of State, overhauled and repaired, is once more safe at sea on her final and triumphant voyage. But this is a digression from what we were about to submit on the subject of the progress of our arms. From the earliest records of War, with- t out intermission. down to the dateof this j Rebellion, armiers have been quite as ! much distinguished for their cabals and j cliques and petty rivalries air.l jealous- j ies, among the officers, as they have for their achievements and renown. There- j fore it is that no current history of a war can 1m; written; since wc cannot, r.nforInnately, absolutely rely even upon J Reports of Generals in-Chief; for the the T?tnr;-f rf aneli fire nmd frrmi t.iio ilej tails which General Commanders obtain j from subalterns. The only safe view, ! therefore, of the progress of a war which ; the people can take, is that dictated by common sense, in view or the circumstances that surround campaigns, and of their aggregate; results. lie who has not sense enough to comprehend the great task-of c?aaizing -an-r?iyKM rn-rfi recrnm, m wriicii is luciauru nui drill and discipline, Imt all fbifc Immense material essential to its effect and subsistence; such a man has no right even to offer an opinion on war. He who cannotcomprehend the vast difference between an offensive and a defensive war should never obtrude his criticism on such a theme. Some people seem to forget that every soldier in the armv must be fed and clothed; that lie must sleep; j march; that lie must be cared for in ill- J ncss; and that, to accomplish this, the! mere matter of transportation for an in- j vading army is a thing of bewildering j magnitude. Equally exeuseless is that j War critic who will not compi eheud that : invaders inarch in a strange land; that they are ignorant of roads and streams therein; that they are liable to the perfidy of guides, and to the presence of the most unexpected and formidable natural obstacles. Surely, he is not very wise, either, who will not remember that the elements, the seasons, the condition of an army as to food, clothing, and rest, '

especially after a serious fight: enter t Union in which is involved our prosvery lanrelv. indeed into a righteous jud"- j perity, fe licity, safety, perhaps our nament of the operations of war. Some, ! tibial existence. This important con- , , , ' , . , sideratiou, seriously and deeply impressalso, speak of the present war, as if they; t.i t(U our minds, led each State in the

were talking about pitched-battles on the . smooth and narrow plains of the obi world; as if we had no enemy to encounter; as if mistakes, ignorances, treacheries were not sure to occur in such immense affairs as these ! It is difficult to maintain the slighest respect or charity for such hypcrcritics. Nor is any account made, by this class of men, of deaths, wounded, sick, missing, desert- ! ers. And very lew persons indeed, ston to consider how very little one knew, practically, of war matters when this Rebellion broke out. The vast amount of the war talent which the United States had educated and developed, found its way into the Southern lines; it was for opportunity, therefore, to create our men. To be eont?iTOeL jT?- The KemUUrde Saadard sir : About two ' hundred will hare to be drafted in Fort Warne rttt ' hundred for each of the seecsh newspaper. It tiii not sufficent criknee of the contaminating influence of such copperhead sheet.' j j We aire in receipt of a eofr " The Tribune j Almaaac for 1AH." Besides Calender. CTaasificition j of Members of Coacres, sod Election Table, rt r"nS tains a rast amoral of other interestinr aad nluat lo matter. Poblihed br the Tribwne Aciation. New j Tork. I'rtt-r, single copies 15 cents, 19 for 1 1. and $3 perl?. 5?yHon. A. S. White, Ex -Congressman from the X-aFareue District, has been appointed br the President as Jadpe of the United States Circuit Conrt for the District at Indiana, ia place of Hon. Caleb B. Smith, deceased. Vrcw Cn-Azrrr is woer Sttnm. In a hot Si mer.wljeo there is most thirst, there are fewest brooks. So of anurr people's charities thcr arc rarest wbea

s.

-nip.i crrTv Whole Xansber? I "m-f -ft it ii. i iTi W JL For the Palladium. Reconstruction. M EDrroE:Mnch has been said of ; Iate through this Congressional District, m the funn nd orhrwis on th s.v. called Reconstruction of the Union, and ! though much has Wen thus said, loth I pro and con, vet, perhaps, a brief review r ,.,: i . j be uninteresting or altogether unprofit able. Ihis absurd proposition or reconstruction, had its origin in the theoretical fancy of Charles Sumner. He it was, who first gave this brilliant conception "a name" if not "a local habitation," which has so quickened into life with "words that burn" the distorted imagery of a few zealous but indiscreet followers of that notable visionary reformer. Let us take a glance at the history of ! our Constitution. In liiC, the people of the several States and Colonies, formj ed for their mutual interest and protecti ion. what thev denominated a Con fed erj ate Government.and declared themselves j as such, a free and independent peoj V1 ?ach State and Colony retaining j w.ith!n it80,f .its own "." ided sover- . eignry, graining irom ume to time, tUrough their Legislatures and delegates j to the Confederation, certain detinite j powers for specific purposes, and exi aiming oniy to mimed terms 01 lime. I uis iorm of government proving too cuifloersome and tedious, oiten uncerj tain and altogether insufficient for their j necessities as n people, some other plan j had to be adopted. The Legislatures of i all of the States appointed commissionj ers to meet in convention at Philadelphia j for the purpose of revising the "Articles j of Confederation," and thereby to avert ' the dangers which threatened their verv ! existence a a federal power. In pur suance of tiiese appointments, the dele- . a a, ,11, , i -a. . "" . : gates mei ar i nuaucipnia, Jiay i-. ii, and concluded their labors on the followj ing September 17, by agreeing to the j Constitution as it now stands, save only j the amendments which have been subI sequeutly added. This Constitution was ' submitted to the consideration of the Congress of the Confederation, by Geo. Washington, President of the Convention, by the following letter of presentation. This letter I desire to copy entire, because of its peculiar significance, not only to that time, but, also, its cogent adaptability to circumstances of the present. Ix Convention, Sfpt. 17, 1787. Sik: We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the United States in Congress assembled, that Constitution w hich has appeared to us the most advisable, . - , tV - -: Tne mends Of 'OUT j country have long , seen and desired that the power of making war, peace, and treaties, that of levy-" ing money and regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial authorities, should bp fully and effectually vested in the General Government of the Union; but the impropriety of delegating such extensive trust to one body of men is evident : hence results the necessity of a different organization. It is obviously impracticable, in the Federal Government of these States, to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, ami yet provide for the interest and safety of all. Individuals enteriug into society must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circumstances as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered and those which may be reserved; and on the present occasion this difficulty was increased by a difference among the several States as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests. In all our deliberations qn this subject we kept steadily in view that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true American the consolidation of our Convention to be less rigid on oints of inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise expected; and thus the Constitution which we now present is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutualdefferencc and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable. That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every State, is not, perhaps, to be expected; but each will doubtless consider that, had her interest been alone consulted, the consequences might have lieen particularlytlisagreeable or injurious to others; that it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we hope and ljelieve, that it inay promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us alL and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish. With great respect, we have the honor to be. sir. your excellency's most obedient, humble servants. By unanimous order of the convention George Washixgtox, Pres't. His Excellency, the President of ConCongress having received the report tf the Convention, September 2.passed the following : Resolved, unanimously, That the said report, with the resolutions and letter accompanying the same, be transmitted to the several Legislatures, in order to pe submitted toa Convention of delegates c hosen in each State by the people thereof, in conformity to the resolves of the Convention made and provided in that case. The Constitution was ratified by Conventions duly organized, in all of the several States, except two, prior to Sept. 13. IT?, those two namely, North Carolina and Rhode Island, ratified afterwards, and the present Government was inaugurated March 4, 1789, by virtue of

a resolution passed by the Congress of September 13, 1788. , . , "

TEREIS OF ADVERTISIKG: One square, three vavks 9,1,00 " " each additioonl ia rtfrm. t " - Throe mratha JOO- ' " " Sis Mootba " - One Year SOO fr A liberal discount sBnds est targer adisrtiae menu, for toe same No. of imaerthWS as shews. A square is tea lines of ttut ma- No advertiarment inserted for less than Una Dollar, thoajrh less than ten bnes and for on wsrk onlr. All displayed advertisements measared br this nils. r . KecnJar special. & casts par line ; transient specula, 10 cents per line. AdTcrtiaesnssrta saosM be lawns OO Honda. aitrrnoons, to insure iuaertio.

I have thns given but a very brief sketch of the origin and formation of our Constitution and Government, sufficient, however, I think, to show the unanimity of its adoption. It was framed by the best and wisest statesmen of the land, and was consummated through niuch labor and concession; it was made to harmonize as nearly as possible with the interests of all, and it is truly a Constitution of concessions. The solemn compact was, however, finally made, and "we the people" by its ratification and adoption, bound into a perpetual union. The preamble'sets forth that, We the peoplef the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, ' promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of Liberty to ourselves and onr posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution .or the United States of America. Here is the solemn declaration niadc to the world, that we thepeople not we the people of the several sovereign States of the Confederation but we the people of the United States, do ordain and establish this Constitution. Now, it having been thus established for them and their posterity, where is the power for its abrogation? Not within the instrument itself surely, for it contains no provisions for its own dissolution. It provides for, and proscribes the mode, of any amendments or additions that may become necessary, from time to time, and also for the addition of territory to the Union as States, but not one word for the succession, or the abrogation of the rights of any part that has been once properly admitted. The second clause of the sixth'articlc of the Constitution jleclares that, "Thl;! I Constitution and the Laws of the United ! States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the Supreme Law of the land, anything in the Constitution or Laws of any Stateto the contrary notwithstanding." The Constitution and the Laws made in pursuance thereof, covers all of the territory within iUi proscribed and acknowledged limits, and the main question of interest now is, whether this organic charter has by any sectional acts been broken down so as to admit of re-construction. There are, perhaps, two wajby which the Constitution can be dissolved. The same power that can make can unmake. It took a large majority of the whole people to make the Union, and a majority of the whole people would have a natural right to dissolve it, this would make-a peoceadjia SMfNasnttsMn; or, m ma--jortty could try soooeartl revolution, leneo, virtually sunder their relations. - Some of the people of a particular State or of a particular section numer-. icaiiy vastly in the minority, declared: their political allegiance dissolved, .and by rebellion refused the execution of the laws made in pursuance of the Constittition. This does not of itself annul their -obligations and duties toward the Government, a man cannot expatriate himself, while he remains within the jurisdiction of his Government but if, after ' a reasonable time, the loyal majority cannot, or do not, restrain and compel the " obedience of the minority, then they would by virtue of successful revolution, have a natural right to carry the territory out of the Union. If the rebellion does not succeed, then the condition of the States remain olitically the same as before any resistance had been inaugurated, and those of the people who have outraged the laws must suffer the proscribed pains and penalties. . Now in cither case what can we have to do with re construction! If, on the one hand, the Union is not legally broken, it is sheer folly to talk of re-construction, and if, on the other hand it is broken, is it not perfect imbecility to gabble about reconstructing that over which we have no control. Suppose a citizen leaves the country and expatriates himself, can wo re-construct him back? as much in the. one case as the other. We hear much said, also, by some of our sensational patriots, and this is one of their points of re-construction, that when the rebellion is crushed and the : supremacy of the Government is rein- ; stated of remanding tlte insurrectionary States back, into the condition of territories; there are some few slight difficulties to encounter, however, in the riding of this political hobby also. a Members of Congress as well as all other Government officers are under . oath to support and protect the Constitution; let us see what it guarantees to y States. Art. 4, See. 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. Art. 4, Sec, 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of Government, Ac, 4c. . ... r ... Art. 5. No State without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal sutTrage" in the Senate. - - - Art. 10. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution ? nor prohibited by it to the State, are reserved to the States respectively, or to v the people. Four of the States which are now in insurrection, were of the original thirteen, and over which Congress never had any control as territories, now how or In what way, can they be rt-contrcUdt . Where ia the power granted to ny " department of the General Government, to deprive a State of its (Constitotion, or r take from it any of its political or civil rights? The utterance and promulgation of sach political heresy, snch a ' rigmarole of arrogant pretension fs a ' flagrant insult to the dignity and under- -standing of common sense and a Lament-' able degredation of political virtae. &. Tat PstsBtOssM Inn J mallow! a fend mt mm tka ftrstnar of IsJv last. afVsr mi.

all STpsnasa. ' '

I