Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 93, Number 5, 5 January 1923 — Page 9
0
THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM, RICHMOND. IND.. FRIDAY, JAN. 5, 1923
PAGE NINE
The Mistakes of the Kaiser By RENE VIVIANI Premier of France When the War Broke Out Copyright, 1922. by The McClure Newspaper Syndicate.
WHAT IS GOING TO HAPPEN? And now comes a straDge and inexplicable thing or. perhaps a one but too easily explained. Austria refuses even to discuss with Russia! The duplicity of the two governments became apparent; Germany, in order not to assume the responsibility, since she is not directly concerned with the refusal to discuss, does not oppose the discussion, yet Austria continues to refuse. Who can possibly believe that she has plucked up courage enough to refuse to follow the advice of a Germany, who is irritated at her conduct? What is going to happen? Under what kind of regime of silence and terror is the world to live? No general conference, no private conference! What then? Austria will give us the answer. After having mobilized secretly for some time, she suddenly declares war against Serbia, at noon of the 2Sth of July. On the same day a ridiculous thing indeed! the Serbian Minister at Rome had told the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, The Marquis of San Giullano, "that if some explanations should be given as to the manner in which Austrian officials might participate, the Serbian government might yet accept the entire Austrian note". (Origins of the World-War, Bazergue, page 1S2). The Marquis of San Giuliano transmits this information to Sir Edward Grey, and, forseeing with admirable perspicacity that Austria would haughtily refuse to have any dealings with Serbia, if she were
, given the chance to have them, he
suggested that Austria might make her reply to the other nations and
then communicate with berDia. At , noon, war against Serbia! and. on that same day, Serbia accepting all Austria's terms! The whole matter hinged on the interpretation of one word! Though .Austria has certainly paid heavily, for what she did,sone must needs admit that the crime merited the punishment. Serbiai overwhelmed on the evening of 'the 22d by an ultimatum that burst upon her like a cannon ball, and compelled, on the 26th, to
withdraw her government from Bel
grade, under the guns of Semlin
made efforts alas, how weak they were! to protect, herself at the
same time that she took this precautionary step. Her soil was invad
ed. Belgrade was bombarded and soon captured. Is all lost All would have been on that day, as a consequence of the brutal and inexplicable act, of the cowardly overpowering of the weak by the strong; all would have been lost if coolness had not reigned in the Chancelleries of the Entente Powers. Austria's leap, to the sure, had brought us close to a general conflagration, but it was possible stili to discuss, to keep up discussion as long as the cannon was still so far away as not to drown the voice of reason. What are we to do? address an ultimatum to Austria and demand that she drop her prey, for the very sake of her recent statements informing us that she dreamed of no conquest? Not for an instant did we harbor such an idea. England - " and France, Russia even thougli
ftf Russia's Slavic sentiments had been aroused and Austria had taken.' the initiative In mobilizing against her all three of these nations acquiesced in the occupation of Serbia by Austria. Sir Edward Grey, in agreement with us, proposed that this action be considered as satisfying the demands of Austria and he prepared the way for an agreement (Blue Book, 75 et sequ). King George telegraphed on July 30th to Prince Henry of Prussia ("J'Accuse", page 116). Finally M. Sazonoff suggested to the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg, in the course of a tragic inter-
PERFECT TAILORING MAKES THIS GOWN
view, that he draw up a note, which the latter took away in writing ("J'Accuse," page 117). So Serbia, then, was invaded on July 28th, and Belgrade bombarded, and, after these acts of violence, all of us got together to sanction the Austrian occupation of Serbia, but to request, notwithstanding, that it stop where it was, that it be deemed sufficient, and that military preparations in all countries cease. What was to become of the conciliatory proposals of Sir Edward Grey and M. Sazonoff? What happened now was due to Herr von Jagow. He was notified, .on July 30th, by the Russian Minister at Berlin and
by his own Ambassador at St. Peters
burg, of Sazonoff's proposal. He spurned It, remarking that "it was impossible for Austria to accept it." (Orange Book, No. 63). Did he consult Austria? He refused to do so. On that day, he opened the way to slaughter, called down death upon millions of homes, and as will be shown shortly did not stop even there. We shall cite his conversation a few hours later with M. Jules Cambon on the same subject. And yet he was, so it seems, Minister of Foreign Affairs!
Yet nothing was yet entirely lost for us. We continued to discuss up
to the very threshold of the battle
field, until the machine guns crackled
on our frontiers along the destroyed railway lines. We shall revert to these discussions in the course of this chapter and the ones following it. Now there arises, before history and the world, what I consider the most Important act of the war, not only because it caused the war, but because it makes manifest, more than anything else, the intention to go to war, which Germany tried to conceal when it was too hue for veiling it from the conscience of humanity. Already we have mentioned a fateful date July 5th the day when IYnperor William, warned, through the autograph letter from the Emperor of Austria, of the elimination of Serbia, and not only forseeing but actually enumerating the murderous consequences thereof, nevertheless summoned about him his military counselors and told them the news. And it is necessary to bear in mind another date July 20th the date which we have now reached:
preparation (July 5th) has now yielded to action (July 29th). On the night of July 29th, Austria had bombarded
Belgrade, and, as we said, she had in
vaded Serbia. Of course, she had been obliged to mobilize several days
before in order to accomplish this, and to give the alarm in Europe by making those ominous concentrations of soldiers from which lightning so often strikes. At the same time, alleging various pretexts, Austria massed her army corps on the Russian frontier (Yellow Book. 95, 97, 101). What could Russia do? Part Mobilization Plays Here is the proper place for impressing upon readers the part which mobilization plays and the effect it has not from the absolute point of view but from the relative point of view of the country resorting to it. A decree of mobilization is a serious thing. But it remains confined to the paper on which it is written unless it is followed by an act which it entails as the conse
quence, viz: the concentration of
troops. Now, to be successful, such
concentration hinges on three things: the extent of the territory which the
troops must traverse in order to
reach their points of concentration; the relative ease or difficulty of as
sembling the various quotas of troops; and lastly, the character of the means of transportation available for the concentration. The possibilities of rapid concentration vary naturally in different countries. Two days, or even less, sufficed in Germany which, more
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over, thanks to legislation unknown
to other lands, did not mobilize until
the existence of a danger of war had
been declared, so that mobilization
was a mere formality. Two or three
days would be required for a con
centration in Austria, the same in France, probably less in Switzerland
(I speak hypothetically for the pur
pose of contrasting a country of more
rapid concentration With other coun
tries). And in any case, 16 days
would be required in Russia.
One can realize without the slight
est difficulty that, given such a state of affairs with Serbia at war and
I invaded and the Austrian army par-
! tially concentrated on her frontier
I Russia could not hesitate; confronted
as she was by a peril enhanced by
the well-known slowness of her con
centration, she was forced to mee
the partial mobilization of Austria by partial mobilization of her own
forces. What Could Austria Say?
Russia confined herself to mobiliz ing in four military zones: Odessa,
Kieff, Moscow and Kazan. At th
same time, M. Sazonoff announced
through the Russian Ambassador at Vienna "that these precautionary measures were not aimed in the slightest against Austria, and did not imply in the slightest aggressive
VHi&f'iO Apply Brazilian Balm to jyiJj5"ViaS'3 n chapped, chafed or &'T9s2vS affected part of the akia iStii? and get immediate reU:BSStl Hef. fomou for thrtm anration:
measures against Austria. What
more could aggressive Austria ask and what could she say,' after she had taken the initiative, as she did? She said nothing. But the extraordinary thing or perhaps one only too easily to be understood was What Germanyi did. Germany had announced, on July 27th, through Herr von Jagow, to the British Ambassador ''that if Russia mobilized only in the south Germany would not mobilize." (Yellow Book, 67). This was ' quite normal, since what
objection could Germany make to! a mobilization that did not affec; her? Yet, when this mobilization occurred, Herr von Jagow simul ated indignation. M. Jules Cambon remarked to "him in diplomatic language that he was. not consistent. But Herr von Jagow apologized for having revealed an agreement which had been known in Russia and might have served to reassure the Russian government somewhat, and alleged in explanation of his later attitude, insistence on the part of the
German General Staff (Yellow Book, No. 119.)
This shows how all had been pre
pared and how a Minister who wishes to go, back on his word needs merely to hide beyond a General
Staff whose alleged acts cannot be
verified; even in its own country and which can be easily employed as a useful screen for lies. Moreover, as will be shown subsequently, there
was no such insistence on the part of the German General Staff in any
event, it yielded.
Thus, while Austria made no pro
test against the mobilization, Germany adopted a menacing attitude, sword in hand. Count Pourtales, her Ambassador at St. Petersburg.
notified M. Sazenoff "that if Russia did not stop' her military preparations the German army would be mobilized." That was in the afternoon and not in the -evenine as Count Pour
tales claims. He made two visits:
one in the daytime (at about four in
the afternoon), the other at night. The reason for this will be shown.
M. Sazenoff feels the catastrophe
approaching. The blow prepared
ever since the 6th ot July ana ex
plained by the Emperor to his Ambassador at Vienna (see preceding chapter "It is necessary to have the full responsibility fall upon Rus
sia") is about to be struck. Even
assuming that Russia yield, Austria
will be enabled to invade Russia, as she had invaded Serbia, since it is
to be noted that Germany, of course, did not say anything to Austria concerning this terrible juncture M. Sazo
noff turns to me, evincing indescrib
able emotion. He informed me, dur
ing the night of July 29-30th, at 2
o'clock, by means of a despatch com
municated to me at my home by M.
de Margerie, "that he is confronted with an imminent war and asks whether he can count on the support
of France as an ally and whether
England can without delay Join Russia and France." . ' After having called upon M. Polncare at three o'clock in the morning, I made the following reply: "France is resolved to fulfill all her obligations as an ally and she will, moreover, spare no effort toward avoiding the conflict in the interests of general peace. The conversation begun among the Powers less directly interested allows the continuance of hope that peace may be preserved. I therefore deem it
advisable that, whatever measures of precaution or defense Russia feels obliged to take, she shall not take any immediate action which may serve as a pretext to Germany for complete or partial mobilization of her forces." What other reply could French pride make? With two nations arrayed against her, Russia, despite all concession on her part,' stood alone, exposed to every blow. The alliance was in jeopardy. What was happening was the fruition of that plan
which I have already laid bare: either to have , war, or bring about the destruction of the Franco-Russian alliance, with Russia abandoned on the one hand, and, on the other, France faithless to her signature, and, subsequently, herself a victim,
in her isolation, of a German fury ! which nothing could offset dishonor!
and punishment at one and the same time !
I waited, my eyes fixed on the dark ; horizon. But a surprise was in store
for me. It came in a dispatch from
the French Ambassador at St. Petersburg which notified me that the German Ambassador had - renewed his demands upon M. Sazonoff, but had couched them in much less extreme terms. So far ,was he from maintaining the brutal tone of the ultimatum of a few hours before that he took it up this time in a gentler manner and left M. Sazonoff after a discussion conducted politely. He took with him upon his departure, after having taken it down from dictation. M. Sa-
onoffs proposal (already mentioned by me) to hold a four-cornered discussion, which was delivered by him to Herr von Jagow, and which Herr von Jagow found inacceptable some time later. (To Be Continued) CHEST COLDS Apply over throat and chest cover with hot flannel doth. V V a.fo Rub Over 17 Million Jan Uted Yearly
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A situation fraught with inconceivable menace to Europe and the rest of the world is rapidly approaching the final' crisis, all the dispatches from Europe agree. Certain officials do not hesitate to say that the Entente will end if France takes military measures before the conclusion of the discussions in the Premiers' Conference at Paris. From the administration at Washington comes the statement quoted in the New York Herald that the reparations question is at the root ot financial trouble in Europe. In addition, this government has intimated that until the reparations are settled on a reasonable basis, it is idle to expect that any aid the United States desires to extend can avail. Arid American newspapers hold that the deadlock on reparations is a big obstacle to the resumption of prosperity here, and hence affects every one of is.
What, then, is a "reasonable basis for reparations and why all the difference of opinion even
among
evident
more obvk
Rhovel more and a tvDewnter
the view of much of our press comment, but do not help the problem. The leading article in THE LITERARY DIGEST this week presents France's claims. It shows the actual damage which France suffered by the war; what France has done since the armistice to help herself; how much Germany has paid in reparations. The information in this article was obtained by the editor of THE LITERARY DIGEST in Paris' from the French Government and French press-reports, supplemented by information supplied by the American Committee for Devastated France, and from the French Consulate in New York. It is of the most definite and authoritative character obtainable and must be considered if one would understand the reparations question which is the core of all the conferences, negotiations, and disputes now agitating Europe and America. The article is profusely illustrated with half-tone photographs, charts, and maps. Other news-features in the January 6th DIGEST are:
former allies? That some impatient Americans appear tired ot hearing about tne matter, nas Deen
for three years, but that we need to gain some,, mprehensive view 01 the iacts is more and
jus. Remarks like "Why don t they all get back on the jobr" or It they d use a pick and . ! t" - 11. it
and a megaphone less, we d teel more use canceling aems, may express
A Move For Better Dry Team-Work The Fight Against the Spoils System The Little Entente Growing Bigger A Physician's Plea For Coue Listening Across the Continent
John Barrymore's New Idea of "Hamlet
Wilhelm II, Resigned, Under a New Regime
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