Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 92, Number 227, 23 September 1922 — Page 8

PAGE TEN

THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM, RICHMOND, IND., SATURDAY, SEPT. 23, 1922. The Memoirs of the ExJKaiser Self-Revelation of History's Most Colossal Failure w . . .

Deposed German Ruler Discloses Steps Leading to Dismissal of Bismarck, Whose Blood and Iron Policies Did Not Fit m with Ex-Kaisers Views on Domestic and Foreign Matters Former Emperor Expresses Belief in Compromise To Attain Ends. ,

BISMARCK PRINCE BISMARCK'S greatness as a statesman and his Imperishable services to Prussia and Germany are historical facts of such tremendous significance that there is doubtless no man in existence, whatever his party affiliations, who would dare to place them in .question. For this very reason alone it is stupid to accuse me of not having recognized the greatness of Prince Bismarck. The opposite is the truth. I revered and idolized him. Nor could it be otherwise. It should be borne in mind with what generation I grew up the generation of the devotees of Bismarck. He was the creator . of the German Empire, the raladin of my grandfather, and all of us considered him the greatest statesman of his day and were proud that he was a German. Bismarck was the idol in my temple', whom I worshipped. But monarchs also are human beings of flesh and blood, hence they, too, are exposed to the influence emanating from the conduct of others; therefore, looking at the matter from a human point of view, one will understand how Prince Bismarck, by his fight against me, himself destroyed, with heavy blows, the idol of which I have spoken. But my reverence for Bismarck', the great statesman,, remained unaltered. While I was still Prince of Prussia I often thought to myself:.-"! hope

that the great Chancellor will live for

many years yet, since I should be safe if I could govern with him." But my reverence lor the great statesman was

not such as to make me take upon my

own shoulders, when I became Emper

or, political plans or actions of the

Prince which I considered mistakes. Even the congress of Berlin in 1878 was, to my way of thinking, a mistake, likewise the "Kulturkampf." Moreover, the constitution of the empire was drawn up so as to fit in with Bismarck's extraordinary preponderance as a statesman; the big curassier boots did not fit every man. Then came the labor protective legislation. I most deeply deplored the dispute which grew out of this, but, at that time, it was necessary for me to take the road to compromise, which has generally been my road both in domestic and foreign politics. For this reason I could not wage the open warfare against. the Social Democrats which the Prince desired. Nevertheless, this quarrel about political measures cannot lessen my admiration for the greatness of Bismarck as a statesman; he remains the creator of the German Empire, and surely no one man need have done more for his country than that. Owing to the fact that the great matter of unifying the empire was always before my eyes, I did not allow myself to be influenced by the agitations

which were the commonplaces of those

days. In like manner, the fact that

Bismarck was" called the' .majordomo

of the Hohenzollerns could not shake my trust in the Prince, although he, perhaps, had thoughts of a political

tradition for his family. As evidence of this, he felt unhappy, for instance, that his son Bill felt no interest in politics and wished to pass on his power to Herbert. His Grandfather's Successor. The tragic element for me, in the Bismarck case, lay in the fact that I became the successor of my grandfather in other words, that 1 skipped one generation, to a certain extent. And that is a serious thing. In such a case one is forced to deal constantly with old deserving men, who live more in

the past than in the present, and cannot grow into the future. When the

granason succeeds nis granaiatner ana

iinus a ievercu uu. oiu statesman 01

the stature of Bismarck, it is not . a piece of good luck for him, as one might suppose, and I, in fact, supposed. Bismarck himself points that out in

the third volume of his memoirs (p. 40), when he speaks, in the chapter about Boetticher, of the oldish caution of the Chancellor, and of the young Emperor. And when Ballin had the Prince cast a glance over the new harbor of Hamburg, Bismarck himself felt that a new era had begun which he no longer

tnorougniy understood, un mat occasion the Prince remarked, in astonishment: "Another world, a new world!"

This point of view also showed itself on the occasion of the visit of Admiral von Tirpitz at Friedrichsruh, at the time when he wished to win the old . imperial Chancellor over to favoring the first navy bill. As for me personally, I have the sat- . isfaction of recalling that Bismarck entrusted to me in 1SS6 the very delicate Brest mission, and said of me: "Some day that man will be his own Chancellor." This shows that Bismarck must have had some belief in me. I feel no grudge against him for the - third volume of his reminiscences. 1 . released this volume after I had sought and obtained my right. To withhold ' the volume any longer would have been iointless, since the main contents had become known already through indiscretions; were this not true, there '. might have been varying opinions as to the advisability ia the choice of the time for publication. Bismarck would turn over in his grave if he could know

at what time the third volume ap

peared, and what consequences it had.

I should be honestly grieved if the third volume had damaged the memory of the great Chancellor, because Bismarck is one of the heroic figures whom the German people need for - their regeneration. My gratitude and reverence for the great Chancellor cannot be impaired or extinguished U by the third volume nor by anything else whatever, i . In the first half of the eighties I had j been summoned to the foreign office 'X at the behest of Prince Bismarck; it " was then presided over by Count Her- : bert Bismarck. Upon reporting my- " self to the Prince he gave me a short ' sketch of the personages employed at the foreign office, and when he named Herr von Holstein, who was then one

of the most prominent collaborators of the Prince, it seemed to me that a . slight warning against this man ran through the Prince's words. I got a room all to myself, and all ; the documents concerning the preliminary history, origin and conclusion of the alliance with Austria (Andrassv) were laid before me in order : tljat I might study them. I went often

to the home of the Prince and to that of Count Herbert. When I had thus become more intimate in the Bismarck circle I heard more open talk about Herr von Holstein. I heard that he was very clever, a good worker, inordinately proud, an

odd sort of man, who never showed

himself anywhere, and had no social relations, full of distrust, much influenced by whims, and, besides all this, a good hater, and, therefore, dangerous. Prince Bismarck called him "The Man with the Hyena's Eyes," and told me that It would be well for me o k,eep away from him. It was quite apparent that the bitter attitude which the Prince showed later toward Holstein, his former collaborator, was forming even at that time. The foreign office was conducted with the strictest discipline by Count Herbert, whose rudeness toward his employes particularly struck me. The gentlemen there simply flew when they were summoned or dismissed by the count, so much so that a joking saying arose at the time that "their coattails stood straight out behind them." The foreign policy was ' conducted and dictated by Prince Bismarck alone, after consultation with Count Herbert, who passed on the commands of the Chancellor and had them transformed into instructions. Hence the foreign office was nothing but an office of the great Chancellor, where work was done according to his directions. Able men, with independent ideas, were not schooled and trained there. This was in contrast to the General Staff under Moltke. There new offic

ers were carefully developed and train

ed to independent thinking and action, in accordance with approved principles

and by dint of preserving old traditions and taking into account all that modern times had taught. At the foreign office there were only executive instruments of a will, who were not

informed as to the important inter

relationship of the questions turned

over to them for treatment, and could

not, therefore, collaborate independently. The Prinoe loomed up like a

huge block of granite in a meadow;

were he to be dragged away, what would bo found beneath would be

mostly worms and dead roots.

I won the confidence of the Prince,

who consulted me about many things

For instance, when the Prince brought

about the first German colonial ac

quisitions (Gross and Klein Popo, Togo, &c), I informed him, at his wish, concerning the state of mind created in the public and the navy by this

move, and described to him the en

thusiasm with which the German peo

ple had hailed the new road. The Prince remarked that the matter hardly deserved this. Later, on I spoke often with the Prince about the colonial question and always found in him the intention to utilize the colonies as commercial objects, or objects for swapping pur

poses, other than to make tnem useful to the Fatherland or utilize them as sources of raw materials. As was my duty I called the Prince's attention to the fact that merchants and capitalists were beginning energetically to develop the colonies and that, therefore as I had learned from Hanseatic circles they counted upon protection

from a navy. For this reason, I pointed out that steps must be taken for getting a fleet constructed in time, in order that German assets in foreign lands should not be without protection; that, since the Prince had unfurled the German flag in foreign parts, and the people stood behind it, there must also be a navy behind it.

Bismarck's Continental Prepossession. But the Prince turned a deaf ear to my statements and made use -of his pet motto: "If the English should land on our soil I should have them arrested." His idea was that the colonies would be defended by us at home. The Prince attached no importance to the fact that the very assumption that the

English could land without opposition

in Germany since Heligoland was English was unbearable for Germany,

and that we, in order to make a landing impossible from the start, needed a sufficiently strong navy, and, like

wise, Heligoland.

The political interest of the Prince

was, in fact, concentrated essentially

upon Continental Europe; England lay! somewhat to one side among the cares that burdened him daily, all the more so since Salisbury stood well with him and had, in the name of England, hailed with satisfaction the Double (i. e.) Triple) Alliance, at the time of its formation. The Prince worked primarily with Russia, Austria, Italy and Rumania, whose relations toward Germany and each other he constantly watched over. As to the prudence and skill with which he acted. Emperor William the Great once made a pointed remark to von Albedyll, his Chief of Cabinet. The general found his majesty much excited after a talk with Bismarck, to such an extent that he feared for the health, of the old Emperor. He remarked, therefore, that his majesty should avoid similar worry in future; that, if Bismarck was unwilling to do as his majesty wished, his majesty should dismiss him. Whereupon the

Emperor replied that, despite his admiration and gratitude toward the

great Chancellor, he had already thought of dismissing him, since the self-conscious attitude of the Prince

became at times too oppressive. But both he and the country needed Bismarck too badly. Bismarck was the one man who could juggle five balls of which at least two were always in the air. That trick, added the Emperor, was beyond his own powers. Prince Bismarck did not realize that, through the acquisition of colonies for

Germany, he would be obliged to look beyond Europe and be automatically forced to act, politically, on a large scale with England especially. England, to be sure, was one of the five balls in his diplomatic-statesmanly game, but she was merely one of the five, and he did not grant her the special importance which was her due. For this reason it was that the foreign office likewise was involved entirely in the Continental interplay of politics, had not the requisite interest in colonies, navy or Erigland, and possessed no experience in world politics. The English psychology and mentality, as shown in the pursuit constant,

thought concealed by all sorts of little cloaks of world hegemony, was to the German foreign office a book sealed

with seven seals.

Source of Russian Enmity.

Once Prince Bismarck remarked to

me that his main object was not to let

Russia and England come to an understanding. I took the liberty of observ

ing that the opportunity to postpone such an understanding for a long time

lay ready to hand , in 1877-1878, when

the Russians might have been allowed to occupy Constantinople had this

been done, the . English fleet would

have sailed in without further ado to defend Constantinople and the Russo-

English conflict would have been on.

Instead, I continued, the treaty of San

Stefano was forced upon the Russians and they were compelled to turn about at the very, gates of the city which they had reached and saw before them, after frightful battles and hardships.

This, I went on, had created an in

extinguishable hatred in the Russian army against us (as had been reported

by Prussian officers who had accompanied the Russian army on the Turkish campaign, escepially Count Pfeil) ; moreover, the above-mentioned treaty had been cast aside and the Berlin treaty substituted lor it, which had

burdened us even more with the hostility of the Russians, who looked upon us as. the enemy of their "just interests in the East." Thus the conflict between Russia and England, which the Prince desired, had been relegated far into the future. Prince Bismarck did not agree with this judgment of "his" congress, concerning the results of which he, as the "honest broker," was so proud; he remarked earnestly that he had wished to prevent a general conflagration and had been compelled to offer his services as a mediator. When I, later on, told a gentleman at the foreign office about this conversation, he replied that he had been present when the Prince, after signing the Berlin treaty, came into the foreign office and received the congratulations of thQ. officials assembled there. After he had listened to them the Prince stood up and replied: "Now I am driving Europe four-in-hand!" In the opinion of the said gentleman the Prince was mistaken in this, since, even at that time, there was the threat of a RussoFrcnch friendship in place of the Rus-

so-Prussian in other words, two horses were already to be counted out of the four-in-hand. As Russia saw it.

Disraeli's statecraft had turned Bismarck's work as "honest broker" into the negotiation of an Anglo-Austrian victory over Russia. Despite considerable differences in our opinions , Prince Bismarck remained friendly and kindly disposed to me, and, despite the great difference in our age, a pleasant relationship grew up between us, since I, in common with all those of my generation, was in ardent admirer of the Prince and had won his trust by my zeal and frankness nor have I ever betrayed that trust. During the time of my assignment

at the foreign office Privy Councilor!

Raschdau, among others, discoursed

with me on commercial policy, colon

ies, etc. In these matters, even at that early date, my attention was called to our dependence upon England, due to the fact that wt had no navy and that Heligoland was in English hands. To be sure, there was a project to extend our colonial possessions under the pressure of necessity, but all this could happen only with England's permission. This was a serious matter, and certainly an unworthy position for Germany. Inter-Court Politics. My assignment at the foreign office brought a very unpleasant happening

m its wake. My parents were not very friendly toward Prince Bismarck and looked with disfavor upon the fact that their son had entered into the Prince's circle. There was fear of my becoming influenced against my parents, of superconservatism, of all sorts of perils, which all sorts of tale-bearers from England and "liberal circles,"

who rallied around my father, imput

ed against me. I never bothered my

head with all this nonsense, -but mv

position in the house of my parents

was rendered much more difficult for

me and, at times, painful. Through

my work under Prince Bismarck and the confidence reposed in me often

subjected to the severest tests I have

had to suffer much in silence for the

sake of the Chancellor; he, however, apparently took this quite as a matter of course. I was on good terms with Count Herbert Bismarck. He could be a very gay companion and knew how to assemble Interesting men around his table, partly from the foreign office, partly from other circles. However.

true friendship never ripened between us two. This was shown particularly when the Count asked to go at the same time that his father retired. My request that he stay by me and help me to maintain tradition in our political policy elicited the sharp reply that he had become accustomed to report to his father and serve him, wherefore it was out of the question to demand that he come, with his dispatch-case under his arm, to report to anybody else than his father. When Czar Nicholas II., he who has been murdered, came of age, I was assigned at the instigation of Prince Bismarck to confer upon the heir-apparent at St. Petersburg the Order of the Black Eagle. Both the Emperor and Prince Bismarck instructed me concerning the relationship of the two countries and the two reigning dynasties with each other, as well as concerning customs, personages, etc. The Emperor remarked in conclusion that he would give his grandson the same piece of advice that was given him, on

the occasion of his first visit as a

young man to Russia, by Count Adler-

bcrg, viz.: "In general, there as well as elsewhere, people prefer praise to criticism." Prince Bismarck closed his

remarks with these words: "In the East, all those who wear their shirts outside their trousers are decent peo

ple., but as soon as they tuck their

shirts inside their trousers and hang a medal around their necks, they become pig-dogs." x From St. Petersburg I repeatedly reported to my grandfather and to Prince Bismarck. Naturally, I described, to the best of my knowledge, the impressions which I got. I noticed especially that the old Russo-Prussian

relations and sentiments had cooled to a marked extent and were no longer such as the Emperor and Prince Bismarck in their talks with me had assumed. After my return, both my

grandfather and the Prince praised me for my plain, clear report, which was all the pleasanter fOr me since I was oppressed by the feeling that, in a number of things, I had been forced to disillusion these high personages. To Offer Dardanelles to Russia. In 1886, at the end of August and beginning of September, after the last meeting at Gastein of Emperor William the Great and Prince Bismarck with Emperor Franz Josef, where I also was presenat the command of my grandfather, I was commissioned to report personally to Czar Alexander III. concerning the decisions made there and to take up with him the questions relating to the Mediterranean and Turkey. Prince Bismarck gave me his instructions, Sanctioned by Emperor William; they dealt most especially with Russia's desire to reach Constantinople, to which the Prince meant to raise no obstacles. On the contrary, I received direct instructions to offer Russia Constantinople and the

Dardanelles (in other 'words, San Stefano and the Berlin treaty had been

dropped!) There was a plan to persuade Turkey in a friendly way that an understanding with Russia was desirable for her also.

The Czar received me cordially at Brest-Litovsk and I was present there at reviews of troops and fortress and defensive manoeuvres, which, even

then, unquestionably bore an anti-German look. . . - To sum up my conversations . with the Czar, the following remark by him is of importance: "If I wish to have Constantinople, I shall take it whenever I feel like it, without need of permission or approval from Prince Bismarck." After this rude refusal of the Bismarck offer of Constantinople, I looked upon my mission as a failure

and made my report to the Prince accordingly. When the Prince decided to make his offer to the Czar, he must have altered his political conceptions which had led to San Stefano and the congress of Berlin; or else, on account of the development of the general political situation in Europe, he considered

that the moment had come for shuffling the political card3 in another way or, as my grandfather had put it, to "juggle" differently. Only a man of the world importance and diplomatic ability of Prince Bismarck could em-, bark on such a course. Whether the Prince had planned his big political game with Russia in such a way that

he might, first, by means of the congress of Berlin, prevent a general war and cajol-3 England, and then, after having thus hindered Russia's Eastern aspirations, cater to. these aspirations later, by a stroke of genius, in an even more striking manner, it is impossible

for me to say Prince Bismarck never 1 1 told any one about his great political j

projects. If the , above is true, Bismarck, trusting absolutely to his statesmanlike ' skill, must have reckoned upon bringing Germany all the 'more into Russian favor because Russian aspir

ations were brought to fulfillment by

Germany alone and that at a moment

when the general European political

situation was less strained than in 1877-1878. In this case, nobody except Prince Bismarck could have played the tremendous game to a successful end. And therein lies the weakness in the superiority of great men. Had he also informed England of his offer to the Czar? England must have been opposed to it, as in 1878. In any event, the Prince now adopted the policy which I had already noted when I realized the disillusion of the Russians at having stood before the gates of Constantantinople without being allowed to enter. Prophecy ot Russian Downfall. At Brest-Litovsk, in the course of the constant military preparations of all kinds, I could easily se that the conduct of the Russian officers toward

me was essentially cooler and haugh

tier than on the occasion of my first visit to St. Petersburg. Only the small group of old generals, especially those

at the Russian Court, who dated from the days of Alexander II., and who knew and esteemed Emperor William the Gpeat, still showed their reverence for him and their friendly feeling to

ward uermany. in tne course of a

talk with one of them concerning the

relations between the . two courts,

armies and countries, which I had

found undergoing a change in comparison with former times, the old gener

al said: "C'est ce vilain congres de

Berlin. Lne grave faute du Chaucelier.

II a detruit I'anciennO amitie

entre nous, plante la mefiance dans

les coeurs de la Cour et du gouverne-

ment, et fourni le sentiment d'un grave

tort fait a l'armee russ apres sa cam-

pagne sanglante de 1877, pour lequel

elle cout sa revanche. Et nous voila ensemble avec cette maudite Republique Francaise, pleins de haine contre vous et rempli d'idees subversives, qui

en cas de guerre avec vous, nous cou-

teront notre dynastic."

"It is that confounded Coneress of

.Benin. A serious mistake on the part of the Chancellor. He has destroyed

the old friendship between us, sown distrust in the hearts of the Court and

the Government, and engendered the

idea of a freat injustice, done the Rus

sian army after its bloody 187 cam

paign, for which it wishes revenge. And here we are by the side of that damned

French Republic, full of hate for you

and of subversive ideas, which, in case

of a war against you, will cost us our

dvnastv."

A prophetic foreshadowing of the

downfall of the reigning Russian dy

nasty!

From Brest I went to Strassburg

where my grandfather was attending the imperial manoeuvres. In spite of the failure of my mission I found calm

judgments of the political situation

My grandfather was pleased at the

cordial greetings from the Czar, which

in so far as the personal relationship

of the two rulers was concerned, show

ed no change of heart. Also, to my surprise, I received a letter from Prince Bismarck wherein he expressed

gratitude and appreciation to me. for my actions and my report. This meant all the more since my statements

could not have been agreeable to my

grandfather and the Chancellor. The congress of Berlin had, especially in

Russian military circles, done away

with the remnants of the brotherhood

in arms still fostered among us and

had engendered a hatred against ev

erything Prussian and German, stirred

up by association with French officers

which was increased by the French

until it developed "into the desire of

vegeance by means of arms. That was

the soil in which, later, the World war

ambitions of our foes found nourishment. "Revanche pour Sedan," combined with "Revanche pour San Stefano." The words of the old general at Brest have remained unforgettably engraved upon my memory; they induced me to bring about my many meetings with Alexander III, and Nich

olas II., at which my grandfather's wish, impressed upon me on his deathbed, that I watch over our relations

with Russia, has always been my guiding motive. Relief at Chancellor's Dismissal. In 1890, at the Narva manoeuvres, I was obliged to describe minutely to the Czar the retirement of Prince Bismarck. The Czar listened very attentively. When I had finished, the usually very cool and reserved sovereign, who seldom spoke about politics, spontaneously seized my hand, thanked me

for. this token of my confidence, regretted that I had been brought into such a situation and added, in exactly these words: "Je comprends parfa.itement Ta ligne d'action; le Prince avec ifuiiniiiliuillllifniiiniinilnniiUllllliminiiiuinnifmttnimHitiiiiiiiniiiMiiMB

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toute sa grandeur n'etait apres tout rien d'autre que Ton employe ou fonctionnaire. ' Le moment ou il refusalt d'agir selon Tes ordes, il fallait le renvoyer. Moi pour ma part je me suis toujours mefie de lui, et je ne lui ai jamais cru un mot de ce qu'il faisait

savolr ou me disait lui-meme. car

etais sur et savais qu'il me .blaguait

tout le temps. Pour les rapports entre nous deux, mon cher Guillaume (this was the first time that the Czar so addressed me) la .chute du Prince aura les meilleures consequences, la mefiance disparaitra. J'ai confidence en

Toi. Tu neux te fier a Moi."

"I understand perfectly Thv line of

action; the Prince, with all his KTeat-

ss. was. after all. merely .Thv em

ploye or official. As soon as he refused

to follow Thy orders, it was necessary to dismiss him. As for Me. I always

distrusted him. and I never believed a

word of what he had told me or said to

Me himself, for I was sure and knew

that he was hoaxing: Me all the time. As to the relations between us two. my

dear William, the downfall of the Prince

will have the best of results: distrust will disappear. I have confidence in

Thee. Thou canst trust Me."

I immediately wrote down this im

portant talk at the time it occurred. I

am objective enough to ask myself to

what extent the courtesy of one ruler

to another and possibly, in addition,

the satisfaction at the elimination of a statesman of Bismarck's importance,

can have influenced the Czar, con

sciously or unconsciously, in making the above-mentioned statement. Prince

Bismarck's belief in the Czar's trust in

him was, subjectively, undoubtedly

genuine; and, moreover, there can be no doubt as to the esteem in which Alexander HI. held Bismarck's ability as a statesman.

In any event, the Czar remained true

to his word up to the day of his death. This, to be sure, did little to change Russia's general policy, but Germany, at least, was safe from an attack from

that quarter. The straightforward

character of Alexander III. guaranteed

this it became otherwise under his

weak son.

Whatever one's attitude may be to

ward Bismarck's Russian policy, one

thing must be acknowledged: the Prince, despite the congress of Berlin

and the rapprochement of France to

Russia, was able to avoid serious friction. That is equivalent to saying

that, reckoning from the time of the Berlin congres, he played a superior

diplomatic and statesmanlike game for

12 years (1878-1890). Germany as Peacemaker. One must also lay stress upon the fact that it was a German statesman who, in 1878, prevented a general war,, even at the cost of weakening the relations of Germany to Russia, in the justified belief that he would succeed, being a statesman of genius who knew exactly what he was aiming at, in strengthening these relations once more, or, at least, in avoiding conflicts after he had overcome the crisis threatening al Europe.

He succeeded in doing that for 12 years and his successors at the helm

of the ship of state succeeded in do

ing likewise for 24 more years.

When I was a Prince I purposely

held aloof from party politics, concen

trating my entire attention upon my

duties m the different army branches

to which I was assigned. This afforded me satisfaction and filled up my whole life.. For this reason I avoided.

while I was Prince of Prussia, all at

tempts to drag me into party activ

lties. - Often enough endeavors were made, under the cloak of harmless

functions, teas and the like, to ensnare me into political circles or for elec

tioneering purposes. But I always neia aloof. ;

The outcome of the treacherous malady which killed Emperor Fred

erick III. was frankly told me m advance by German physicians called in

to consultation as experts by the Eng

lish physician. Sir Mori-ell Mackenzie.

My deep grief and sorrow were all tne greater because it was almost impossible for me to speak alone with my beloved father. He was guarded like a prisoner by the English phvsicians and, though reporters from all countries could look upon the poor aicit man from the physicians' room, every kind of obstacle was placed in my patn to keep me from father's side and even to prevent my keeping in constant touch with him by writing; my letters were often intercepted and not delivered. Moreover, from among the group of watchers, an infamous, organized campaign of slander was conducted in the newspapers against me. Two journalists were especially active in this: one Herr Schmidrowitz and M. Jacques St. Cere, of the Figaro a German Jew who slandered him who was later Emperor- in the most poisonous way in France, until the "Petit Sucrier" trial put an end to his activities. I gave the dying Emperor his last joy on earth when I had the Second Infantry Brigade march past him, led

by me in person. These were the first and last troops seen by Frederick III. as Emperor. He delighted his son by writing on this occasion, on a little card, that he was grateful for having had the pleasure of seeing these troops and proud to call them his own. This event was a ray of light during the gloomy 99 days, which brought upon me also, as Crown Prince, much grief, humiliation and suspicion. In fulfillment of my duty during this crisis, I kept a watchful eye upon all happenings in military, official and social circles, and was inwardly outraged at the signs of slackness which I noted everywhere, most especially at the hostility against my mother, which was becom

ing more and more noticeable. More

over, I was naturally deeply hurt at

the constant campaign of slander di

rected against me which depicted me

as living in discord with my father.

(Continued Next Monday)

Copyrieht bv the McClure Newspaper

Syndicate. Entered at Stationer's Hall.

London. Publication . and Translation

rights reserved, including Scandinavian.

Reproduction in whole or in part with

out permission prohibited.

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or glasses for emergency. Optometrist Richmond

Clara M. Sweltzer, 1002 Main St.

SUNDAY

A Tense Drama ot a Deadly Feud in Forest Wilds William Russell

-in-

i r MV' t-vAsA rr

Beautifu Bill Hart story

"The Strength of the Pines" From, the book by Edison Marshall, in which east meets west in a battle of wits, with a girl's happiness at stake. An all-star cast A romance of the great northern timber claims, with rare western scenery. Vith it HAROLD LLYOD

in the latest of Ms big laugh-makers

"THAT'S HIM

A Program Picked to Please Everybody

99

Good Music -

Admission, 10 cents and 20 cents

Me Mounted a Paramount Picture;

A Shot! A Shout! And a Rattle of Hoofs!

and the beginning of a knockout story of a horseman who rode for the law on Canada's wild frontier, rode on a lone hunt In thostates and faced a felon's death and got his man. -

With this the latest Sunshine Comedy "The Book Agent" Good Music Admission, 10c and 20c

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