Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 92, Number 307, 26 December 1922 — Page 14

PAGE FOURTEEN

The Mistakes of the Kaiser By RENE YIVIANI Premier of France When the War Broke Out Copyright, 1922, by The McClure Newspapei -.Syndicate.

THE GROWTH OF PAN-AMERICANISM

William, who had shown such im-l patience to become emperlor, who in-j augurated his reign by so many manifestoes, could not long resist the pompous wish to display himself at all the courts of Germany and Europe. First, Russia. Sweden, Denmark, then England and Rome where the Vatican is not overlooked finally, Athens and Constantinople receive, in turn, his visit. Everywhere he appears amid splendor, in different guise, donning all sorts of costumes, changing his tone and his physiognomy with the consummate ability of a veteran actor. Durins these travels, which take up the last part of 1888 and almost all of 1889, and which arouse much hostile criticism at Berlin, he loses no chance to make speeches and reiterate his determination to carry on the traditions of his race and, above

all else, to complete the achievement of his "unforgettable grandfather." And Bismarck, standing beside him and loyally attached to the Hohenzollerns, is the personification of this achievement. At the beginning of his reign, Wil.liarn never fails to manifest to Bisimarek his gratitude and admiration. While he is traveling and on each of liis birthdays, he sends Bismarck telegrams couched in ridiculously lyrical terms. Nevertheless, the temperament of the Chancellor does not fit in at all with the fiery impetousity of the young; Emperor, who gives signs of having harbored, from the very moment of his accession to the throne, the intention of cutting loose from Bismarck. "I shall allow old Bismarck to prompt .me for six months," he once remarked, "and, after that, I shall rule alone." Bismarck Felt Himself Indispensable Bismarck, the builder of German greatness, hardly expected such ingratitude. He felt himself so indispensable to the empire that, in Octob

er 1889, he replied to Czar Alexander

111 in these words: "1 am sure or remaining all my life." There were, to be sure, some minor incidents, but Bismarck attributed them to the 'youth of his master." Notwithstanding this, the publication in the early part of March 1890 of an imperial ordinance not countersigned by the Chancellor was the occasion of explanations that wore not of a pleasant charaster. " . A few days later, on March 15, William took Bismarck to task for having received the chief of one of the Reichstag political parties. Bismarck replied haughtily, claimed the right of receiving anyone he pleased, and added that he was ready to give up his post. But the old servant could not believe that his master would resolve to allow such action on his part; only on receipt of a formal order from the Emperor did he send in his resignation, on March 20, moreover, he wrote a long memorial justifying the line of cdnduct which he had adopted. And now William is master. He hastened to make this clear in a speech: "There is but one master in the land and that master is I; I shall tolerate no other beside me."

He acts like an absolute ruler, paying heed neither to his cabinet nor to the Reichstag. He wishes none but obedient servants around him. His Chancellor must merely be the execu- ' tot of his orders, he tells General Caprivi, who has been chosen to replace Bismarck. And Hohenlohe, Bulow, Bethmann-Hollweg, they, too, must bow to his exacting demands. "Versatile and Dissolving" Foreign Policy William took it upon himself to direct in person the foreign policy of his

country. But the policy of such a Chalengeable, impulsive and arbitrary man was bound to assume an aspect the meaning of which was often unfathomable. Hence, it became a difficult matter for the Foreign Offices of the European governments to guess the goal or intentions of the Wilhelsmtrassc. This brand of diplomacy, on the lookout for all sorts of "incidents," 'meddling in every quarrel not in order to smooth them over but to derive nrcifit from them, constantly see-saw-

. in? hack and forth among the other

European Powers, was quite rightly described in 89T by the Russian Ambassador at Berlin as "versatile and dissolving."

At the beginning of William's reign the alliances built up by Bismarck seemed such as to assure to Germany for a long time a hegemony over a Europe desirous of nothing but peace; and William endeavored, by exchanging visits with the sovereigns of the three allied countries, to strengthen the ties between them. The Triple Alliance, which guaranteed the "status quo" in the Mediterranean, was looked upon with favor by England, which wished before all else to lighten the burden of armaments. Fiance, after the Boulanzer agitation, was entirely absorbed in internal questions; the i lea of "revanche," championed by a minority, faded away; she could not

justly be accused of desiring war. A? j for Russia. William adopted toward j her a policy of friendliness, but Czar Alexander could not forget Bismarck"! rudeness toward him, and drew closer i to France, without ceasing, at the! same time, to maintain amicable rel:r-; tions with Germany. The Franco-Uus-i sian alliance, whose purely defensive' character was evidently known to Wil-j iiam, did not. seem to worry him at; that time; and Bulow even went so far! as to acknowledge in 1914, before Ihe!

Reichstag, that "this alliance had exerted an influence toward peace in Europ " William was now on the point o; adopting that double-faced attitude of his: to scatter to the four winds state

ments professing, a love of peace and. beneath the shelter of these innocent rhetorical flights, to reinforce his army against a nonexistent peril. William Increases His Army. The measure taken in 1S88, by which

the German forces were increased by

more than half a million men, now seemed to him insufficient, so that, in

the autumn of 1892, Caprivl brought

before the Reichstag a new project for adding 86,000 men to the army on a peace footing The Reichstag refused to sanction this and wras immediately dissolved. It was not until July 1893 that the bill was passed by the new assembly, with a majority of 13 votes. Confident in the strength of his army and in its superiority over the rest of Europe, William was now in a position to give free rein to his dreams of world-politics. He felt the

need of colonies and points of support beyond the seas, of a fleet that should flaunt the banner of Germany in every corner of the world. To accomplish this, many years of effort were required. In 1890 he acquired from the English the island of Heligoland, dominating the mouths of the Weser and Elbe, and took possession of it, amid great pomp, on the 1st of July, 1890. A few weeks later, on Sept. 23, on the occasion of the opening of the new harbor of Stettin, he launched his famous formula: "Our future is upon the water." He surrounded himself with a naval cabinet, a thing apart from the military cabinet, under the direction of an admiral. In those days, however, it was difficult to get appropriations for the fleet from the Reichstag. Nevertheless, the Kiel Canal, assuring rapid communication between the Baltic naval bases and Ihe ports on the North Sea, w as opened in June 1895, amid magnificent ceremonies. Ambitions for World Empire.

At about this time William's conceptions of world-politics began to as

sume detinue shape. In a speecn made on Jan. 18, J896, on the occasion

of the celebration of the twenty-filth anniversary of the foundation of the German Empire, he thus described the situation of Germany: "The German Empire has become a world-empire. Everywhere, even in the remotest corners of the world, some of our fellowcountrymen are living. German products, German science, German industry, are spreading beyond the ocean. The value of the merchandise which Germany carries upon the seas runs

into thousands of millions. It is your' duty to help me to attach the great German Empire firmly to the Empire of Europe." t

This speech set forth clearly the, causes which were to compel William, - already inclined to ambitious dreams,! to seek continually for Outlets, to con-! struct a navy capable of protecting his

world-commerce. Economic causes, to be sure, were the most decisive yet William's lust for world-domination did not fail to make use of them in furtherance of his political designs. , Even if events themselves irresistibly pushed the emperor toward a policy of expansion, the movement of ideas was no less a party to it. Manufacturers and merchants had long realized the need of a great Germany, but ideas

of this sort had still to penetrate into '

the mass of the people. Now prot'es sors, intellectuals and historians took up the task. Already the teaching of

history had been developed on all sides; William himself took the initiative in this as far back as 1890. What he wanted above all was that emphasis should be laid upon contemporory history, that courses in history should "begin at Sedan and Gravelotte and j finish at Thermopylae." "In this way," he said, "the people i

will be brought to understand upon

what foundations its existence and strength are built." At the universities the old theories about the superiority of races were still advanced. "Germany is truly the heart of Europe, her mission is to reinvigorate, through the diffusion of Germanic blood, the wornout limbs of old Europe." And, arter having "organized" Europe, the world-empire was to be "founded," .whose only citizens were to be Germans of pure stock. Karl Lamprecht's Theories. In place of the old historical school.! which disappears with Treitschke in j 1896, a new school arises, of which one

of the most illustrious representatives is Karl Lamprecht. In the eyes of the new generation, brought up amid the material progress of the country, economic force is the creator of right, and, supported by military power, should be the foundation of German hegemony over the world. "The empire today is no longer a political body confined to territorial limits," wrote Iemprecht, "but a power acting throughout the universe. It is at every point to which German economic interests extend their tentacles. It acts as tentacles act. Economic forces should be set in motion in the same way as the army and the navy, which merely form one whole with these forces insofar as national expansion is concerned." Then comes an amplified conception of the cult of force, presented as the salient trait of the age of "free enterprise,' 'and Lamprecht adds: "The strength of the army and navy has as its foundation the warring mechanism brought into being by capitalism."

THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM, RICHMOND, IND., TUESDAY, DEC. 26, 1922

PRESIDENT GARFIELD RESCUES CRIPPLED SCHOONER

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be daunted, and with the co-operation of the French government, he succeeded in getting a Russo-Japanese agreement signed on July 20, 1907, and, on August 31 of the same year, an Anglo-Russian agreement, which put an end to all pending difficulties in Asia. Thus the Triple Entente was born in the face of the Triple Alliance, and

it was destined to become constantly a more intimate and trusting relationship between three governments pursuing a deliberately pacific policy. King Edward, a man of much finesse and moderation, liked situations that were clean-cut and unequivocal. He had a hatred of grand gestures, of sonorous phrases. He loved France, with which land he was well acquainted, and felt only a lukewarm liking for his nephew, William, whose

unworthy conduct toward Frederick III he had not forgotten. Republican France desired nothing better than to live on good terms with all nations. The era of great expeditions to distant parts was over, but Fiance wished the assurance of being able to develop her Mediterranean colonial domain in security, for which reason she made agreements with her neighbors; first, in 1900 and 1902, with Italy, regarding Tunis and Morocco:

j later, on October 3, 1904, with Spain, j regarding Morocco. It was this last

i aict-meni. nicn gave a pretext to William II for a play to the gallery.

With reference to Germany, France harbored no fiery ambitions of revenge, but, at the same time, she had no intention of being treated like a second-rate power.

Rare Eye Collection j Given To Government CINCINNATI, Ohio. A complete collection of eye specimens, including eye dissections and original drawings has been presented the governnJecl for installation in the Army Medical museum at Washington by Dr. Jamss Moores Ball, widely known opthalmeU ogist, of St. Louis, it became known on the eve of the opening of the con vention of the Ohio-Michigan sections of the American College of Surgeon3 here. The collection, said to be one of the largest and most complete In the country, represents 30 years of labor.

KEEPING UP (From the Richmond T-mes Dispatch) "Yeah; Jones has gone broke." "Business failure?" "Naw. Just naturally petered oxtt, . buying things he couldn't afford, to make his neighbors' wives think h'3 wife married a sport."

Battling terrific storms and the high seas and on the last leg of an eighty-one day voyage from Axim, on the Gold Coast of Africa, the three masted schooner Rosa Felika was picked up in distress by tbe steamship President Garfield sixty miles east of Nantucket Light. Tbe crew on board the schooner Rosa Felika, bound for Boston, was found half starved. H. L. Luck, captain of the President Garfield, threw out a life boat to cart provisions across to the crew of the schooner and then dragged the craft all the way to iloboken. Photo show? the rescue crew bringing Rosa Felika men aboard the President Garfield.

WOMAN KILLED BY TRAIN GREENCASTLE, Ind.. Dec. 26. A Pennsylvania railroad crossing accident near here claimed the life of Mrs. Benjamin Baumgart. of Bellmore, I1L, and seriously injured her husband. Mrs. Baumgart was 40 years old. She and her husband were passing through Reelsville on a trip eastward.

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WILLIAM EXTENDS HIS POWER

All these ideas, taught by university professors to members of the cultivated classes, propagated by means of school books or popular books, were likewise spread before, and assimilated by, the public in Germany, thanks to numerous associations, such as the "Pan-German Union," founded in 1894, and the "Naval Association," established in 1896; likewise by means of thousands of lectures given throughout Germany; by means of pamphlets published by millions of copies, such as "Greater Germany and Europe in 1950;" by means of their monthly bulletins, like the "Pan-German Pages," wherein there is constant reiteration of this phrase: "The German nation js a nation of masters, and, as such, should be respected by all other nations upon the entire

earth." These associations never ceased working for the cause of German expansion. The Pan-German Union, especially, benL its ert'orts toward uniting the Germans scattered throughout the world, for the purpose of "having

them continue to be part of the nation," and the Naval Union sought to arouse passionate interest in maritime matters in the breasts of all Germans. The work of these associations found the best support from William II, who granted them honor of his

patronage and publicly testified his approval of them; in fact, the impulse given by him to the policy of Germany marked out for them the path that they ougt. to follow! all Germans ought to be Tan-Germans and imperialists. By means of the speeches delivered by him he was to become the animating and vitalizing force of "Deutschtum" (Germanism), that theory, born of madness, which

was to lead its devotees to war. In the speeches delivered by him between 1896 and 1900 William gave evidence of the strengthening within himself of his ideas of world domination and enabled observers to take account of the violent reaction caused in a man of such impulsiveness by the opposition of the Reichstag, or the European Powers, to this or that whim of his. In 1897, on the occasion of the departure of his brother, Henry, tipon a cruise to the Far East, lie apostrophized the "budding commerce of Germany," but added the statement that "it cannot develop itself usefully un

less it feels itself safe. Imperial power presupposes power on the sea as well as on the land." In 1891 he stated that a great fleet was, in his eyes, "an indispensable prerequisite to the maintenance of the greatness of the Empire and the development" of its economic interests." The Fight for a Big Navy In 1899, on the occasion of the launching of a battleship, he placed upon the Reichstag the entire responsibility for the hampering of his policy. "If every increase of my fleet had not been obstinately refused me during the first eight years of my reign," he said, "despite my urgent appeals and my warnings, which met

noining Dut riuicuie ana jokes, we should have been able to develop our budding commerce and our interests across the seas in quite another manner." Finally, at the reception held by him on January 1. 1900, he declared himself determined to "complete the work of reorganization in order that

the navy may have the same rank as the land forces and that, thanks to its navy, the German Empire may occupy in the world the place it docs' not as yet occupy." In 1900 came the climax of that world-policy pursued by William ever

since 1895, with the support, dating from 1897, of Bulow in the Foreign Office ahd Tirpitz as Minister of the navy. In July, 1900, William was atlo to proclaim that "upon the waves of the ocean and along the most remote shores no important decision can be arrived at without Germany, without the German Emperor." At the same time the Emperor witnessed the coronation of his efforts to provide his country with a formidable fleet. Between 1895 and 1900 he work indefatigably toward accomplishing his projects, exerting personal influence upon members of the

Reichstag designing for the halls in which the Reichstag held its meetings, paintings which depicted the proportional influence of a navy. But what most influenced public opinion was the seizure, toward Ihe end of 1899, of two German vessels by a British cruiser on the coast of Africa in the course of the South African War. The Reichstag, which had shown some reluctance in 1898 in passing a preliminary bill presented

by Tirpitz, adopted in 1900, by twothirds majority, a new bill calling for a programme double that of 1898 and providing lor the construction of CS ships of the line and 14 armored cruisers. The preamble of this bill set forth the intentions of the government in these brutal terms: "Germany must have a fleet of such strength that even the greatest naval power shall not be in a position to risk a war against her without jeopardizing its

own supremacy. To accomplish this, the German navy must be as strong as that of the strongest naval power, since, the latter cannot, under ordinary conditions, concentrate all its forces against us." All this sounded like a threat against England, but William took' good care not to lay stress on it, for he knew full well the cost of hurting British susceptibilities. In 1896 his telegram to President Krugcr had almost precipitated

a war and the inferiority of his navy at that time had compelled him to make apologies to Queen Victoria. Therefore, as long as the German naval program had not been carried into effect, he made a point of making prodigal protestations of his

peaceful intentions. Little by little, however, the Entente Cordiale came to the fore, and Edward VII took it in hand. Emperor William did not see or, if he did, he remained indifferent to the fact that he was becoming a menace to the peace of the world. Nobody desired, and which was even mere important nobody was in a position to prevent 1 :rmanv from

scquiring. n.? cocn as the was able, a galaxy of co'.enies. ITr.raarek had alwaysor a. l--asl u: to ihe end of hi:; tenure of pow?r despised these distant colonies, fearing that they might briEg iu less than they cost. '!ec!:i-.'rg that, nfter a'.l, everything

would be decider! iipcn the Rhine, the prirr-ina! political questions as well as a'.l she rest. German Commerce Gains Ground Moreover, Germany had discovered another method of colonization. She was conquering thox world by other mans, by installing herself within other nations, cutting down prices everywhere, ruining the commerce and industries of other lands, making her own industries the dominant, power. This method, however, was one that was destined to bring no profit; in order to win at such a'murderous game one must survive, and Germany, though magnificently strong to all outward appearances, was, in reality, beins; undermined by this very method, through which she was ini-

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poverishing herself in order to produce, in enormous quantities, that which she sold at very high prices to her own people and at lower prices to the people of other lands. It was for the purpose of Winning economic domination over the world that the German Empire created its formidable navy, not for the purpose

of providing Germany, by legitimate efforts, with prosperity and security. Confronted with the danger of this German hegemony, which was based

upon a well-armed Triple Alliance, and which found expression, beyond its own frontiers, in the menace of a disproportionately powerful navy, other nations, with quite honorable ends in view and resolved to uphold peace and defend themselves, proceeded to strengthen the bonds that united them to each other. King Edward's Work for Peace On April S, 1904, came the Anglo-

French agreement, which had been planned for many years. This agreement of April 8, 1901, was the crown upon the efforts made by King 'Edward ever since his accession to the throne toward the establishment of friendlier relations between the two countries. This monarch, in whom "the desire for peace is very marked" as his nephew, William, averred employed all his talents and all his diplomacy in consolidating the peaceful relations of nations with each other. He showed himself "inclined to tender his good offices in every quarter of the world where he foresaw possible collisions."

First, he set himself to improving the relations between France and Ja

pan, which had deteriorated some

what during the Russo-Japanese War. On June 10. 1907. an agreement was

made between France and ' Japan

the latter of which was already allied to England since November, 1902. by a treaty renewed on August 12, 1905. This Franco-Japanese agreement. may be considered "the continuation of the peaceful policy of France, the object of which is to forestall all complications all over the world." The Triple Entente is Born Bringing about a rapprochement between Russia, on the one hand and Japan and England on the other, was. however, a more difficult matter. But Edward VII did not allow himself to

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