Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 93, Number 9, 10 January 1923 — Page 2

PAGE TWO

THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM, RICHMOND, IND., WEDNESDAY, JAN. 10, 1923.

The Mistakes of the Kaiser By RENE VIVIANI v : Premier of France When the War Broke Out Copyright, 1912, by The McClura Newspapet dynd'cate.

MEXICO TO SEND PANI AS ENVOY IF RECOGNIZED

GERMANY' "DANGER OF WAR" Nof the die was not yet cast not even at that supremo moment! It; was still possible to save all. For a mobilization, even when It is a general mobilization, depends, In fo far as the peril which It occasions is concerned, directly upon the warlike or peaceful intentions underlying it. Russia had given proof twice in succession of her ardent desire to preserve peace and continue negotiations the first time, by means of her nartial mobilization, which she herself suspended; the second by her general mobilization, whlca was forced upon her. But how was one to negotiate if ihe negotiator, on tlp threshold of the various foreign offices of the powers, felt no support for his moral authority, which U derived in large part from material authority, and was confronted by the representatives of a nation in arms. Now, Austria was in arms and, up to then, had said nothing. She had not protested against mobilization. On the contrary, she continued, on the very day of mobilization, to discuss aud though actuated in this by only

partially honest motives, 6hc, neverthe

less, did not break off negotiations. A strange paradox she did not declare war against Russia until some days

after the invasion of Belgium! Hence, there was still a possibility for each

nation to maintain its rights peace-

.fully, though each had taken precautionary measures and each was more

or less perturbed.

m any event, wnetner peace was

possible or not, there existed the desire to bring it about. The entente did not lose courage and, owing to its tenacious determination, peace was

sought, although there was imminent

danger la Europe of an explosion at any moment. Posterity will stand aghast in contemplation of this useless meeting of men of good faith with the others. The Jatter, hard pressed

oy the force jit the conscience of hu

inanity, backed up by reason, were now forced to abandon momentarily the filence agreed upon among them and strike the criminal blow from behind Iet us travel once more along the said road with all its twists and turns. Question of English Intervention For the moment all hinged, it must be admitted, upon English intervention. Russia, preserving her calm and her dignity in the face of threats, had made an immense effort toward conciliation and had exhausted all our efforts without having had the slightest pffect on Vienna and we had been even l.s successful with Berlin. However, Kngland, upright and prudent, had let it be understood that bullying tactics alone would not niftier. Twice, tbrice, each time in a different form. Sir Edward Grey had asked that the nations should assemble for discussion in London. He had dpc'.aed. pnd so had his ambassador at Berlin before him, that he was not bound by neutrality, yet

had made no definite promise of par-"

ticipation in the war by England, where public opinion was not interestee in Serbia, had little interest in Russia and had not realized immediately that France would be involved. It was necessary for the British government to convince public opinion and win it over little by little. It was when matters stood thus that Germany, staking everything, struck the first blow. On the evening of July "0, Herr von Schoen (German ambassador in Paris) had called upon me to warn me that

ihe "war-danger" was about to be proclaimed in Germany, since Germany must safeguard herself against the preparations by Russia. Not a word did he say as to t'ae alleged preparations by France which I had denied in a statement to him. which he had transmitted to Berlin, adding his personal assurance that our state of mind was peaceful. "The declaration of the existence of danger of war in Germany," he told me. "is not mobilization." This, from the judicial point of view, is self-evident. But a "danger of war" that came after quiet and useful measures, preparations, recall of men on leave, canceling of furloughs, silent assembling of reservists, all of which had begun on July 25, if not earlier, might certainly be looked upon as sub

stantially equivalent to mobilization.

It is but too infrequently borne in

mind that the reservist summoned by

the proclamation of the "danger of wax 'carries with him a document which, 6hould there be mobilization,

enrolls him immediately and indicates

to him what post he is to occupy.

German Mobolization Meant War Therefore, what is the transition

stage between "danger of war" and

mobilization? And, in Germany, mobilization means war: often enough the German government and the German general staff have 6aid 60. I said it to Herr von Schoen, and, making note of his announcement to the effect

that, notwithstanding, the aforemen

tioned ineasure presaged nothing,

which announcement I pretented to believe, I informed him that, in view of

the circumstances, I should submit to the French government the question as to whether we w ere to moblize.

"That does not mean war." I added.

He nodded. Later he reported to Berlin.

On July 31, at 1 o'clock, the threat

was carried out The decree proclaim

ing the danger of war" was published.

Thus the order, which- always precedes

these things, had been given during the

nrst Hours of the morning of July 31. Now, during these first hours, the

news or Russian mobilization which had been decreed at 11 o'clock in the

morning (declaration in the preface of

the first White Book; Paleologue dis patch; Pourtales dispatch: see preced

ing chapters) was not known for good and sufficient reason. Nor was the Russian mobilization, which followed

this step, nor as I shall prove were

the alleged war preparations by

i ranee, the cause of the proclamation

of the "danger of war.

That same day, in the afternoon, the German government ordered Russia,

by means, of an ultimatum, to demob

uize, granting a time-limit of twelve

hours that is, until August 1, at 10

o clock in the morning. Now, accord'

Ing to this order, Russia was to demobilize, but Germany was to be allowed to keep in force the mobilization which

she had just accomplished and Austria

to remain an the state of general mobilization which, with her, antedated mobilization by Russia. And this though it took Germany, bristling as she was with war preparations, only two days to put herself in readiness, and Austria only two days, seeing that she had been at war with Serbia since July 2S, whereas it would take Russia sixteen days. In other words .what

was demanded of Russia was that she throw open her frontiers and lay down her arms. Von Schoen's Prediction On July SI, in the evening. Herr von Schoen came to see me. He was gloomy. Upon him there seemed to rest a sort of moral burden, changing his mien, which was ordinarily more gay. Seated across the table from me, he said that, if Russia did not obey, "there would be mobilization in Germany and that mobilization would inevitably mean war." Herr von Jagow, speaking four days

before to M. Cambon, regarding the partial mobilization of Russia, had de

clared that it did not mean war and that Germany would not take up arms.

He lied. He knew that it meant war,

but had something in view.

Herr von Schoen added that this proclamation of the "danger of war"

was an answer to the Russian mobilization. I have shown already the erroi" or let us call it the lie on the part

of the German government, which was

retter informed than its emissary.

Then he stopped and, in embarrassed

tones, asked me what the attitude of

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Albert PanL Albert Pani, Mi-xican diplomat well known in America, vrill ba named ambassador to the United States by Mexico if the government of the latter country is recognized by the United States, according to reports from Washington.

Webster Is Stirred By Union Revival WEBSTER, Ind., Jan. 10. The union revival compaign in Webster under the leadership of Dr. R. Lowell Wilson, is stirring the community. There have been eight conversions and reclamations this week. Interest is increasing under the varied program in the evening services. The Rev.

and Mrs. Victor E. Stoner are in charge of the singing and the music. The Rev. Mrs. Smock is conducting the personal work. The evangelist, Dr. Wilson, is preaching strong sermons.

wise gave him no positivenformation. After all, France had no need of ren

dering account of her actions to Germany. So I replied: "We shall examine our -interests." He did not seem satisfied, and aroee.

His mien was decided. He turned to me, after he had picked up his hat:

Mr. Premier," he said to me, "will

you have-'the kindness to present my

respectful regards to the president or.

the republic?"

"No, Mr. Ambassador, I shall not

present your regards."

And, to smooth down what tmgnt appear to be a trifle too sharp in my

reply, I added:

"Whv leave us? Count Pourtales

has remained at his post in St. Petersburg, the Austrian ambassador Is here.

Why give the signal of departure and

assume such a responsibility without

having received orders to do so?

Herr von Schoen said nothing and

nodded his head. M. de Margerie, who

was present during the talk, added

"You can not, you who have given proof of moderation throughout your

career, end that career in blood.

Herr von Schoen bowed; then, before leaving, he informed me that he would come back next day, August 1, to repeat the question which he has asked me as to the attitude of France. This was a sort of ultimatum placed in

my hands.

On that day. July 31, what was the state of affairs in Europe? Austria, Russia and Germany indeed, for the very reason that the "danger of war"

had been proclaimed, were in arms

The frontiers of France were under close watch nay, more than that, they were menaced and German troops were beginning to roam insolently along the limits set, which they sometimes crossed. Progressive invasion was soon to begin. Of course, as may well be imagined, we had taken precautions and, while still respecting the order to keep at a distance of ten kilometers from the frontier, we had taken many more measures to insure the se-

icurity of the country. The supreme"

guarantee of this would naturally be mobilization, combined as we indeed combined it later with a declaration of peaceful intentions. A Last Dove of Hope But, on July 31, an immense wave of hope passed over the world. We learned that Austria at last had deigned to enter into discussion with Russia and that Sir Edward Grey had renewed his proposal of conciliation. Were we to furnish to the German em

peror a pretext for saying that it was impossible to think of negotiations with a bellicose nation like France which was already drawing its sword? Therefore, with the agreement of the

chief of the French general staff, we allowed the day to go by. One- learns much after a thing has happened. Later, in 1918, we learned, after our cipher service had decided certain German documents which had

previously escaped us. the following

fact, without parallel even among sav-1

ages:

On the very day that Hen- von

Schoen had called upon me to announce the "danger of war," Herr von Jagow telegraphed to - Herr von

Schoen; "If the French government declares

that it wishes to remain neutral, your excellency will kindly inform It that, as a guarantee of its neutrality, we must ask that the fortresses of Toul

and Verdun be delivered over to us;

we slall occupy them and restore them at the close of the war against Russia.

An answer regarding this must reach

us hepe before 4 o'clock Saturday aft ernoon."

Herr von Schoen, to be sure, never

made me any such proposals; and, in

his memoirs, he declares that he did right ia not undertaking such a task.

In fact, he deemed it stupid. But I

do not know whether Herr von Schoen did not desitate as to whether or not

he should bring it to my attention.

Why, in fact, a6k me what would be

the attitude of France in case of a war

between Germany and Russia? As he

was aware of the substance, at least, of the Franco-Russian treaty of alliance, and that a joint atack upon Russia by two other nations confronted us

with the casus foederis, he must have foreseen what the future held in fact, he gave me to understand that he did foresee itDoubtless Herr van Schoen, abandoning brutal methods, wished to give

a gentle hint; had I then seemed to yield, he would have been encouraged

to continue, and then, doubtless, he

France -would be In case of war be

tween Germany and Russia. As may be easily imagined, I had

foreseen this question, the significance

of which I grasped. Whatr answer

could I give him? Was I to tell him

that France was ready? If I did, he would telegraph, to Berlin and his dispatch would fan the flame of war. Was I to tell him that France would look on with indifference or even give him an impression to that effect? That would have bee na lie which he would have been justified in assuming to be truth, and then the whole power of German propaganda would have been devoted to warning Russia ot French indifference. That would have been disgrace

ful, it would have broken entente solidarity, it would have meant collapse

m the face of the central empires. A Faithful Conversation

WTiat I did was to adopt the professional tone of a lawyer conversing

with his adversary and, though I told

him nothing that w-as -false, I like-

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would have blurted out the humiliating proposal. How could Herr von Jagow ever have imagined such a possibility

and, having conceived it in his mudl

died brain, how could he have brought himself to bring it officially to light?

(To Be Continued)

7 SYNCOPATERS 7

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