Richmond Palladium (Daily), Volume 45, Number 291, 18 October 1920 — Page 2

PAGE TWO

THE RICHMOND PALLADIUM AND SUN-TELEGRAM, RICHMOND, IND., MONDAY, OCT. 18, 1920.

S. EDGAR NICHOLSON PRAISES ASSOCIATION PROPOSED BY HARDING S. Edgar Nicholson submits the following discussion of the League of Nations and his views of the presiden

tial candidates: Editor. The Richmond Palladium: There are so many cross currents in the present campaign that the necessity for clear thinking seems to exist to an extratordinary degree. U is because I do not believe that the United States ca'n hold aloof from world affairs, and that it is obligated by the highest interests of humanity to associate itself with the other civilized nations in the best agreement obtainable to conserve the peace ana safety of the world, that I expect to vote for Senator Harding. Plainly, the issue is not one between the Wilson League of Nations, even with reservations, and no league

at all. He who affirms it iB merely j

throwing dust to blind the public eye for partisan gain. The issue, squarely joined, is between the Wilson League, with Interpretive reservations (whatever they may mean), based upon economic or physical force or both, to conserve the peace of the world, on the one hand, and the best form of association or League or covenant of the Nations, -which the best minds can devise, based upon the administration of justice and right, judicially determined, as the best guarantee or International stability, on the other handDoubtful At First. In the early days of the campaign there was a decided question mark after Senator Harding's name so far as my own mind was concerned. It was not until his great speech of August 28, that this was removed. When 1 read his clear and positive declaration that he did not stand for national isolation, but for association of nations, "animated by considerations of right and justice, instead of might and self-interest," I readily recognized that here was the most statesmanlike utterance of the whole campaign, proposing an international arrangement

so superior to the Versailles covenant that in my humble judgment there is no comparison between them, except to the great disadvantage of the latter. Senator Harding with extraordinary clearness, sets forth in that speech the Judical difference between the two ides of the issue, which he styles the "two types of international relationships." The'Wilson League is described as "an offensive and defensive alliance of great powers, to impose their will upon the helpless peoples of the world," in so far as their right to seek their political freedom is denied. On the other hand, he believes that "humanity would welcome the creation of an international associa

tion for conference and a world court, whose verdicts upon justiciable questions, this country in common with all nations would be both willing and able to withhold." Defines Issue. Here is the issue in a nutshell: An offensive and defensive alliance of the nations, or an agreement of the nations by conference and judicial findings to determine international procedure according to considerations of right and justice, rather than of might and selfish interest. I have seen no indication that Senator Harding has departed in the least degree frm this program. He reiterated it in his letter to President Schurman, and it was plainly in the background of his thought in the more recent addresses at Des Moines, Si Joseph and Kansas City. On October 11th he emphasized his position in a signed statement so clearly that no one can mistakehis meaning. Harding Misconstrued. It is objected that Senator Harding has no detailed program, and he ia faulted because he does not produce a

ready made draft of the proposed international association. Evidently a statement in his Baltimore speech, to the effect that he was without a single constructive program, has been misinterpreted. The opposition press has construed it to mean that his mind was a blank on the question. To my mind it meant this, and nothing more, that he was not committing himself now to a detailed and complete covenant for which we would demand acceptance on the part of the other nations; but that tho exact form should be the result of conference of the wisest statesmen at home and abroad. As a legislator of wide experience, both in his own state and in the nation. Senator Harding knows only too well the utter folly of demanding acceptance beforehand, without the fullest conference on the part of all persons concerned, of the exact form of any piece of proposed legislation. He shows his statesmanship when he confesses that the association which he idealizes is not yet formulated. Were he to prepare a precise draft as th basis of a partisan campaign, it would he to invite rejection by ths other nations involved when their acceptance was sought later on. As parties to the agreement, they should be parties to its preparation and formulation, keeping In mind, however, that our Pifsident. as Its sponsor would be a leading factor in molding it as far as possible according to his own ideals. Questions Cox. Governor Cox is in no position to

FRANCE GAINS TOGOLAND, GERMAN POSSESSION IN CENTRAL AFRICA

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.apart from the question of whether or I not the United States had any legitim

ate interest in the controversy in question, except as It had obligations, bared solely upon" its membership in the League. Thus we might easily have the spectacle, again and again, of the United States going to war be

cause it was oDitgated morally by a

binding contract beforehand so to do.

although in every case possibly it would have remained out of the war, altogether, except for its League membership. Appeals For Harding. It will be 6aid that the League is now a fixture, and will not likely be displaced. But everybody knows that thus far it has assumed only a minimum of responsibility, evidently awaiting the favorable action of the United States. Whether the proposed association of nations shall be built upon the ruins of the League of Versailles or whether it shall be evolved de novo is immaterial. The important

tiling is that all the world ts so eager

for the association of the United States in dealing with world afflirs.

that our government can in lar.rre measure determine the manner of that association.

The proposal of Senator Harding is

so fruitful of possibilities along the

safe and sane lines of preserving tho

reace of the world upon the basis of right and justice, that it seems to me to be a blunder of the first magnitude for any friend of humanity the "world over to fail to follow his leadership in this particular matter. Richmond, Indiana. October 16, 1920.

palgn to further waterway development in the Mississippi Valley is planned following amalgamation of the

Mississippi Valley Association and the Mississippi Waterways Association, recently effected. Congress will be

asked to complete ail authorized improvements on the Mississippi, Ohio and Missouri Rivers.

Togo territory. tormer German possession in Central Africa, was turned over to French authorities by the British, Oct. 1, according to a dispatch from Paris. The map shows the division of Africa, including the former German colonies, among the European governments.

charge Senator Harding with indefiniteness on the League issue, for he himself is quite as indefinite. The Governor is for "going in," so far as the Wilson League is concerned, "with reservations." But I have watched in vain to see the announcement of his reservation program. Does he sjand merely for "interpretative reservations," or is he willing for additions, eliminations and modifications? Is not the Governor also without a "single constructive program" on reservations? Frankly I do not know what kind of a League he does stand for. Is he for Article X as written? Few will dispute that under this article as written the constitutional right of Congress alone to declare war would not be disturbed, while most Democrats were ready to have that fact more clearly established by some additional interpretative language if necessary. But therein does not lie the monstrous error of Article X. In the first place It binds the United States as one of the parties to the covenant to stand guard over the "terriorial integrity and existing political independence" of members of the League in probably a multitude of instances, in which the United States would have no concern whatever, except as a member of the league, and in which without being a member there would be no question raised of declaring war or furnishing troops. Assails Article X. In the second place, what an incongruous position we would be in. if as a member of the League, our Representative should be agreed with the Representatives of other nations that the members of the League must furnish their armies in a given situation and then Congress should refuse to act: Yet that is what the proponents of the Wilson League propose as an .nswpr to the charges against Section X. If Congress at will may repudiate the action of its Representative at on;

TWO ORGANIZATIONS UNITE

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ST. LOUIS, Mo., Oct. 18. A cam-

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point, why not in all points? And if I

in any or all, wherein lies the value of the League as an effective instrument for international peace. No one questions the legal right of Congress to repudiate the action of the League in Section X if it so desires, but therein does not. lie the chief difficulty. When the United States' Representative has agreed to a resort to arms, everyone knows that every power known to human ingenuity would be brought to bear upon Congress fo declare war, in order that the integrity of the League might not be destroyed, and this quite separate and

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