Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 92, Number 252, 23 October 1922 — Page 2
PAGE 1W0
THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM, RICHMOND, IND., MONDAY, OCT. 23, 1922.
Ex-Emperor Blames Agitators -for Revolutions in Germany; :-j Masses Were Misled, He Says
BY WILHELM HOHENZOLLERN '.Thus the trend of the German policy :f maintaining the peace was determined by political insight, personal inclination, the legaciesof two great men, Bismarch and MoTtke, and the desire of the German people to devote itself to peaceful labors and not to plunge into adventures. Whatever has been said in malevolent circles about the existence of a German party favoring war is a conscious or unconscious untruth. -In every land there are elements which, in serious situations, either from honest convictions or less lofty motives, favor the appeal to the sword, but never have such elements influenced the course of German policy. The accusations, especially those which have been made against the general staff to the effect that it worked for war, are utterly untenable. The Prussian general staff served its king and fatherland by hard, faithful work, and maintained Germany's ability to defend herself by labors extending over many years of peace, as was
its duty, but it exerted absolutely no political influence whatsoever. 'Inter
est in politics, as is well known, was never particularly strong in the Prussian-German -army. ".Looking ...backward, one might almost say. in fact, that it would have been better for us jf those in leading military circles had concerned themselves a bit more with . foreign policy. "Therefore, how the Peace of Versailles, in view of this perfectly clear state of affairs, could have been foundLed upon Germany's guilt in having caused the World War, would seem an Insoluble riddle if it were not possible to trace the tremendous effect of a new war weapon viz.: the political propaganda of England against
Germany planned on a large scale and applied with audacity and unscrupulousness. I cannot bring myself jto dismiss this propaganda by branding It. with catchwords such as "a piece" or rascality," etc., since it-constitutes an achievement which, in spite of its repugnant nature, cannot be ignored; it did us more harm thanthe arms in the hands of our opponents. - -To us Germans, such an instrument of insincerity, distortion and hypocrisy, is not pleasing; it is something that is incompatible with the German character; we try. to convince our opponents with the weapon of truth as well as with other weapons. But war is a cruel thing and what matters in it is to win; after all, to fire heavy guns at civilized beings is not a pleasant matter, nor to bombard beautiful old towns, yet this had to be done by both sides in the war. --Moreover, we could not have developed a propaganda on a large scale like that of our enemies during the war for the very reason that they had no foes in their rear, whefeas we were surrounded. In addition, most Germans have not the gift to fit a scheme of propaganda to the different nationalities of the nations upon which it is supposed to work. But, just as the English were more than our match with that terrible weapon of theirs, the tank, against which we could bring nothing of equal efficiency, so also were they superior to us with their very effective weapon if propaganda. And this weapon still continues its work and we are compelled still to defend ourselves against It. over and
over again. For there can be no douot that the unjust Peace of Versailles could not have been founded upon Germany's war guilt unless propaganda had previously accomplished its task and, partly with the support of German pacifists, instilled into the brains of 100.000,000 human beings the belief in Germany's guilt, so that the unjust Peace of Versailles seemed to many justified. Hopes for Versailles Reaction Meanwhile, things have changed, the barriers between nations have fallen and gradually they are awakening to the realization of how their confi
dence wa3 imposed upon. The re
action will be crushing to the makers
nf the Versailles Feace, but helpful to
Germany. It goes without saying that among the statesmen, politicians and
publicists of the Entente who really
know, not a single one is really con
vinced of Germany's guilt in having
caused the World War. Every one of
them knows the real inter-relation of events, and assuredly there never was a case where so many augurs smiled at each other over a secret held in common as the case of the responsi
bility for the World War. In fact, one may even speak of a chorus of such individuals, since twenty-eight nations took part in the war against Germany. But. in the long run, not even the
shrewdest augurs will suffice to make world history. Truth will make its way forward and thus Germany will come into her rights. The various stipulations of the Versailles Treaty are in themselves null and void, since they can be observed neither by the Entente nor by Germany. It has been possible for months to note what difficulties are arising in the path not only of Germany but of the victors, as a result of such an extravagant instrument. In many ways the treaty has been punctured by the Entente itself, and, for this, the reason is easily found. In the present highly developed state of the world, which rests upon free, sys
tematic exchange of material and intellectual property, regulated solely by production itself, it is quite out of the, question for three men no matter how eminent they may be to sit themselves down anywhere and dictate paragraphed laws to the world. Yet, that is what the Versailles Treaty does, not' only for Germany, but also, indirectly, for the Entente and America, since all economic questions can be solved by mutual, not one-sided action.
The life of nations is regulated always and most particularly in our
day not by paragraphs, but simply and solely by the needs of nations. It
is possible, to be sure, to do violence to those national needs temporarily
by the imposition of arbitrary decis
ions, but, in such cases, both parties
concerned must suffer.
The world is "in such a stage just now. Conditions like those at present cannot last; not guns, nor tanks, nor squadrons of airplanes, can perpetuate them; Therefore, their removal has already begun; for, if the peace of Versailles were really such a judicious, unimpeachable instrument, bringing blessings upon the world, there would not be constant need of new conferences, discussions and meetings having to do with this "marvelous" document. The constant necessity for new interpretations is due, indeed, to the fact that the need3 of highly cultivated and civilized nations were not taken into account when the peace was concluded. One must not be Jiharisaical, however; up to a certain point the extravagance of the terms imposed by the victor after a life-and death struggle Is a natural consequence of the relief felt at having escaped alive from deadly danger. Nevertheless, I know that Germany, if we had emerged victorious from the war, would have imposed quite different terms i. e., terms that would have been just and endurable. The peace treaties of Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest which indeed are not at all
comparable with the Treaty of Ver
sailles cannot be adduced against us. They were concluded in the very midst
of the war and had to include condi
tions which would guarantee our safe
ty until the end of the war. Had it
come to a general peace, the treaty
made by us in the East would have
had a far different aspect; had we
won the war, it would have been re
vised by ourselves. At the time it was
made it was necessary to give preference to military requirements. - But enlightenment regarding the unjust Treaty of Versailles is on the way and the necessities of life, among present-day nations will speak in imperious tones to vectors and Tanqnished. After years of the heaviest trial will come the liberation from a yoke imposed unjustly upon a great, strong, honest nation. Then every one of us will be glad and proud again that he is a German. The Revolution and Germany's Futi're 1 do not care what my foes say about me. I do not recognize them as my judges. When I see how the same people who exaggeratedly . epread in
cense before me in other days are now vilifying me. the most that I can feel is pity. The bitter things that I hear about myself from home disappoint me. God is my witness that I have always wished what was best for my country and my people, and I believed that
every German had recognized and appreciated this. I have always tried
l to keep my political acts, everything
that I did as a. ruler and a -man, in harmony with God's commandments. Much turned out differently from what 1 desired, but my conscience is clean. The welfare of my peCple and my empire was the goal of my actions. I bear my personal fate with resignation, for the Lord knows what He does and what He wishes. He knows why He subjects me to this test. I
shall bear everything with patience
and await whatsoever God still holds in store for me.
, The only thing that grieves me is
the fate of my country and my people
I am pained at the bard period of trial which my children of the German land
are undergoing, which I obliged to live in foreign parts cannot suffer with them. That is the sword thrust which pierces through my soul; that
is what is bitter to me. Here in solitude I still feel and think solely for
the German people, still wonder how
I can better matters and help with en lightenment and counsel.
Nor can bitter criticism ever lessen
my love for my land and people. I re
main faithful to the Germans, no mat
ter how each individual German may
now stand with regard to me. To those who stand by me in misfortune
as they stood in prosperity, I am grate
ful they comfort me and relieve my gnawing homesickness for my beloved
German home. And I can respect those who, impelled by hoaest convictions, array themselves against me; as for the rest, let them look to justifying themselves to God, their consciences and history. They will not succeed in separating me from the Germans. Always I can look upon country and people solely
as one wnoie. rney remain to me
what they were when I said on the oc
casion of the opening of the Reichsgag on the 1st of August, 1914, in the Im
perial Palace: "I know no more of parties; I know only Germans."
The revolution broke the Empress's
heart. She aged visibly from Novem
ber, 1918, onward, and could not resist her bodily ills with the strength of before. Thus the decline soon began. The hardest of all for her to bear was her homesickness for the soil of Germany, for the German people. Not
withstanding this, she still tried to
bring me consolation.
The revolution destroyed things of
enormous value. It was brought about
at the very moment when the German nation's fight for existence was to have been ended, and eery effort should have been concentrated upon reconstruction. It was a crime against
the nation.
I am well aware that many who
rally around the Social Democratic banner did not wish revolution; some cf the individual Social Democratic
leaders likewise did not wish it at
that time, and more than one among them was ready to co-operate with me.
Yet these Social Democrats were incapable of preventing the revolution, and therein lies their share of guilt
for what is now going on, all the more so since the Socialist leaders stood closer to the revolutionary masses than the representatives of the monarchical Government, and, therefore, could exert more influence upon them.
But the leaders, even in the days before the war, had brought the idea of revolution to the masses and fostered it. and the Social Democracy had been, from time immemorial, openly hostile to the earlier, monarchical form of government, and -had worked sys
tematically toward eliminating it. -It
sowed the wind and reaped the whirl
wind. The time and nature of the revolution were not to the liking of a number of the leaders, but it was exactly these men who, at the decisive mo
ment, abandoned leadership to the most unbridled elements and failed to bring their influence to bear to
ward maintaining the Government. It was the duty of the Government of Prince Max to protect the old form of government. It failed to fulfill its holy duty because it had become de
pendent on the Socialist leaders, the very men who had lost their influence on the masses to the radical elements. Therefore, the greatest share of tht, guilt falls upon the leaders, and for that reason, history will not brand the German working classes, but their leaders, with the curse of the revolution, in so far as these leaders partic
ipated in making tne revolution or failed to prevent it and it will also
brand the Government of Prince Max of Baden with that curse. The German workers fought brilliantly in battle under my leadership, and at home, as well, labored ceaselessly to provide munitions and war material. That is something which must not be forgeen. It was only
break away, but the responsibility for this lies at the door of the agitators and revolutionists, not at that of the decent, patriotic section of the working classes. The conscienceless agitators are the men really responsible for Germany's
later that some of them began to i total collapse. That will be recognized
some day by, the working classes themselves. , . . The presenMs a hard time for Germany. Of the future of this healthy, strong nation I do not despair. A nation which can achieve such an unprecedented rise as that of Germany be- -tween 1S71 and 1914, a nation which (Please Turn to Page Foui)
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